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fl 


THE 

LIFE  AND  TIMES 

OF 

HANNIBAL  HAMLIN 

BY  HIS  GRANDSON 


CHARLES   EUGENE   HAMLIN 

i\ 


ILLUSTRATED 


PUBLISHED  BY  SUBSCRIPTION 


CAM 

f&rintd»  at  tlje 

1899* 


Vr'X 


COPYRIGHT,   1899,   BY  CHAKLS.t   EUGENE  HAlfLIK 


UNIVERSITY 


AUTHOR'S    PREFACE 


IN  offering  "  The  Life  and  Times  of  Hannibal  Hamlin  "  to  the 
public,  I  beg  to  make  a  brief  explanation.  This  volume  represents 
three  years'  work  on  my  part,  in  which  time  I  have  received  valu 
able  assistance  from  many  sources.  For  the  personal  narrative  I 
am  chiefly  indebted  to  my  father,  General  Charles  Hamlin,  my  grand 
father's  right-hand  man  for  many  years.  He  gathered  material  for 
the  purpose  of  writing  the  biography,  but  was  prevented  on  account 
of  public  and  business  duties.  He  also  rendered  me  invaluable  aid 
in  consultation,  while  the  manuscript  was  being  written.  I  also 
acknowledge  important  help  received  from  John  G.  Nicolay,  Josiah 
H.  Drummond,  Noah  Brooks,  Henry  L.  Dawes,  Albert  E.  H.  John 
son,  John  Conness,  Frank  B.  Fay,  and  others,  in  preparing  the  chap 
ter  which  demonstrates  Lincoln's  desire  for  the  renomination  of  the 
ticket  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  in  1864.  I  would  add  that  my  own 
investigations  into  this  subject  cover  a  period  of  seven  years,  dur 
ing  which  time  I  consulted  and  corresponded  with  many  surviving 
delegates  to  the  Union  Convention  of  1864.  The  genealogical  record 
was  obtained  mostly  from  the  comprehensive  "  Life  of  the  Hamlins," 
by  H.  Franklin  Andrews,  of  Iowa ;  also  from  the  researches  of  Pro 
fessor  Charles  E.  Hamlin,  of  Harvard  University ;  James  H.  Hamlen, 
of  Portland,  Maine,  and  William  Hamlyn,  of  Buckfastleigh,  England. 

The  chief  feature  of  Hannibal  Hamlin's  career  is  his  anti-slavery 
record.  This  is  the  principal  story  of  the  biography,  and  it  includes 
a  substantial  account  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  slave  party  in  Maine, 
as  well  as  in  the  nation.  In  dealing  with  the  struggles  of  the  anti- 
slavery  men  in  Maine,  one  invaluable  authority  was  my  grandfather's 
private  correspondence,  which  included  fully  ten  thousand  letters, 
and  nearly  half  of  which  related  to  this  picturesque  phase  of  Maine 
politics. 

C.   E.  H. 

BANGOR,  MAINE,  January  24,  1899. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   I 

ANCESTRY    OF   THE    HAMLIN   FAMILY 

PAGE 

Descended  from  Teutonic  clans.  —  Represented  in  several  countries.  —  Pil 
grim  and  Revolutionary  Hamlins.  —  Settlers  in  Maine I 

CHAPTER   II 

BIRTH   AND   BIRTHPLACE   OF    HANNIBAL    HAMLIN 

His  parents,  brothers,  and  sisters.  —  How  he  was  named,  and  how  his  life 
was  saved  by  an  Indian  woman.  —  Early  life  at  Paris  Hill 15 

CHAPTER   III 

BOYHOOD   AND   EDUCATION 

Preparing  for  college.  —  Youthful  leadership  and  pranks. —  Influence  of 
Governor  Lincoln.  —  Ambition  to  be  a  soldier  and  actor.  —  Death  of 
father.  —  Loss  of  college  education 24 

CHAPTER    IV 

FARMER,   PRINTER,    AND   LAW    STUDENT 

First  battles  with  life.  —  A  Jackson  Democrat.  —  Stories  of  young  Hamlin's 
political  and  personal  successes 34 

CHAPTER  V 

HANNIBAL   HAMLIN   AS   A   LAWYER 

Student  with  General  Samuel  Fessenden.  —  Proclaims  himself  an  anti-slavery 
man.  —  Marriage  and  legal  career  in  Hampden.  —  Sidney  Bartlett's  esti 
mate  of  Hamlin  as  a  lawyer 41 

CHAPTER   VI 

HAMLIN    IN    THE   LEGISLATURE 

Beginning  of  his  anti-slavery  career.  —  Opposition  to  capital  punishment. — 
Three  times  speaker  of  the  House.  —  Laws  he  originated.  —  Picturesque 
incidents.  —  The  Aroostook  war.  —  Members  of  the  legislature  ....  53 


vi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VII 

ELECTED   TO   CONGRESS 

The  Hamlin-Allen  campaign.  —  Washington  in  1843.  —  Attitude  of  the  par 
ties  on  the  slavery  question.  —  Famous  leaders.  — Edward  Everett  Hale's 
reminiscences  of  Hamlin • 72 

CHAPTER   VIII 

WORK   OF   THE   TWENTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS 

Hamlin's  encounters  with  fire-eaters.  —  Wild  scenes  in  the  House.  —  First 
speech  in  Congress  and  attack  on  the  gag  law.  —  Complimented  by  John 
Quincy  Adams 83 

CHAPTER    IX 

MR.    HAMLIN   AS    A    REFORMER 

Northern   and   Southern   congressmen.  —  Hamlin's  ideas  of  honor.  —  His 

speeches  for  ballot,  pension,  and  postal  reforms 91 

CHAPTER   X 

THE   ANNEXATION    OF   TEXAS 

Reflected  to  Congress.  —  Asked  to  be  candidate  for  speaker.  —  Speech 
against  annexing  Texas,  and  eulogy  of  New  England.  —  Benton's  plan 
to  avert  war  with  Mexico.  —  Corruption  of  the  slave  party 99 

CHAPTER   XI 

MR.    HAMLIN    ON    DUELING 

The  murder  of  Jonathan  Cilley,  of  Maine.  —  Hamlin's  bill  to  expel  duelists 

from  the  House.  —  His  speech,  the  debate  and  defeat  of  resolutions    .     .     113 

CHAPTER  XII 

THE   PARTITION    OF   OREGON 

Plot  of  the  slave  power  to  betray  all  of  Oregon  to  England,  and  partial  frus 
tration  by  the  anti-slavery  Democrats.  —  Hamlin's  best  speech  in  the 
House.  —  John  Quincy  Adams's  part 121 

CHAPTER   XIII 

THE    MEXICAN    WAR 

Planned  by  the  slave  power.  —  Hamlin's  opinions  and  acts.  —  His  opposition 
to  President  Polk's  army  bill,  and  its  defeat.  —  His  belief  in  the  American 
volunteer 139 


CONTENTS  vii 

CHAPTER  XIV 

DEFEATED   FOR   THE   SENATE 

Pro-slavery  leaders  prevent  Hamlin's  election  to  the  Senate.  —  Exciting 
struggle.  —  Six  weeks'  balloting  by  the  legislature.  —  Hamlin's  rejection 
of  all  compromises.  —  Beaten  by  one  vote.  —  The  men  who  stood  by  him 
for  principle 14? 

CHAPTER   XV 

THE   WILMOT   PROVISO 

Authentic  story  of  this  famous  measure.  —  Devised  by  Brinkerhoff,  offered 
by  Wilmot  and  Hamlin.  —  Polk's  plan  to  defeat  it.  —  An  exciting 
moment  in  the  House 155 

CHAPTER   XVI 

THE   CONSPIRACY   AGAINST    OREGON 

Attempt  of  the  slave  power  to  force  slavery  into  Oregon. —  Hamlin  leads 
the  Free-Soil  movement.  —  His  speeches  and  the  defeat  of  the  plot  .  .  163 

CHAPTER  XVII 

ELECTED    TO   THE   SENATE 

Hamlin  chosen  by  one  vote  majority  to  succeed  Fairfield.  —  Incidents  of  a 
close  contest,  and  the  men  who  supported  him.  —  Senator  Hamlin  for 
Levi  Woodbury  for  President.  —  Supports  Cass  unwillingly,  and  opposes 
his  brother  for  governor 170 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

MR.    HAMLIN   IN    THE   SENATE 

Sketches  of  Benton,  Webster,  Clay,  Calhoun,  and  other  giants.  —  His  first 
speech.  —  Exposition  of  the  Clayton  bill  to  steal  slavery  into  Oregon.  — 
Lincoln's  estimate  of  this  speech 182 

CHAPTER   XIX 

THE    COMPROMISES   OF    1850 

Senator  Hamlin's  opposition.  —  President  Taylor's  revelation  to  him  of  the 
plot  to  destroy  the  Union.  —  A  dramatic  rebuke  to  the  conspirators.  — 
Hamlin's  speech  to  admit  California  as  a  free  State 196 

CHAPTER  XX 
MR.  HAMLIN'S  WORK  IN  THE  SENATE 

Chairman  of  Committee  on  Commerce.  —  Important  measures  he  devised.  — 
Now  a  working  senator.  —  His  friendship  for  Thomas  H.  Benton,  Jeffer 
son  Davis,  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  John  Davis,  and  other  famous  colleagues  .  216 


viii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XXI 
HAMLIN'S  HARDEST  CONTEST  WITH  THE  SLAVE  POWER 

Renominated  for  the  Senate,  and  bolted  by  the  pro-slavery  leaders.  —  Oppo 
sition  of  Governor  Dana,  Nathan  Clifford,  Bion  Bradbury,  and  others.  — 
Help  from  the  Free-Soilers  elects  him  by  one  votg  after  two  months'  bal 
loting. —  The  "  Hamlin  Guard  " 234 

CHAPTER   XXII 

PRESIDENTIAL    CAMPAIGN    OF    1852 

Hamlin  and  Benton  manage  Judge  Woodbury's  candidacy.  —  Letters  from 
Benton  to  Hamlin.  —  His  ideas  as  to  qualifications  for  the  presidency. — 
How  Pierce  was  nominated 252 

CHAPTER   XXIII 

THE   PIERCE   ADMINISTRATION 

F'all  of  Franklin  Pierce.  —  Hamlin's  warning  to  the  Democracy  if  it  should 
abrogate  the  Missouri  Compromise.  —  Story  of  that  betrayal  of  pledges. 
—  Names  of  those  who  voted  for  and  against  it  in  Congress 260 

CHAPTER   XXIV 

MR.    HAMLIN    LEAVES   THE   DEMOCRACY 

The  Kansas  outrages,  nomination  of  Buchanan,  and  Hamlin's  withdrawal 
from  the  slave  party.  —  His  speech  on  resigning  chairmanship  of  the 
Committee  on  Commerce 275 

CHAPTER  XXV 

HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 

Comments  on  his  exit  from  the  Democracy.  —  Favors  McLean  for  Presi 
dent. —  Nominated  for  governor  by  the  Republicans  of  Maine.  —  Re 
united  politically  with  his  brother.  —  Elected  governor.  —  The  unique 
campaign  of  1856.  —  Mentioned  for  President  and  declines 292 

CHAPTER  XXVI 

GOVERNOR   AND   SENATOR 

Chief  magistrate  of  Maine  six  weeks.  —  Returned  to  the  Senate.  —  Republi 
can  fathers  in  the  Senate.  — The  battle  for  Kansas.  —  Hamlin's  reply  to 
"Mudsill"  Hammond 3H 

CHAPTER  XXVII 

LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN 

Movement  to  nominate  Hamlin  for  President.  —  Forbids  use  of  his  name  for 
either  place  on  ticket.  —  Secures  Lincoln  delegates  in  Maine.— Nomi 
nated  for  Vice-President  and  forced  to  accept  33 * 


CONTENTS  ix 

CHAPTER  XXVIII 

ELECTION    OF   LINCOLN    AND    HAMLIN 

The  contesting  parties.  —  Campaign  in  Maine.  —  Mr.  Hamlin's  manage 
ment.  —  His  speech  and  tribute  to  Lincoln.  —  Songs  and  incidents  of 
the  election 352 

CHAPTER  XXIX 

MR.    LINCOLN    AND    MR.    HAMLIN    MEET 

The  Cabinet  discussed  and  partially  selected  at  their  first  interview.  —  Why 
Mr.  Hamlin  selected  Gideon  Welles  for  the  Cabinet.  —  Lincoln's  silence 
over  the  critical  situation.  —  Letters  between  the  President  and  Vice- 
President  elect 366 

CHAPTER  XXX 

FORMATION   OF  THE   CONFEDERACY 

The  acts  of  the  responsible  conspirators.  —  Mr.  Hamlin's  estimates  of  James 
Buchanan  and  Jefferson  Davis.  —  His  protest  against  the  Crittenden 
compromise,  and  prediction  of  war.  —  His  receptions  on  the  way  to 
Washington 376 

CHAPTER  XXXI 
THE  SLAVEHOLDERS'  REBELLION 

Inauguration  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin,  and  beginning  of  their  historic  friend 
ship.  —  The  President  as  the  Vice-President  saw  him.  —  Lincoln  hope 
ful  for  peace;  Hamlin  sure  of  war  ;  Se ward  optimistic 391 


CHAPTER   XXXII 

FIRST   YEARS    OF   THE   REBELLION 

The  record  of  Maine  and  her  soldiers.  —  Vice-President  Hamlin's  work  in 
the  Pine  Tree  State. —  He  describes  his  relations  with  Mr.  Lincoln.— 
Ingratitude  of  Welles  to  his  benefactor.  —  Discouragement  over  the  man 
agement  of  the  war 406 

CHAPTER  XXXIII 

EMANCIPATION    OF   THE   SLAVES 

Vice-President  Hamlin  urges  President  Lincoln  to  free  and  arm  the  slaves. 
—  Mr.  Lincoln  shows  him  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  first,  and  gives 
him  order  to  enlist  the  colored  men.  —  Mr.  Hamlin's  son  an  officer  in  the 
negro  troops 420 


x  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   XXXIV 
MR.  HAMLIN'S  PART  IN  THE  WAR 

The  Vice-President  speaks  in  Maine,  visits  the  soldiers  in  camp,  advises  the 

President  to  dismiss  McClellan. —  Touching  incidents 436 

CHAPTER   XXXV* 

MR.   HAMLIN    SUPPORTED    PRESIDENT    LINCOLN 

Growing  discontent  with  the  President.  —  True  worth  of  the  Radical  Repub 
licans.  —  They  want  another  President.  —  Mr.  Hamlin  induces  them  to 
support  Mr.  Lincoln.  —  The  Vice-President  condemns  the  Copperheads  .  449 

CHAPTER   XXXVI 

THE    HISTORY    OF   JOHNSON'S    NOMINATION 

Mr.  Hamlin  defeated  for  renomination  by  an  intrigue  and  the  falsification  of 
a  delegation.  —  President  Lincoln  his  friend  and  supporter.  —  Testimony 
of  Nicolay,  Hay,  Brooks,  James  Harlan,  Lot  M.  Morrill,  Henry  L.  Dawes, 
and  many  others  who  knew  Lincoln 461 

CHAPTER   XXXVII 

COLLECTOR   OF   BOSTON 

President  Lincoln  offers  Mr.  Hamlin  cabinet  appointment.  —  His  death  and 
Mr.  Hamlin's  sorrow.  —  Johnson  drunk  when  inaugurated  Vice-Presi 
dent.  —  Mr.  Hamlin  collector  of  port  of  Boston 490 

CHAPTER   XXXVIII 

REFLECTED   TO   THE   SENATE 

The  perfidy  of  Andrew  Johnson.  —  Mr.  Hamlin  resigns  collectorship  of  Bos 
ton. —  His  probable  course  had  he  been  President.  —  Builds  a  railroad. 
—  The  great  senatorial  election  of  1869 504 

CHAPTER   XXXIX 

THE   GRANT   ADMINISTRATIONS 

Mr.  Hamlin's  relations  with  Grant  and  estimate  of  him.  —  His  personal 
influence  in  Congress,  and  the  measures  he  supported.  —  The  Southern 
question.  —  Sumner's  quarrel  with  Grant  and  his  dismissal.  —  Mr.  Ham 
lin  for  arbitration 5*9 

CHAPTER   XL 

LAST   TERM   IN   THE   SENATE 

Mr.  Hamlin's  antagonism  to  President  Hayes. —  His  rank  in  the  Senate. — 
Speech  on  the  Chinese  question,  and  belief  in  the  republic.  —  Declines  a 
reelection. —  Receptions  at  Washington  and  Bangor. — Tributes  from 
his  associates.  —  Pen  picture  of  Mr.  Hamlin  by  George  F.  Hoar  .  .  .  535 


CONTENTS  xi 

CHAPTER  XLI 

MINISTER   TO    SPAIN 

Mr.  Hamlin  helps  defeat  the  third  term  movement.  —  Garfield  appoints  him 
minister  to  Spain.  —  He  meets  President  GreVy.  —  Impressions  of 
France,  England,  Italy,  and  Spain.  —  The  people,  and  the  King  and 
Queen.  —  Home,  and  in  retirement 553 

CHAPTER   XLII 

THE   LAST    YEARS 

Pictures  and  stories  of  home  life.  —  Mr.  Hamlin's  impressions  of  public  men 
he  knew.  —  His  personal  habits,  tastes,  fondness  for  pets,  his  sketches 
of  Lincoln.  —  Asks  the  nation  to  make  the  Emancipator's  birthday  a  holi 
day.  —  Death  568 

SUPPLEMENT 591 

INDEX 619 


LIST   OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

HANNIBAL  HAMLIN Frontispiece 

EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  DOMESDAY  BOOK 2 

ANNA  LIVERMORE  HAMLIN  AND  DR.  CYRUS  HAMLIN 12 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN 16 

HAMLIN'S  LAW  OFFICE 44 

REPRESENTATIVE  HAMLIN,  JET.  36 80 

ANTI-SLAVERY  LEADERS  IN  CONGRESS  OF  1845 90 

SENATOR  HAMLIN,  JET.  39 178 

EARLY  ASSOCIATES  IN  THE  SENATE 182 

ANTE-BELLUM  MAINE  LEADERS 234 

LINCOLN  AND  HAMLIN 330 

REPUBLICAN  LEADERS  IN  CONGRESS  OF  1861 410 

LINCOLN  READING  THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION  TO  HAMLIN   .     .  428 

REPUBLICAN  LEADERS  IN  MAINE 514 

LATER  ASSOCIATES  IN  CONGRESS 520 

SENATOR  HAMLIN,  1876 548 

HANNIBAL  HAMLIN,  ,ET.  80 568 


x^T 

Y 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

OF 

HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 


CHAPTER   I 

ANCESTRY    OF    THE    HAMLIN    FAMILY 

THE  Hamlins  are  believed  to  have  been  Teutonic  tribes,  clans,  or 
nations  of  people  who  lived  along  the  banks  of  the  rivers  and  lakes  in 
the  far-off  ages  of  old  Germany.  The  name  Hamlin  is  probably  of 
locative  origin,  being  derived  from  the  old  Saxon  words  "  ham  "  and 
"lin"  or  "lyna,"  which  mean  home  and  pool.  Hence,  etymologists 
hold  that  a  "hamlin"  or  "hamlyn"  was  "the  home  by  the  pool,"  and 
that  the  Hamlin  or  Hamlyn  was  the  person  who  lived  by  the  pool. 
A  circumstance  that  appears  to  bear  out  this  theory  is  the  fact  that 
Hamlins  are  now  living  in  the  ancient  town  of  Hamelin,  in  Hanover, 
at  the  confluence  of  the  rivers  Hamel  and  Weser,  which  is  the  town 
made  famous  in  the  legend  of  "The  Pied  Piper  of  Hamelin,"  by 
Robert  Browning.  There  are  other  seats  in  Germany  whose  names 
seem  also  to  uphold  the  theory  concerning  the  origin  of  the  name  of 
Hamlin,  and  to  indicate  that  the  Hamlins  were  spoken  of  as  a  dis 
tinctive  tribe,  clan,  or  nation,  as  the  Highlanders  of  Scotland,  for 
example,  are  spoken  of  in  distinction  from  other  branches  of  the  Scot 
tish  race.  Many  surnames  were  derived  in  this  way,  and  when 
Germany  emerged  from  barbarism,  Hamlin  became  a  family  name. 
Bearers  of  this  name  gradually  found  their  way  into  other  countries, 
and  now  the  Hamlins  are  an  immense  representative  family  in  Ger 
many,  France,  England,  Canada,  and  the  United  States  of  America. 
There  are  various  ways  of  spelling  the  name,  —  Hamlin,  Hamlyn, 
Hamblin,  Hamblen,  Hamline,  Hamlyne.  In  early  times  members 
of  a  family  often  spelled  their  common  name  differently,  and  this 
accounts  for  the  various  ways  in  which  this  surname  is  now  written. 
In  the  United  States  it  is  generally  spelled  Hamlin ;  in  England, 
Hamlyn  ;  in  France  it  is  Hamelin,  —  the  name  of  the  distinguished 
admiral  who  commanded  a  fleet  in  the  Crimean  war,  and  that  also 
borne  by  many  Huguenot  families. 

The  American  Hamlins  are  descended  from  the  English  branch  of 


2  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

their  race,  whose  origin  is  clearly  proved  by  the  old  Norman  and 
English  chronicles.  The  first  authentic  records  of  individual  Hamlins 
were  made  by  William  the  Conqueror,  in  his  "  Battle  Abbey  Roll " 
and  "  Domesday  Book."  When  he  planned  his  invasion  of  England 
to  take  the  throne  from  Harold,  he  gathered  his  army  for  embarka 
tion  at  Dives,  France,  in  1066.  He  assembled  an  army  of  about  sixty 
thousand  knights  and  soldiers,  who  were  of  the  flower  of  Norman, 
French,  and  German  arms.  Before  the  departure  William  had  a  roll 
made  of  his  knightly  companions,  who  were  about  five  hundred  in 
number,  and  placed  it  in  the  old  cathedral  in  Dives,  where  it  may  be 
seen  to-day.  On  this  roll  is  inscribed  the  name  of  Hamlin  de  Balon, 
the  first  Hamlin  to  appear  in  authentic  records.  After  the  battle  of 
Hastings,  William,  to  commemorate  his  victory  over  the  English, 
built  the  Battle  Abbey  on  the  field  of  his  triumph,  and  to  perpetu 
ate  the  names  of  his  knightly  companions  who  fought  under  his  ban 
ner  he  had  a  second  roll  made,  which  he  caused  to  be  placed  in  Battle 
Abbey.  This  roll,  it  is  supposed,  was  removed  to  Cowdray  House, 
near  Midhurst,  and  lost  when  that  ancient  seat  was  destroyed  by  fire 
in  1793.  But  fortunately  many  copies  of  the  original  record  were 
taken  and  safely  preserved.  While  some  of  these  copies  are  obviously 
incorrect,  having  had  names  added  to  them,  yet  the  name  of  Hamelin 
de  Balon  appears  on  all,  and  on  some  without  descriptive  title. 

English  authorities l  hold  that  some  names  on  the  "  Battle  Abbey 
Roll"  represent  families,  and  if  this  theory  be  true  the  name  Hamelin, 
in  this  instance,  stands  for  several  men  of  that  name.  There  are  no 
trustworthy  records  that  show  how  many  Hamlins  were  among  the 
Normans  at  Hastings ;  but  there  is  convincing  evidence  that  there 
were  at  least  two  knights  among  William's  companions,  and  many 
among  the  soldiers.  When  William  set  about  completing  his  subju 
gation  of  England  he  had  the  "  Domesday  Book  "  written  in  two  vol 
umes,  in  1086,  which  is  the  authoritative  record  of  his  division  of  land 
among  his  trusted  companions.  In  this  are  the  names  of  Hamelin, 
Sire  de  Balon,  and  Hamelin,  sometimes  spoken  of,  and  published,  as 
Hamelinus.2  In  old  English  chronicles,  such  as  land  patents  and 
other  documentary  evidence  reproduced  by  Worthy,  the  English  his 
torian,  there  are  other  records  which  show  that  after  the  battle  of 
Hastings  large  tracts  of  land  in  various  parts  of  England,  mostly  in 
Cornwall  and  Devonshire,  were  apportioned  in  small  allotments  to 
other  Hamlins,  who,  it  is  thought,  came  from  Germany ;  but  this  is 
not  pertinent  to  the  narrative  which  is  confined  to  the  ancestors  of 
the  American  branch  of  the  Hamlin  family,  and  is,  therefore,  of  no 
special  interest  to  these  pages. 

1  Charles  Worthy's  history  of  The  Suburbs  of  Exeter. 

a  In  the  Domesday  Book  it  is  spelled  Hamelin.     See  illustration. 


W«P^ 

3?  .Mitt* 


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ANCESTRY   OF   THE   HAMLIN    FAMILY  3 

Hamelin,  Sire  de  Balon,  was  a  man  of  some  distinction  as  implied 
by  his  title,  which  means  that  he  was  the  lord  of  Balon,  a  town  in 
France.  He  was  also  "  the  son  of  a  great  Norman  chieftain,  Dieu  de 
Baladun  or  Balure,"  as  noted  in  Coxe's  "Monmouthshire."  It  is  sug 
gested  by  Worthy  that  Hamelin,  Sire  de  Balon,  and  Hamelin  or  Hame- 
linus  were  related,  possibly  brothers,  but  while  this  is  not  susceptible 
of  documentary  proof  there  seems  to  be  moral  evidence  that  there 
was  a  relationship  between  the  two  knights,  in  the  similarity  of  their 
names,  nationality,  rank,  and  crossing  of  fortunes.  William's  con 
fidence  in  the  two  Hamlins  is  proof  of  their  Norman  origin,  for  when 
he  subjected  the  English  people  to  his  severe  process  of  subjugation 
by  compelling  them  to  accept  Norman  lords,  officers,  speech,  ways, 
and  customs,  he  placed  only  Normans  on  guard.  William  ordered 
the  Sire  de  Balon  to  take  command  of  the  territory  of  Ober-went,  in 
Monmouthshire,  where  he  built  the  castle  of  Bergavenny,  at  the 
king's  command,  and  ruled  there  over  his  subjects  until  his  death. 
To  the  other  Hamelin,  William,  or  his  half-brother  Robert,  the  Earl 
of  Montaigne,  gave  twenty-two  manors  of  land  in  Cornwall  and 
Devonshire.  In  Devonshire  Hamelin,  according  to  the  "Domes 
day  Book,"  had  the  lordship  over  Hamistone,  which  is  now  called 
Broadhempstone,  and  also  Alwington,  under  the  Earl  of  Montaigne, 
a  circumstance  that  indicates  that  he  sustained  close  relations  with 
Robert.  The  Sire  de  Balon  died  childless  at  about  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  William  Rufus,  and  bequeathed  his  estate  to  Brian,  the  son 
of  his  sister  Lucy.  Brian  settled  the  property  on  his  cousin,  Walter 
of  Gloucester,  then  High  Constable  of  England.  Walter's  son  was 
created  Earl  of  Hereford,  but  his  male  line  became  extinct.  One  of 
his  daughters  became  the  wife  of  Sir  William  Braose,  and  their 
descendant,  Eva,  married  William  de  Cantilupe.  He  succeeded 
Hamelin  in  the  lordship  of  Broadhempstone,  a  fact  which  might  have 
been  simply  a  curious  coincidence,  or  yet  might  have  been  due  to  the 
relationship  existing  between  the  houses  of  the  two  Hamlins. 

Hamelin  most  probably  came  to  Cornwall  in  the  immediate  train 
of  the  Earl  of  Montaigne,  and  there  founded  the  family  from  which 
the  American  Hamlins  are  descended.  He  was  in  command  of  a 
large  body  of  men  and  exercised  much  power  in  Cornwall,  but 
besides  these  facts  not  much  of  interest  is  known  of  him.  He  had 
a  numerous  progeny ;  and  the  name  Hamlin  frequently  occurs  in  the 
early  records  of  Cornwall  in  ways  which  show  that  the  Hamlins  of 
that  time  were  large  landholders  and  held  high  social  positions.  It 
is  a  fact  at  least  worthy  of  mention,  that  from  the  time  the  Phoeni 
cians  discovered  Cornwall  and  worked  its  tin  mines,  up  to  the  pre 
sent,  Hannibal 1  was  a  favorite  Christian  name  among  the  people  of 
1  Hannibal  means  "favor  of  Baal." 


4  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Cornwall.  But  most  of  the  descendants  of  Hamelin  eventually  mi 
grated  to  Devonshire,  and  the  main  branch  of  the  English  Hamlins 
is,  therefore,  chiefly  identified  with  its  history.  To-day  they  are  one 
of  the  representative  families  of  Devonshire ;  and  it  is  due  to  their 
energy  that  the  woolen  business,  the  staple  industry  of  the  old  county, 
still  flourishes  in  the  valley  of  the  Dart. 

Many  other  Hamlins  also  settled  in  Leicestershire,  Warwickshire, 
Worcestershire,  Oxfordshire,  Gloucestershire,  and  Rutland  after  the 
battle  of  Hastings,  and  came  into  possession  of  large  land  interests. 
It  is  possible  that  they  entered  William's  army  from  the  town  of 
Hamelin,  which  is  but  twenty  miles  from  Hanover.  But  this  is  con 
jecture,  although  the  fact  that  they  became  landowners  simultane 
ously  in  various  counties  after  Hastings  would  seem  to  be  moral  evi 
dence  that  they  rendered  William  services.  From  the  Norman  period 
the  records  of  certain  counties  of  England  bear  testimony  to  the  num 
bers  and  political  and  social  position  of  the  Hamlins.  Thus  a  Hamelin, 
a  descendant  of  Hamelin,  was  Reeve  of  Launceston  in  1207.  In 
1260  Sir  William  Hamlyn  was  member  of  Parliament  from  Totnes. 
Sir  John  Hamelin  was  a  conspicuous  representative  of  the  descend 
ants  of  Hamelinus  in  the  early  part  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and 
his  effigy  may  now  be  seen  in  the  old  church  at  Wymondham. 
Under  Edward  the  Fourth,  William  Hamelin  was  sheriff  of  the 
counties  of  Leicester  and  Lincoln.  Geoffry  Hamlin  also  had  a  com 
mission  to  protect  the  Black  Prince  in  Gascony.  In  1468  John 
Hamlyn  was  mayor  of  Exeter;  in  1499  Nicolas  held  the  same 
office,  and  Henry  Hamlyn  in  1526  and  1538.  James  Hamlyn,  of 
Cloverly,  was  created  baronet  in  1795.  But  the  list  is  too  long  to  be 
extended  further  beyond  the  beginning  of  the  Hamlins'  history  in  the 
New  World. 

The  pioneer  Pilgrims,  who  came  to  this  continent  in  1620,  as  a 
result  of  religious  persecutions,  were  followed  by  a  second  group  of 
English  men  and  women  who  shared  their  convictions.  The  men 
were  mostly  graduates  of  Cambridge,  and  held  about  the  same  social 
status  as  Cromwell,  Hampden,  and  Prynne.1  It  was  a  remarkable 
body  of  men  and  women  ;  they  voluntarily  gave  up  comfortable  homes 
and  good  social  positions  in  England  in  exchange  for  a  hazardous 
life  in  a  wilderness.  James  Hamlin,  of  Devonshire,  was  one  of  this 
number.  Not  much  is  known  about  him,  but  his  acts  tell  their  own 
story.  He  was  the  son  of  Giles  Hamlin,  of  Devonshire,  and  a  brother 
of  Thomas  Hamlin,  of  London,  who  had  the  privilege  of  inscribing 
himself  "gentleman."  James  is  the  ancestor  of  the  larger  part  of 
the  Hamlin  race  in  this  Republic.  He  made  a  voyage  to  Cape  Cod 
unaccompanied  by  his  family,  and  there  made  a  home  for  them  at 

1  John  Fiske's  American  Political  Ideas. 


ANCESTRY   OF   THE   HAMLIN   FAMILY  5 

Barnstable.  He  then  returned  to  England,  and  in  1639  brought  back 
his  wife  and  several  children.  A  numerous  progeny  was  also  spiting 
from  Captain  Giles  Hamlin,  who  immigrated  to  Middletown,  Conn.,  in 
1650.  It  is  supposed  that  James  and  Giles  were  brothers,  but  their 
relationship,  like  the  connection  between  Sire  de  Balon  and  Hameli- 
nus,  was  never  determined.  At  the  time  Giles  came  to  this  country, 
Lewis  Hamelin,  of  France,  settled  in  Canada  and  established  the 
Hamlin  family  of  that  part  of  the  continent. 

Cape  Cod  was  a  bleak  and  desolate  spot  when  James  Hamlin  and 
his  companions  took  up  their  life  there.  The  country  was  flat  and 
sandy,  and  the  soil  was  hardly  capable  of  cultivation.  The  land  was 
apportioned  among  the  settlers,  and  after  much  toil  they  founded  the 
ancient  and  historical  town  of  Barnstable,  and  James  Hamlin  was  one 
of  the  thirteen  incorporators.  The  land  that  he  received  was  called 
Hamlin's  Plains,  and  his  house  remained  standing  for  many  years 
after  his  death.  Hamlin  was  also  a  friend  and  a  follower  of  the 
famous  Pilgrim  preacher,  John  Lothrop,  who  managed  to  supply  the 
needs  of  the  church  at  Barnstable  for  years,  in  addition  to  his  duties 
at  Scituate.  Hamlin  is  supposed  to  have  come  to  this  country  in  the 
same  ship  with  Lothrop.  In  1690  James  Hamlin  died,  full  of  years, 
—  he  must  have  been  fully  eighty,  —  leaving  a  good  name  and  a  large 
family  of  children,  most  of  whom  were  born  at  Barnstable.  Five  sons 
are  supposed  to  have  survived  their  father ;  and  an  amusing  tradition 
has  been  handed  down  concerning  them  that  illustrates  the  indiffer 
ence  people  of  this  period  showed  about  their  family  name.  It  is 
said,  and  the  story  appears  well  borne  out  by  facts,  that  when  James 
made  his  will  and  spelled  his  surname  Hamlin,  his  sons  agreed  that 
each  should  spell  it  differently. 

When  the  Pilgrims  settled  in  Massachusetts  the  Indians  were  dis 
posed  to  be  friendly.  There  were  five  hundred  or  more  living  around 
the  neighborhood  of  Cape  Cod,  and  they  gave  the  people  of  Barn- 
stable  no  trouble.  But  as  the  English  began  to  get  a  foothold,  to 
multiply  and  extend  their  interests,  the  Indians  became  alarmed  and 
jealous.  The  old  story  of  a  weaker  people  retiring  before  a  stronger 
people  was  repeated.  The  Indian  was  wronged  by  the  freebooters  of 
all  nations  that  ravaged  these  shores,  but  he  was  never  destined  to 
be  civilized.  He  was  a  passing  phase,  a  picturesque  figure  in  the 
human  family.  Contact  with  Anglo-Saxon  civilization  shivered  and 
finally  broke  him.  While  the  Indian  was  shamefully  treated  in  many 
respects  by  the  whites,  his  cruelty  and  treachery  towards  his  own 
race  must  not  be  forgotten.  He  had  noble  qualities,  but  at  the  same 
time  he  had  also  the  nature  of  a  savage.  To  the  honor  of  the  Pil 
grims  it  must  be  recorded  that  their  treatment  of  the  Indian  was  in 
the  main  generous  and  humane,  albeit  they  were  guilty  of  some  high- 


6  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

handed  acts.  The  conflict  between  the  Pilgrims  and  the  Indians,  in 
the  Narragansett  war,  was  precipitated  by  Philip  to  check  the  advance 
of  the  English,  not  to  retaliate  on  them  for  any  acts  of  cruelty  or 
oppression. 

Philip,  king  of  the  Wampanoags,  was  a  great  warrior,  the  Vercinge- 
torix  of  his  people.  In  1675  ^e  formed  the  tribes  of  New  England 
into  a  league  to  exterminate  the  English.*  It  was  war  to  the  knife, 
and  the  English,  calling  their  best  fighters,  prepared  to  break  the 
Indians'  power  in  New  England.  The  Narragansett  war  was  a  period 
of  terrible  tension  and  suffering  for  the  English  ;  an  experience  with 
a  new  kind  of  warfare,  lurking  foes  and  ambuscades,  with  one  brilliant 
battle  which,  judged  by  results,  should  be  ranked  among  the  great 
battles  in  history.  The  English  decided  that  to  put  the  war  to  an 
end  they  would  have  to  find  Philip  and  strike  him  an  unexpected 
blow.  Philip  was  in  camp  in  a  large  swamp,  where  the  town  of  King 
ston,  R.  I.,  is  now  located.  In  the  bitterest  of  December  weather, 
the  English,  over  a  thousand  strong,  marched  all  one  day  and  night 
through  forests  and  swamps  to  Pattyswamscott,  Over  four  hundred 
of  their  number  were  overcome  by  the  piercing  cold,  but  the  re 
mainder  of  the  English  pressed  on.  They  had  the  bull-dog  stuff 
their  kinsmen  showed  at  Waterloo  and  their  descendants  exhibited 
at  Little  Round  Top.  They  completely  surprised  Philip,  and  routed 
him  after  a  desperate  battle  of  six  hours.  Seven  hundred  warriors 
were  killed,  and  probably  over  three  hundred  died  from  their  wounds. 
Philip  was  killed  not  long  after.  The  battle  of  Pattyswamscott  de 
stroyed  all  hopes  the  Indians  had  of  success  in  that  part  of  New 
England,  and  they  gradually  withdrew  until  forced  out  completely 
by  the  French  and  Indian  wars.  The  importance  of  the  victory  at 
Pattyswamscott  was  recognized  by  the  Massachusetts  General  Court 
in  1685,  in  grants  of  lands  to  the  soldiers  and  their  survivors.  Among 
those  who  received  land  were  Bartholomew  and  Eleazer  Hamlin,  sons 
of  James,  who  marched  in  Captain  Gorham's  company.  In  his  com 
pany  of  one  hundred  men,  thirty  were  killed,  including  Captain  Gor- 
ham,  and  forty  were  wounded.  The  land  the  Hamlins  received  is 
now  the  site  of  the  town  of  Gorham,  Maine,  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  they  ever  claimed  it. 

The  French  and  Indian  wars  followed,  and  in  this  struggle  between 
the  English  and  the  French  for  the  supremacy  of  this  continent,  the 
seeds  of  American  nationality  were  sown.  The  colonies  had  little  in 
common  up  to  this  time.  New  York  was  settled  by  the  Dutch,  who 
had  no  love  for  the  Pilgrims  and  Puritans  of  New  England.  Penn 
sylvania  was  settled  by  the  Quakers,  who  were  disliked  by  their 
neighbors.  The  Southern  Cavaliers  were,  moreover,  a  race  by  them 
selves.  But  a  common  interest  drew  the  colonies  together  in  the  five 


ANCESTRY   OF   THE   HAMLIN   FAMILY  7 

French  and  Indian  wars.  The  success  of  the  French  would  mean 
that  the  country  would  be  Catholicized,  and  so  Pilgrim,  Puritan, 
Knickerbocker,  and  Cavalier  fought  for  their  religious  independence 
side  by  side  until  the  fall  of  Quebec,  which  is  now  ranked  as  the 
greatest  event  in  the  history  of  this  continent  since  its  discovery. 
Many  Hamlins  fought  in  the  French  and  Indian  wars.  Among  the 
descendants  of  James  was  Gersham  Hamlin,  who  is  supposed  to  have 
fallen  by  the  side  of  Wolfe  at  Quebec,  or  in  a  battle  fought  by  the 
Earl  of  Loudon.  Seth  Hamlin,  of  Barnstable,  was  a  lieutenant. 
Jacob,  another  kinsman,  of  the  Cape  Cod  family,  and  who  was  one 
of  the  first  of  his  race  to  come  to  Maine,  was  one  of  the  pioneers  of 
Gorham  who  held  the  fort  of  that  town  against  the  assaults  of  the 
Pequakets  and  their  allies.  He  was  afterwards  a  prominent  business 
man  of  Gorham.  It  is  among  the  records  of  that  old  town  that  he 
gave  a  negro  slave  his  freedom. 

The  Hamlins  continued  to  live  in  and  around  Barnstable  a  long 
time  as  an  unbroken  family,  and  their  numbers  rapidly  increased. 
They  are  spoken  of  in  the  history  and  chronicles  of  Cape  Cod  as 
good  citizens,  church-going  and  patriotic  people.  James,  the  second 
son  of  the  ancestor,  was  the  father  of  ten  children.  His  third  son, 
Eleazer,  through  whom  the  descent  of  interest  to  this  biography  is 
preserved,  was  in  turn  the  father  of  seven  children.  It  was  probably 
his  son  Benjamin  who  maintained  the  line,  although  the  historians 
and  genealogists  do  not  agree  on  this  point,  since  there  were  several 
Benjamin  Hamlins  at  this  time.  His  wife  bore  him  eight  children, 
the  seventh  of  whom  was  Eleazer,  the  grandfather  of  Hannibal  Ham 
lin,  and  a  man  of  prominence  in  revolutionary  times.  He  was  born 
about  1737,  and  at  an  early  age  struck  out  for  himself.  He  settled 
in  Pembroke,  Mass.,  where  he  became  a  large  farmer,  and  married 
Lydia  Bonney,  who  bore  him  eleven  children.  She  died,  and  he 
married  a  widow  named  Bryant,  who  presented  him  with  six  more 
children,  so  that  when  the  war  of  independence  broke  out  Eleazer 
Hamlin  had  a  family  of  seventeen  children  and  a  large  farm  to  take 
care  of ;  but  he  was  a  sturdy  patriot,  and  his  services  in  the  Revolu 
tion  are  interesting  and  worthy  of  commemoration. 

Eleazer  Hamlin  is  described  as  a  large,  powerful,  and  energetic 
man,  with  a  kindly  disposition  and  decidedly  independent  and  original 
nature.  He  was  well  educated  considering  his  opportunities,  and  had 
strong  common  sense  and  a  shrewd  knowledge  of  men.  While  he 
supported  the  church,  it  is  quite  evident  that  he  had  his  own  ideas 
about  Puritanism  and  thoroughly  enjoyed  life.  One  amusing  illustra 
tion  of  his  originality  is  his  attack  on  the  nomenclature  that  had  been 
handed  down  and  preserved  with  a  clannish-like  tenacity  in  the  Hamlin 
family  for  many  generations.  In  the  annals  of  the  grim  Cape  Cod 


8  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

era  of  his  family  Eleazer  Hamlin  found  an  array  of  Biblical  and  sym 
bolical  names  like  Job,  Thankful,  Experience,  Desire,  Elkanah,  Be- 
thias,  Melanthiah,  Mehetable,  Shobal,  Ichabod,  Deliverance,  Content,- 
Zaccheus,  Hopestill,  Tobiatha,  and  Elnathan.  He  made  a  departure 
in  the  matter  of  nomenclature  after  a  false  start.  He  was  well  read 
on  the  history  of  war,  and  being  a  great  admirer  of  Scipio  Africanus, 
he  named  one  of  his  eldest  sons  for  that  Roman  general.  But  every 
body  insisted  on  calling  the  lad  Africa.  This  gave  Hamlin  a  hint,  and 
he  called  his  son  in  honor  of  the  continent  of  that  name,  and  children 
that  followed  Africa  were  named  America,  Europe,  and  Asia.  Twin 
sons  were  finally  born,  and  these  received  the  names  of  Hannibal  and 
Cyrus,  in  honor  of  the  Carthaginian  and  Persian  generals. 

A  story  is  told  of  Eleazer  Hamlin's  love  of  fun.  One  day  he 
ordered  two  of  his  boys  to  do  some  work  on  his  farm.  Presently  he 
heard  them  shouting  with  laughter,  and  proceeded  to  investigate  the 
cause.  A  stream  of  water  with  high  banks  ran  through  his  farm.  On 
one  of  the  banks  were  the  boys,  and  a  short  distance  away  was  a  large 
ram,  that  belonged  on  the  farm.  The  boys  had  a  red  handkerchief, 
and  when  they  waved  it  the  ram  would  rush  at  them,  full  tilt ;  then 
the  boys  would  drop  quickly  on  the  ground,  and  the  ram,  carried  on 
by  his  weight,  would  go  flying  into  the  stream  below.  At  first  Hamlin 
was  incensed  at  this  disobedience  of  his  orders.  In  stentorian  tones 
he  shouted,  "  Boys,  what  are  you  '  kiveering '  around  here  for  ?  Be 
gone  about  your  business,  sirs  ! "  While  the  crestfallen  lads  were 
slinking  off  to  their  work,  their  father  stood  on  the  bank,  meditating 
on  the  ram  and  wondering  if  he  enjoyed  the  boy's  fun  as  much  as 
would  appear.  There  seemed  but  one  way  to  find  out,  and  that  was 
to  make  a  test  himself.  He  took  out  his  own  red  handkerchief  and 
signaled  to  the  ram,  who  accepted  the  challenge  and  started  for  his 
master.  But,  alas  for  Mr.  Hamlin  ;  he  was  too  heavy  to  move  as 
quickly  as  his  sons  ;  the  ram  struck  him  fair  and  square  in  the  back. 
The  ram  and  Eleazer  went  over  the  bank  together,  unable  to  stop 
themselves.  The  boys,  hearing  the  ram  charge,  ran  up  on  the  scene 
just  in  time  to  see  their  astonished  parent  throw  up  a  veritable  geyser 
as  he  struck  the  water  full  force.  The  boys  shrieked  with  laughter, 
and  one  of  them  shouted  :  "  Oh,  father,  what  are  you  '  kiveering ' 
around  here  for  ?  "  Mr.  Hamlin  was  at  first  disposed  to  resent  this, 
but  his  sense  of  humor  led  him  to  see  the  affair  in  its  right  light. 
He  joined  his  sons  in  their  laugh,  and  told  the  story  himself. 

But  the  real  stuff  in  Eleazer  Hamlin  was  revealed  in  the  war  of 
independence.  He  was  one  of  the  first  to  favor  separation  ;  his  home 
was  the  centre  for  the  yeomanry  of  Pembroke.  There  they  heard 
the  latest  news  of  the  growing  troubles  between  the  colonies  and  the 
mother  country,  —  the  appointment  of  mercenary  colonial  governors, 


ANCESTRY   OF   THE   HAMLIN   FAMILY  9 

the  selfish  exactions  of  the  London  merchants,  the  preemption  of 
trade  in  certain  articles  between  the  colonies,  compulsory  trade  with 
England  alone,  taxation  without  representation,  and  the  obstinate 
refusal  of  George  the  Third  to  listen  to  true  English  demands  for  fair 
play.  The  climax  of  oppression  was  reached  when  British  soldiers 
were  stationed  in  Boston  to  enforce  obnoxious  laws.  Patriots  began 
to  arm  themselves  ;  minute  men  prepared  for  action.  The  night  Paul 
Revere  spread  the  alarm,  Eleazer  Hamlin,  his  two  elder  sons,  Africa 
and  Asia,  and  his  son-in-law,  Seth  Phillips,  marched  in  Captain  Hatch's 
company,  Eleazer  as  a  lieutenant,  to  Scituate,  and  remained  there 
eleven  days  ready  for  duty.  Pit  cairn's  attack  on  Lexington  and  Con 
cord  aroused  the  country  ;  minute  men  poured  in  from  all  sides,  troops 
were  formed.  Eleazer  Hamlin  was  appointed  captain  in  a  Massachu 
setts  regiment  in  command  of  General  Durant,  in  May,  17/5.  Africa 
and  Asia,  aged  seventeen  and  sixteen  respectively,  and  Phillips,  served 
in  Captain  Hamlin's  company,  and  with  him  marched  into  Cambridge 
on  July  3,  to  join  the  army  of  fifteen  thousand  men  assembled  there 
to  receive  Washington  as  their  commander. 

The  Hamlins  were  in  Washington's  command,  and  therefore  saw 
a  great  deal  of  him.  Africa,  who  served  to  the  close  of  the  war,  kept 
a  diary,1  in  which  he  recorded  much  of  personal  interest  about  Wash 
ington,  Knox,  Lafayette,  Pulaski,  Rochambeau,  Hamilton,  and  other 
leaders  of  the  Continental  army.  It  is  said  to  have  been  a  voluminous 
record,  and  after  the  war  was  widely  read  throughout  Massachusetts 
by  old  soldiers  to  whom  Africa  loaned  it.  Unfortunately  the  diary 
was  not  returned  after  Africa  Hamlin's  death,  and  no  trace  of  it  can 
be  found.  But  family  tradition  respecting  this  diary  and  the  views 
the  Revolutionary  Hamlins  held  of  Washington  tend  to  represent 
him  as  a  man  of  a  more  human  nature,  of  warmer  affections  and  more 
passionate  disposition,  than  he  is  represented  by  the  statuesque  pic 
tures  drawn  of  him  in  the  last  century.  Washington's  personality 
was  an  immense  factor  in  his  success.  He  had  to  face  the  most  dif 
ficult  undertaking  that  ever  confronted  an  American  soldier  and 
leader.  Only  a  minority  of  the  American  people  openly  advocated 
separation  from  the  mother  country  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  The 
majority  thought  that  armed  resistance  would  bring  Parliament  to  its 
senses,  if  Pitt,  Fox,  Burke,  and  other  fair-minded  English  statesmen 
could  not.  The  American  Tories  and  Washington's  personal  bitter 
enemies,  like  Charles  Lee,  who  tried  to  betray  him  on  the  battlefield, 
were  difficulties  that  only  a  Titan  could  overcome.  But  Washing 
ton  bound  his  men  to  him  with  hooks  of  steel,  and,  half  starved, 
half  frozen  at  times,  always  inadequately  armed,  they  followed  him 
wherever  he  led.  Personal  affection  as  well  as  patriotism  must  have 
1  See  My  Life  and  Times,  autobiography  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Cyrus  Hamlin. 


io  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

played  a  great  part  in  keeping  Washington's  men  together  under  his 
flag  in  all  their  long  trials. 

The  three  Hamlins  fought  in  the  disastrous  battle  of  Long  Island,. 
—  Eleazer  being  the  fifth  line  captain  in  Colonel  Bailey's  23d  regi 
ment  of  foot,  Clinton's  brigade,  —  which  Washington's  strategy  saved 
from  becoming  a  rout  by  withdrawing  at  night.  They  served  in  the 
New  Jersey  campaign,  —  at  Trenton  and  Princeton,  —  which  Fred 
erick  the  Great  pronounced  to  Washington's  credit  as  "the  most 
brilliant  campaign  of  the  century."  Captain  Hamlin  at  this  time,  to 
his  great  regret,  had  to  return  home ;  his  wife  had  fallen  ill,  and  she 
died  shortly  afterwards.  With  a  family  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  children, 
and  a  large  farm  to  take  care  of,  the  situation  peremptorily  demanded 
Captain  Hamlin's  presence  at  home.  An  official  report  regarding 
certain  of  Captain  Hamlin's  acts  commends  his  work,  and  speaks  of 
his  "gallant  bearing  as  an  officer  "  and  "his  fair  fame  as  a  gentleman." 
When  he  tendered  his  resignation  Washington  gave  him  several  hun 
dred  dollars  in  Continental  money  as  a  token  of  his  personal  regard, 
the  gift  signifying  more  than  the  money  itself.  Africa  and  Asia 
remained  in  the  army,  and  were  joined  by  their  brother  America, 
whose  name  was  subsequently  abbreviated  to  Merrick,  and  who  was  a 
powerful  dare-devil  young  fellow  of  seventeen,  and  as  good  a  shot  as 
his  brothers. 

One  very  serious  obstacle  Washington  had  to  contend  with  was  the 
short  terms  for  which  men  were  enlisted.  Men  would  enlist  for  a  few 
months  and  return  home  satisfied  that  they  had  done  their  duty. 
Africa  Hamlin,  who  had  the  best  military  record  of  his  family,  refused 
to  take  advantage  of  the  short  term  of  service,  and  reeniisted  every 
time  his  term  expired.  He  was  thus  continuously  in  the  field  nearly 
seven  years,  with  the  exception  of  one  furlough  of  a  fortnight.  Enter 
ing  the  army  as  a  lad,  Africa  was  promoted  to  be  a  corporal  when  he 
was  nineteen,  a  sergeant-major  when  he  was  twenty-one,  and  on  Jan 
uary  i,  1781,  he  was  commissioned  an  ensign,  carrying  the  Continental 
banner  when  Cornwallis  was  enmeshed  at  Yorktown,  the  most  crush 
ing  defeat  the  British  arms  ever  received.  He  appears  to  have  been 
a  quiet,  modest  man,  and  well  regarded  by  his  superior  officers.  An 
amusing  incident  is-  told  that  illustrates  the  young  ensign's  modesty. 
He  was  invited  by  Washington  to  a  state  dinner,  and  unluckily  upset 
a  dish  of  gravy.  To  quote  his  quaint  words  :  "  The  circumstance 
covered  me  with  so  much  confusion  that  I  withdrew,  and  did  not  ac 
cept  any  more  invitations  to  these  grand  occasions."  Another  cir 
cumstance  establishes  his  status  among  his  brother  officers.  Africa 
Hamlin  was  one  of  the  officers  of  the  Continental  army  who  assembled 
at  Newburg,  N.  Y.,  and  founded  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati. 

When  Eleazer  Hamlin  returned  to  Pembroke,  he  entered  the  state 


ANCESTRY   OF  THE   HAMLIN   FAMILY  n 

militia,  and  was  appointed  major,  by  which  title  he  was  known  the 
rest  of  his  life.  His  second  wife  having  died,  Major  Hamlin  married 
again,  and  his  courtship  is  still  a  choice  story  in  the  annals  of  the 
town  of  Harvard,  where  he  carried  on  a  large  farm  and  potash  works. 
He  made  the  acquaintance  of  Mistress  Grace  Fletcher,  a  snug,  cosy 
woman,  a  relative  of  Daniel  Webster's  wife,  and  who  owned  a  little  tav 
ern  on  a  farm  in  Westford.  Mistress  Fletcher  was  noted  in  the  neigh 
borhood  for  her  amiability  and  palatable  flip.  Major  Hamlin  called 
for  a  glass  one  day,  and,  as  he  was  smacking  his  lips  over  it,  remarked, 
"  Monstrous  fine  flip,  Mistress  Fletcher."  The  next  day  the  major 
strode  into  the  tavern  and  called  for  another  glass  of  that  "  monstrous 
fine  flip."  The  third  day  the  major  made  his  appearance  in  his  best 
clothes.  With  a  gallant  bow  he  said  :  "  And  now  I  have  come  for 
the  fine  woman  who  brews  the  monstrous  fine  flip."  He  married  her. 
Their  farms  made  a  handsome  property,  and  Major  Hamlin  thus 
became  one  of  the  largest  landowners  in  that  part  of  the  State. 

After  the  war  was  over,  the  Massachusetts  General  Court  gave 
Major  Hamlin  and  his  sons  some  grants  of  land  in  the  District  of 
Maine  in  return  for  their  services.  Major  Hamlin  visited  his  land, 
and  wrote  a  sarcastic  letter  to  the  General  Court,  advising  it  to  return 
the  land  to  its  original  inhabitants,  who  happened  to  be  bears.  But 
Africa,  Merrick,  Eleazer,  Jr.,  Cyrus,  and  Hannibal  decided  to  push 
their  way  into  Maine,  and  cultivate  their  fortunes  there.  Africa  mar 
ried  Susannah  Stone,  of  Groton,  and  settled  where  the  town  of 
Waterford  is  now  located.  He  was  one  of  the  incorporators  of  the 
town,  and  held  various  positions  of  trust  in  its  government.  He  was 
Waterford's  first  town  clerk.  He  was  also  appointed  colonel  in  the 
state  militia,  and  was  thereafter  known  by  that  title.  Hannibal  and 
Merrick  also  settled  in  Waterford.  A  story  is  still  told  in  Waterford 
of  his  jovial,  dare-devil  disposition.  One  day  while  walking  through 
Hamlin's  grant,  as  his  father's  land  was  still  called,  Merrick  met  one 
of  the  original  inhabitants  face  to  face.  The  bear  rushed  at  Mer 
rick,  and  having  only  the  arms  that  nature  gave  him,  he  put  them  to 
good  use.  In  the  words  of  a  quaint  and  humorous  chronicler  of  the 
times,  "  Merrick  pelted  the  bear  with  stones  into  a  pit,  and  thereby 
obtained  a  juicy  bear-steak."  Another  venturesome  son  of  Eleazer 
Hamlin  was  George,  who  was  born  during  the  war  of  independence. 
He,  too,  had  fighting  blood.  Hannibal  Hamlin's  father  told  him  that 
George  went  to  Russia,  entered  the  army  of  the  Czar,  and  was  an 
officer  in  the  later  Napoleonic  campaigns.  But  nothing  more  defi 
nite  was  known  of  him. 

The  only  one  of  the  four  brothers  who  did  not  settle  in  Waterford 
was  Dr.  Cyrus  Hamlin,  the  father  of  Hannibal  Hamlin.  He  and  his 
twin  Hannibal  were  born  at  Harvard  on  July  u,  1769.  Cyrus  pur- 


12  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

sued  a  course  of  study  for  several  terms  at  the  Medical  School  of 
Harvard  College,  and,  as  was  customary  at  that  time,  finished  his 
preparation  for  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  the  office  of  an  expe 
rienced  physician,  without  taking  a  degree.  He  probably  resembled 
his  interesting  father  more  closely  than  any  other  of  Eleazer's  sons. 
He  was  of  commanding  size,  standing  six  feet,  in  height,  and  in  his 
prime  weighing  over  two  hundred  pounds.  His  cheeks  had  a  ruddy 
tint  and  his  eyes  were  blue  ;  but  his  thickly  grown,  jet-black  hair  and 
bushy  eyebrows  gave  a  dark  tone  to  his  general  appearance.  He  had 
his  father's  kindly  and  large-hearted  disposition  and  a  strong  and  well 
balanced  mind.  He  had  a  shrewd  knowledge  of  men  ;  he  knew  how 
to  make  friends.  He  loved  a  good  dinner ;  he  could  tell  a  story  in 
capital  style.  His  air  of  good-fellowship  drew  people  to  him.  He 
was  a  good  scholar  and  ranked  well  as  a  physician. 

Coming  to  Maine,  Dr.  Hamlin  heard  that  a  physician  was  needed 
in  the  town  of  Livermore,  not  far  from  Waterford,  in  Oxford  County, 
which  had  been  founded  by  Deacon  Elijah  Livermore,  who  had  come 
to  Maine  from  Watertown,  Mass.,  —  a  picturesque  pioneer  and  a  man 
of  uncommon  force  of  individuality  and  integrity  of  character.  It  was 
the  custom  in  some  parts  of  New  England  for  towns  to  elect  their 
physicians,  and  Livermore  prepared  to  do  this.  Deacon  Livermore 
practically  ruled  the  town,  and  it  appears  had  decided  on  a  physician 
already  when  Dr.  Hamlin  came  on  the  scene.  By  a  curious  coinci 
dence  both  physicians  had  fallen  in  love  with  Deacon  Livermore's 
daughter  Anna.  She  favored  Dr.  Hamlin,  and  that  spurred  him  on 
to  greater  efforts.  The  deacon,  however,  stood  by  his  own  man,  and, 
to  his  amazement,  Dr.  Hamlin  carried  the  election.  But  when  the 
deacon  grasped  the  situation,  and  understood  that  Dr.  Hamlin  was 
the  choice  of  his  daughter's  heart,  he  gracefully  acquiesced,  cele 
brated  the  wedding  in  good  old-fashioned  style,  and  pushed  his  son- 
in-law's  fortunes  with  zeal.  Through  his  influence  Dr.  Hamlin  was 
appointed  clerk  of  the  courts  of  Oxford  County,  when  it  was  formed 
in  1805,  which  position  and  that  of  probate  judge  and  sheriff  he  held 
a  great  many  years. 

This  union  between  the  Hamlins  and  Livermores  was  a  happy  one 
in  many  ways.  The  Livermores  were  one  of  the  first  families  to 
settle  in  New  England,  and  some  of  its  representatives  are  among 
New  England's  ablest  men.  The  most  distinguished  Livermore  of 
this  period  was  Samuel  Livermore,  of  Holderness,  N.  H.,  and  the 
brother  of  Dr.  Hamlin's  father-in-law.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Con 
tinental  Congress,  for  many  years  United  States  senator,  president 
pro  tempore  of  the  Senate  two  sessions,  and  finally  chief  justice  of 
New  Hampshire.  He  was  a  man  of  great  ability,  and  his  sound  judg 
ment,  learning,  and  coolness  gave  him  weight  in  the  inner  councils  of 


ANCESTRY   OF  THE   HAMLIN   FAMILY  13 

Congress  in  shaping  legislation.  His  brother  Elijah  might  have  dis 
tinguished  himself  had  he  entered  public  life,  for  he  had  the  ability. 
A  descendant  of  his,  George  Livermore,  the  antiquarian,  of  Cam 
bridge,  Mass.,  possessed  some  of  these  qualities,  although  he  never 
sought  a  public  career.  His  writings  l  on  the  slavery  question  greatly 
impressed  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  show  that  he  was  one  of  the  safe, 
sagacious,  and  far-seeing  advisers  whom  great  men  call  to  their 
aid,  and  of  whom  the  public  at  the  time  heard  little.  It  is  an  inter 
esting  fact  that  Hannibal  Hamlin  and  George  Livermore  so  closely 
resembled  each  other  in  their  features  that  they  might  have  passed 
for  brothers. 

Anna  Livermore,  on  her  mother's  side,  also  inherited  the  best  of 
New  England  blood.  Her  mother  was  Hannah  Clark,  whose  ances 
tor,  Hugh  Clark,  was  a  Pilgrim,  and  settled  in  Massachusetts  contem 
poraneously  with  James  Hamlin  and  the  pioneer  Livermore.  His 
great-grandson,  Captain  John  Clark,  of  Waltham,  was  the  father  of 
Mrs.  Livermore.  He  was  a  man  of  prominence,  and  a  near  kins 
man  of  Jonas  Clark,  the  famous  patriotic  minister  of  Lexington. 
He  was  a  great  power  in  the  days  of  '75.  Edward  Everett  said  of 
him :  "  He  was  of  a  class  of  citizens  who  rendered  services  second 
to  none  in  enlightening  and  animating  the  popular  mind  on  the 
great  question  at  issue."  The  night  of  Paul  Revere's  ride,  John  Han 
cock  and  Samuel  Adams  came  to  him  and  asked  him  if  the  people 
of  Lexington  would  fight.  He  replied :  "  I  have  trained  them  for 
this  very  hour  ;  they  will  fight,  and,  if  need  be,  die,  too,  under  the 
shadow  of  the  house  of  God."  On  the  next  day,  April  19,  the  first 
blood  of  the  American  Revolution  was  shed  in  Lexington  within  a 
few  rods  of  Clark's  house.  The  men  who  gave  up  their  lives  were 
among  Jonas  Clark's  parishioners.  When  the  old  patriot  saw  their 
bodies,  he  said :  "  From  this  day  will  be  dated  the  liberty  of  the 
world." 

Anna  Livermore  Hamlin's  rounded  character  and  womanly  disposi 
tion  shone  in  her  eyes.  She  was  patient  and  devoted,  always  ener 
getic,  yet  not  given  to  talking.  She  had  New  England's  religious 
and  domestic  ideals  and  was  loyal  to  them,  but  she  influenced  by 
gentle  example  and  sweet  suasion,  and  she  had  great  persistence. 
Hannibal  inherited  some  of  his  best  qualities  from  his  mother.  Dur 
ing  the  earlier  years  of  their  married  life  Dr.  Hamlin  and  his  wife 
made  their  home  in  Livermore,  where  several  of  their  children  were 
born,  —  Elijah,  Vesta,  and  Anna.  At  the  same  time  the  Washburn 

1  He  wrote  an  Historical  Research,  respecting  the  opinions  of  the  founders  of 
the  republic  on  negroes  as  slaves,  as  citizens,  and  as  soldiers.  President  Lincoln 
read  this  book,  and  sent  Livermore  the  pen  with  which  he  wrote  the  Emancipa 
tion  Proclamation. 


14  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN 

family  lived  in  Livermore,  where  the  Washburn  brothers  were  all 
born,  and  grew  up  with  the  young  Hamlins  as  playmates  until  they 
removed  to  Paris  Hill.  With  the  exception  of  the  Fields,  no  Amer 
ican  brothers  have  surpassed  the  Washburns  in  attaining  collective 
and  individual  distinction.  Elihu  B.  was  the  "  Father  of  the  House  " 
and  United  States  minister  to  France ;  Israel  was  once  a  leading 
member  of  the  House  and  Maine's  war  governor ;  Cadwallader  was 
a  major-general  in  the  Union  army  and  a  member  of  the  House ; 
Charles  was  a  successful  diplomat  and  editor,  and  William  D.,  the 
youngest,  has  been  a  member  of  the  Senate. 

In  1805  Paris  Hill  became  the  shire  town  of  Oxford  County,  and 
Dr.  Hamlin  removed  to  the  Hill.  At  this  time  the  court  used  to  sit 
in  the  old  Baptist  meeting-house,  and  was  called  together  by  the  beat 
ing  of  a  drum,  the  drummer  standing  at  the  northwest  corner  of  the 
church. 


CHAPTER   II 

BIRTH    AND    BIRTHPLACE    OF    HANNIBAL    HAMLIN 

PARIS  HILL  stands  near  the  Androscoggin  Valley.  It  is  an  emi 
nence  that  rises  by  steady  degrees  to  a  commanding  height.  A 
panoramic  scene  of  great  beauty  rolls  away  on  all  sides  of  the  Hill. 
The  valley  stretches  on  both  sides,  broken  by  forests  and  villages, 
to  ranges  of  hills  and  mountains  that  nearly  encompass  the  Hill 
within  a  neighborly  distance.  The  foothills  of  the  White  Moun 
tains  are  discernible  to  the  west,  and  on  a  clear  summer  day  the  eye 
can  see  the  summits  of  the  mountains  faintly  shimmering  in  the  hazy 
distance.  There  is  a  calm,  tranquil  atmosphere  about  the  scene  that 
comes  from  the  restful  and  protecting  mountains  which  tower  up 
majestically  around  the  Hill.  The  air  is  vitalizing.  The  little  village 
that  nestles  on  the  summit  of  the  Hill  is  a  veritable  home  in  the  heart 
of  nature.  When  the  sun  sets  a  pretty  legend  is  recalled  of  an  Indian 
who,  standing  on  the  Hill  centuries  ago  one  evening,  as  the  sun  was 
sinking  and  filling  the  landscape  with  its  rays,  exclaimed  in  his  tongue  : 
"'Tis  the  smile  of  the  Creator."  No  more  poetic  or  more  appro 
priate  description  has  yet  been  given  to  the  scene  around  Paris  Hill. 
It  is  one  of  the  loveliest  scenes  of  nature  in  all  New  England. 

At  the  foot  of  the  Hill  lies  South  Paris.  On  the  east  are  Buckfield 
and  Hebron.  On  the  west  are  Norway  and  Waterford,  and  not  many 
miles  off  is  Fryeburg,  where  Daniel  Webster  once  kept  school.  Many 
a  homelike  settlement  is  to  be  found  throughout  the  valley.  Scores 
of  pretty  trout  brooks  wend  their  way  through  the  woods.  Once 
game  abounded  ;  once  the  red  man  built  his  wigwam  in  this  region. 
The  warlike  Pequakets  ruled  for  years,  and  many  a  story  of  the  bloody 
war  of  extermination  which  raged  between  the  English  settlers  and 
the  Indians  has  been  handed  down,  and  is  told  to-day  around  the  fire 
sides  of  Paris  Hill.  One,  which  introduces  a  figure  of  personal  inter 
est,  —  the  Princess  Mollyockett,  daughter  of  Paugus,  the  chief  of  the 
Pequakets,  —  is  the  battle  of  Lovewell's  Pond.  The  English  settlers  of 
Maine  found  after  nearly  half  a  century  of  irregular  warfare  that  with 
the  Jesuit  lurking  around  the  scene  it  was  impossible  to  make  a  peace 
with  the  Indians  that  they  would  keep.  After  a  series  of  frightful 
massacres  in  1724,  Captain  John  Lovewell,  one  of  Maine's  bravest 
sons,  determined  to  drive  the  Pequakets  out  of  Maine.  With  only 


16  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

forty-six  men  Lovewell  penetrated  to  the  Pequaket  village,  which 
was  where  Fryeburg  now  stands,  and  gave  battle  a  whole  day  to  a 
superior  number  of  Indians.  English  bravery  and  tactics  won. 
Paugus  was  killed,  and  having  lost  their  leader,  the  Pequakets  sullenly 
withdrew  to  Canada,  and  the  Indian  power  in  Maine  was  forever 
broken.  Before  the  battle  Paugus  buried  his  treasure  in  a  mountain 
within  sight  of  Paris  Hill.  Mollyockett  was  the  sole  survivor  of 
Lovewell's  battle  who  knew  the  treasure's  hiding-place.  A  fire  that 
swept  over  the  mountain  destroyed  Mollyockett's  landmarks,  and  for 
years  she  haunted  the  place,  searching  for  her  lost  treasure.  She 
lived  to  be  fully  one  hundred  years  old,  and  when  the  Hamlins  came 
to  Paris  Hill  she  looked  like  a  veritable  Meg  Merrilies  of  the  woods. 
But  she  was  a  kindly  old  creature,  as  the  Hamlins  had  good  reason  to 
believe,  and  as  will  appear  later. 

Paris  Hill  was  a  very  homelike  little  village,  peopled  by  pioneer 
families  of  Maine.  Emery,  Carter,  Rawson,  Parris,  Stowell,  Ryerson, 
Cummings,  Hubbard,  were  among  the  familiar  names  of  the  day,  and 
some  of  them  are  still  represented  in  the  families  of  the  Hill.  There 
was  an  unusually  large  number  of  talented  and  cultivated  people  living 
on  the  Hill,  and  the  life  of  the  place  was  exceptionally  pleasant  and 
neighborlike.  The  college  element  was  large  for  a  town  of  this  size ; 
Harvard,  Bowdoin,  Dartmouth,  Brown,  Waterville,  and  Union  were 
all  represented  at  Paris  Hill  during  this  and  subsequent  periods. 
During  Dr.  Hamlin's  early  life  at  Paris  Hill,  a  group  of  men  lived 
there  who  exerted  no  little  influence  in  shaping  the  course  of  Maine 
in  her  opening  year  of  statehood.  First  was  Enoch  Lincoln,  one  of 
Maine's  early  governors  and  representatives  in  Congress.  Another 
was  Albion  K.  Parris,  five  times  governor  of  the  State  and  also  a 
United  States  senator.  A  third  was  Judge  Stephen  A.  Emery, 
Hannibal  Hamlin's  father-in-law.  He  was  a  man  of  scholarly  mind, 
pure  character,  and  serene  disposition.  Although  his  tastes  disin 
clined  him  to  active  participation  in  politics,  yet  his  sound  judgment 
and  knowledge  of  political  principles  were  sought  by  the  Republican- 
Democratic  party  of  Maine.  Twice  he  was  attorney-general  of  the 
State  and  for  many  years  was  judge  of  the  probate  and  district  courts. 
Two  sons  of  Judge  Emery,  who  inherited  political  and  musical  tastes 
from  him,  were  George  F.  Emery,  who  was  editor  of  the  "  Boston 
Post  "  for  many  years,  and  now  a  citizen  of  Portland ;  and  Stephen 
A.  Emery,  of  Boston,  who  was  one  of  the  most  useful  and  widely 
respected  scholars  of  music  New  England  has  yet  produced. 

Dr.  Hamlin  built  a  fine  colonial  mansion  on  top  of  the  Hill,  and 
cleared  a  large  farm  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  his  house.  His 
home  became  a  social  and  political  centre.  Enoch  Lincoln  lived  at 
Dr.  Hamlin's  house  for  many  years.  In  front  of  the  Hamlin  house 


BIRTH   AND   BIRTHPLACE   OF   HANNIBAL   HAMLIN      17 

was  the  village  common,  and  the  young  people  of  the  town  found  the 
doctor's  home  an  attractive  place.  Dr.  Hamlin  acquired  a  consider 
able  reputation  throughout  the  county  as  a  specialist  in  children's 
diseases.  It  is  related  on  Paris  Hill  that  children  instinctively  recog 
nized  him  as  their  natural  friend.  He  was  eventually  appointed 
sheriff  of  Oxford  County,  and  in  accordance  with  the  requirements 
of  the  time  wore  during  the  session  of  court  a  dress-sword,  cocked 
hat,  blue  coat,  and  brass  buttons ;  but  in  spite  of  these  insignia  of 
office  and  his  imposing  size,  the  children  of  the  town  would  follow 
him  around,  climb  all  over  him  when  they  found  him  sitting  in  his 
porch,  and  make  him  tell  them  stories.  Yet  he  was  very  dignified  in 
the  performance  of  his  duties,  adhering  strictly  to  the  ideas  of  the 
Federal  party,  to  which  he  belonged.  He  had  also  strong  ideas  of  his 
duties  to  his  own  children  and  brought  them  up  accustomed  to  work. 
His  wife  was  a  perfect  helpmate  and  very  active ;  in  fact,  she  had 
the  athletic  nature  for  which  the  pioneer  mothers  of  New  England 
were  noted,  and  yet  it  never  seemed  incompatible  with  her  serene 
character,  quiet  and  loving  disposition.  It  rather  illustrated  her 
courage  and  sense  of  duty.  One  story  is  told  on  Paris  Hill  to-day 
about  Mrs.  Hamlin's  pluck.  Among  Mr.  Hamlin's  duties  as  sheriff 
was  keeping  the  jail,  which  stood  near  his  house.  One  day  the  prison 
ers,  led  by  a  turbulent  scamp,  knowing  that  Dr.  Hamlin  was  not  at 
home,  endeavored  to  force  their  way  out  of  prison.  Mrs.  Hamlin, 
hearing  the  noise,  rushed  on  the  scene.  The  jail  door  had  been  par 
tially  forced  open,  and  the  ringleader  was  trying  to  push  himself 
through  the  opening.  Mrs.  Hamlin  instantly  seized  the  man  by  the 
throat,  choked  him  into  submission,  and  thrusting  him  into  the  corridor 
fastened  the  door  tight.  In  connection  with  this  incident,  to  illustrate 
his  mother's  agility,  Hannibal  Hamlin  used  to  tell  his  sons  how  he 
had  often  seen  her  place  her  hand  on  the  back  of  a  horse  and  without 
any  assistance  leap  from  the  ground  into  the  saddle. 

Another  view  of  the  life  and  influences  of  Paris  Hill  is  seen  through 
the  preacher  of  the  village,  Elder  James  Hooper.  He  was  a  quaint 
old  Puritan,  albeit  he  held  certain  worldly  ideas  and  eccentric  notions ; 
but  he  was  the  personification  of  conscientiousness  and  adhered  to  his 
radical  views  with  iron-like  tenacity,  nor  did  he  hesitate  to  differ  from 
his  church  when  he  thought  it  was  wrong.  He  preached  twice  every 
Sunday  at  the  old  Baptist  church,  and  was  noted  not  for  long  ser 
mons,  but  for  short,  pithy,  and  original  discourses.  Indeed,  brevity 
was  one  of  his  hobbies.  Once  a  long-winded  visiting  minister,  who 
had  been  announced  to  preach  twice  at  Elder  Hooper's  church,  bored 
the  congregation  to  the  point  of  slumber  in  the  morning  service. 
When  he  had  at  last  closed,  Elder  Hooper  electrified  his  drowsy 
parishioners  by  rising  and  saying  in  his  peculiar,  snappy  way:  " There 


i8  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

will  be  preaching  in  this  church  this  afternoon,  because  I  myself  will 
preach."  If  the  elder  saw  a  rainstorm  approaching  when  he  was  in 
the  midst  of  a  sermon,  he  would  dismiss  his  congregation  at  once, 
telling  the  men  that  it  was  "  better  to  get  the  hay  in  than  to  listen  to 
any  sermon."  The  elder  had  no  patience  with  "new-fangled  notions." 
When  women's  rights  were  being  discussed  at  Paris  Hill,  Elder 
Hooper,  in  the  pulpit,  announced  his  opposition,  and  in  this  unique 
sentence  gave  his  reasons :  "  Men  and  dogs  roam  abroad ;  women 
and  cats  should  stay  at  home." 

When  the  Temperance  Union  began  its  national  crusade,  Parson 
Hooper  stormed  at  it  in  his  original  way.  "  God  sent  rum  to  us,  and 
therefore  it  is  a  blessing  if  we  know  how  to  use  it,"  he  used  to  argue. 
By  way  of  illustration,  the  elder  said :  "  I  gave  my  two  boys  rum  and 
molasses  this  morning.  Did  it  hurt  them  ?  No ;  you  ought  to  have 
seen  their  eyes  shine."  Now  Dr.  Hamlin  not  only  sympathized  with 
the  temperance  movement,  —  for  there  was  a  great  deal  of  drinking 
in  Maine,  —  but  also  circulated  a  pledge  and  would  allow  no  liquor  in 
his  house.  This  offended  Elder  Hooper,  and  for  a  long  time  he 
refused  to  visit  Dr.  Hamlin' s  house.  But  in  spite  of  his  eccentricities 
Elder  Hooper  accomplished  a  good  work  and  was  very  much  re 
spected  and  beloved  by  his  parishioners.  His  real  goodness  of  heart 
was  illustrated  in  the  fact  that  the  two  sons  mentioned  were  both 
adopted  by  him,  although  he  barely  eked  out  a  living  by  preaching. 

In  the  summer  of  1809  there  were  five  children  in  Dr.  Hamlin's 
family,  —  Elijah,  Eliza,  Anne,  Vesta,  and  Cyrus.  On  August  27  a 
sixth  child,  a  boy,  was  born.  About  this  time  Dr.  Hamlin  and  his 
twin  brother  Hannibal,  of  Waterford,  had  promised  each  other  that 
if  each  should  become  the  father  of  another  son  he  would  name  the 
child  after  his  brother.  Dr.  Hamlin,  therefore,  christened  this  son 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  and  subsequently  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Waterford, 
had  occasion  to  name  a  son  Cyrus.  This  is  how  Hannibal  Hamlin, 
the  statesman,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Cyrus  Hamlin,  the  famous  Ameri 
can  missionary  to  Turkey  and  the  founder  of  Robert  College,  received 
their  respective  names.  It  is  an  odd  coincidence  that  both  boys  were 
sickly  and  puny  infants.  Hannibal's  life,  indeed,  hung  by  a  thread  ; 
but  a  somewhat  dramatic  incident  occurred  which  probably  turned 
the  scales  in  favor  of  the  child.  As  Mrs.  Hamlin  was  sitting  in  her 
doorway  one  day,  rocking  her  feeble  infant,  old  Mollyockett,  the 
Indian  princess,  appeared.  She  looked  at  the  child  very  intently  for 
a  short  time,  and  then  said  with  great  earnestness  to  Mrs.  Hamlin  : 
"You  give  papoose  milk  warm  from  cow,  or  he  die."  As  the  infant's 
lack  of  vitality  baffled  Dr.  Hamlin's  skill,  he  and  his  wife  tried  the 
remedy  suggested  by  Mollyockett.  The  result  was  instantly  favor 
able  ;  the  child  thrived  with  great  rapidity,  and  was  soon  a  lusty, 
healthy  boy.  He  rarely  knew  ill  health  again. 


BIRTH   AND    BIRTHPLACE   OF   HANNIBAL   HAMLIN      19 

A  few  years  after  Hannibal's  birth  one  more  child,  a  daughter, 
named  Hannah,  was  born  to  Dr.  Hamlin  and  his  wife.  Thus  they 
had  a  household  of  seven  children.  Elijah,  the  oldest  son,  resembled 
his  father  in  build,  looks,  and  disposition,  although  his  complexion  was 
of  the  swarthy  type.  He  was  a  natural  scholar  and  wit,  —  the  col 
lege-mate,  friend,  and  correspondent1  of  Dr.  Samuel  G.  Howe.  He 
was  a  student  at  Brown  University  when  Hannibal  began  to  go  to 
school,  and  thus  Hannibal  was  thrown  into  closer  relations  with  his 
brother  Cyrus  at  the  time  a  boy  craves  sympathy  and  advice  from  an 
older  brother.  Cyrus  was  of  a  sweet,  sedate  nature,  and  pure  char 
acter.  Probably  the  premonition  of  an  oncoming  fatal  disease,  con 
sumption,  matured  him  far  beyond  his  years.  He  devoted  himself  to 
his  young  brother,  taught  him  how  to  farm,  and  through  gentle  tact 
and  kindness  exercised  more  influence  over  him  than  any  one  else 
save  Hannibal's  mother.  To  the  end  of  his  life  Hannibal  Hamlin 
never  spoke  of  his  brother  Cyrus  without  emotion,  or  paying  him  an 
affectionate  tribute.  Cyrus  was  to  Hannibal  Hamlin  what  Ezekiel 
Webster  was  to  his  great  brother  Daniel.  Hannibal's  older  sister, 
Vesta,  resembled  him  somewhat  in  the  gentler  qualities  of  his  nature 
and  habits  of  thought,  and  was  a  sympathetic  companion.  Anna  was 
a  quiet,  affectionate  sister;  Hannah,  the  arch  and  merry  pet  of  the 
family.  Eliza,  the  eldest  daughter,  was  in  some  respects  a  remark 
able  woman.  She  possessed  great  executive  ability,  and  for  years 
was  famous  as  the  schoolmistress  of  Paris  Hill,  and  one  of  the  best 
botanists  in  the  State.  She  might  have  attained  prominence  in  other 
departments  of  life  if  she  had  lived  where  her  gifts  would  have  had 
fuller  scope. 

As  a  child  Hannibal  Hamlin  evinced  a  sturdy,  independent  nature. 
He  was  very  affectionate  and  not  a  little  mischievous.  His  vitality 
was  extraordinary  when  he  was  old  enough  to  play  out  of  doors  and 
take  care  of  himself.  He  bubbled  over  with  fun  and  good-nature. 
There  was  no  malice  in  his  pranks,  his  mother  said,  but  they  were  the 
result  of  an  overflowing  nature.  Hannibal  Hamlin's  first  recollection 
of  his  childhood  days  was  when  he  was  three  years  old.  The  war  of 
1812  had  broken  out,  and  he  saw  a  company  of  soldiers  march  away 
from  Paris  Hill.  The  red  nodding  plumes  and  shining  accoutrements 
of  the  soldiers  made  a  picture  in  his  mind  that  never  faded  out. 
When  the  veterans  of  the  war  returned  home,  they  had  many  stories 
to  tell  about  the  battles.  Hannibal,  who  was  a  boy  of  seven  or  eight 
by  this  time,  was  deeply  interested,  in  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  and 
thenceforth  Andrew  Jackson  was  one  of  his  greatest  heroes. 

Hannibal's  aggressive  nature  was  illustrated  about  this  time  by  an 

1  Elijah  Hamlin  discovered  Mt.  Mica,  the  famous  tourmaline  deposit  near 
Paris  Hill,  now  owned  by  his  son,  Dr.  Augustus  C.  Hamlin,  of  Bangor. 


20  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

incident  told  by  his  cousin,  Cyrus  Hamlin.  In  jumping  over  a  fence 
one  day  Hannibal  fell  and  broke  his  arm.  His  father  was  away  from 
home  and  another  doctor  set  the  injured  member.  A  few  days  later 
it  was  discovered  that  the  bones  had  not  been  set  right.  The  same 
doctor,  without  a  word  of  warning,  seized  the  arm  and  snapped  the 
partially  joined  bones  apart.  Instantly  Hannibal,  doubling  up  his 
other  fist,  struck  the  bungling  physician  a  sound  thump  on  the  end 
of  his  nose.  It  was  a  vigorous  blow  for  a  youngster  of  his  years,  and 
at  first  the  doctor  thought  something  had  been  broken.  But  after 
finding  Hannibal  had  only  drawn  blood,  the  doctor  spluttered :  "Well, 
young  man,  I  won't  touch  you  again  unless  you  are  strapped  down." 

Hannibal  attended  the  village  school  at  Paris  Hill.  This  was  an 
excellent  school  for  its  time.  Judge  Emery,  who  led  his  class  at 
Bowdoin,  Governor  Lincoln,  who  was  a  Harvard  man,  and  Dr.  Hamlin 
were  on  the  town  committee,  and  took  a  pride  in  maintaining  a  school 
of  high  standard.  Hannibal,  therefore,  had  a  good  schooling  in  his 
childhood.  But  while  he  was  regarded  as  a  bright  boy  in  school,  he 
was  not  a  model  pupil  as  far  as  rank  and  prizes  were  concerned.  He 
seemed  to  learn  with  perfect  ease,  and  never  forgot  what  he  learned. 
Too  full  of  life  and  activity  to  be  kept  down  at  his  books,  he 
wanted  to  be  out  of  doors.  What  he  shone  best  in  was  athletic 
sports.  He  seemed  to  have  been  a  leader  among  the  boys  of  his  age 
at  Paris  Hill,  from  the  time  he  came  among  them  to  the  time  he  left 
them.  He  was  especially  fond  of  round  ball,  — from  which  our  national 
game  of  baseball  was  evoluted,  —  wrestling,  running,  and  jumping.  He 
was  very  loyal  to  his  friends,  and  always  had  a  crowd  of  boys  around 
him.  He  was  very  fond  of  pets.  He  particularly  liked  horses  and 
dogs ;  in  fact,  there  never  was  a  time  in  his  life  when  he  did  not  have 
a  dog. 

Hannibal  Hamlin's  individuality  as  a  boy  was  so  pronounced  and 
his  traits  so  clearly  defined  that  old  friends  of  his  who  survived  him 
remembered  him  perfectly  as  he  was  when  a  lad  of  fifteen  or  sixteen, 
playing  among  them  at  Paris  Hill.  One  description  of  him  at  this 
age  says :  "  Han,  as  we  always  called  him,  was  an  unusually  large 
boy  for  his  age.  He  was  as  tall,  straight,  supple,  and  dark  as  a  young 
Indian.  He  was  very  warm-hearted,  affectionate,  and  magnetic ;  his 
big  black  eyes  twinkled  with  fun  and  life.  Han  was  always  our 
leader,  and  yet  he  never  appeared  to  put  himself  forward ;  it  was 
natural  for  us  to  wait  to  see  what  Han  was  going  to  do,  and  then 
follow  him.  Sometimes  we  would  get  into  a  boyish  scrape,  but  Han 
always  stuck  by  us ;  he  would  go  where  we  would.  He  never  bragged 
what  he  was  going  to  do,  or  had  done,  but  he  would  go  ahead  and 
do  it,  and  say  nothing.  He  was  perfectly  natural  and  honest ;  no 
one  ever  thought  of  questioning  his  word."  In  connection  with  this, 


BIRTH   AND    BIRTHPLACE  OF   HANNIBAL   HAMLIN      21 

Cyrus  Hamlin,  who  often  came  over  from  Waterford  to  visit  his 
cousins  at  Paris  Hill,  wrote:  "In  running,  jumping,  and  wrestling 
Hannibal  could  beat  us  all.  And  it  was  easy  for  us  to  be  beaten, 
because  Hannibal  was  so  fair-minded.  There  was  an  absence  in  him 
of  any  disposition  to  exult  over  a  fallen  foe.  As  a  boy,  Hannibal  was 
as  fair-minded,  honest,  and  incorruptible  as  he  was  when  a  man.  The 
boy  was  father  to  the  man." 

When  Hannibal  grew  older  his  fondness  for  out-of-door  life  devel 
oped  into  his  ruling  passion.  He  was  a  born  Nimrod,  fisherman,  and 
farmer.  Bears,  deer,  rabbits,  squirrels,  partridges,  and  trout  abounded 
around  Paris  Hill.  About  this  time  a  story  was  told  of  an  adventure 
a  couple  of  little  children  had  within  a  mile  of  the  Hill.  When  they 
were  walking  along  the  main  road  one  of  them  stopped  and  exclaimed 
to  the  other,  "  Oh,  see  that  funny  brown  cow  without  any  horns. 
Let 's  go  play  with  her."  They  started  to  play  with  their  new  bovine 
curiosity,  but  fortunately  the  bear  had  business  in  another  direction, 
and  did  not  wait  for  the  children.  Hannibal  used  to  scour  the  moun 
tains  and  neighboring  country  for  game  and  fish.  He  became  a  crack 
shot  and  a  true  fisherman.  He  seemed  to  find  trout  brooks  by  intui 
tion,  and  eventually  cared  more  for  fishing  than  for  hunting.  When 
once  he  found  a  trout  brook  in  an  out-of-the-way  place,  he  kept  his 
secret  to  himself  and  one  or  two  of  his  cronies.  Years  afterwards 
he  would  go  back  to  Paris  Hill  to  drink  in  the  vitalizing  air,  and  to 
fish.  People  around  the  Hill  said  that  he  could  still  find  his  secret 
trout  brook,  and  no  one  else  could. 

As  a  result  of  his  vigorous  out-of-door  life,  Hannibal  was  an  uncom 
monly  powerful  lad  when  he  was  sixteen  or  seventeen  years  old. 
Looked  up  to  by  his  companions  as  their  champion,  Hannibal  learned 
at  this  time  what  fame  was.  His  reputation  as  an  athlete  spread. 
In  those  days  wrestling  was  a  favorite  athletic  sport,  and  a  match 
between  village  champions  was  a  great  event.  In  a  neighboring  dis 
trict  lived  a  young  blacksmith  who  was  a  champion  wrestler.  He 
challenged  Hannibal  to  a  match,  each  to  strip  to  the  waist  and  wrestle 
barefooted.  Hannibal  accepted,  and  the  common  in  front  of  Dr. 
Hamlin' s  house  was  chosen  as  the  place.  There  was  great  excite 
ment  among  Hannibal's  friends,  and  a  good-sized  crowd  gathered  on 
the  scene  of  the  struggle.  As  the  blacksmith  appeared,  his  advan 
tage  in  size,  weight,  and  strength  was  very  apparent,  and  Hannibal's 
friends  were  discouraged.  The  blacksmith  was  very  confident,  but 
it  was  his  confidence  that  beat  him.  Swinging  his  powerful  arms 
around  in  fanciful  feints  to  awe  Hannibal,  the  blacksmith  began  to 
brag:  "If  I  ketch  a  holt  on  yer,  I  won't  let  yer  tech  me."  As 
the  blacksmith  said  this  he  made  a  sweep  of  his  arms  that  exposed 
him.  Hannibal  was  not  awed  by  this  demonstration,  but  quick  as  a 


22  HANNIBAL    HAMLIN 

flash  darted  on  the  blacksmith,  and  grabbing  him  around  the  waist 
thumped  him  so  hard  on  the  ground  that  he  saw  stars.  There  was 
a  great  shout  from  the  excited  Paris  Hill  boys,  and  they  danced  and 
hugged  each  other  for  joy.  The  crestfallen  blacksmith  slowly  arose, 
and  said,  "Anyhow,  he  ain't  a  scientific  wrestler."  There  was  an 
other  shout,  and  Hiram  Hubbard  retorted,  J'  Han  has  n't  got  any  use 
for  science  when  he  can  beat  it  in  his  own  way."  The  blacksmith 
was  satisfied,  and  the  match  was  over  almost  before  it  began.  No 
more  champions  disputed  Hannibal's  supremacy.  This  match  was 
long  a  favorite  story  at  Paris  Hill,  and  generally  when  a  story  of 
another  match  was  told,  it  was  closed  with  the  remark,  "But  you 
ought  to  have  seen  Han  Hamlin  throw  that  blacksmith."1 

Hannibal  was  a  born  politician,  and  showed  a  strong  interest  in 
politics  when  a  young  lad.  He  thought  out  political  questions  for 
himself  and  acted  for  himself.  A  circumstance  happened  when  Han 
nibal  was  about  seventeen  that  contributed  to  the  formation  of  his 
political  principles,  and  also  demonstrates  the  lad's  perfect  independ 
ence  and  habit  of  self-reliance.  Dr.  Hamlin  was  a  loyal  Federalist  in 
his  early  days,  and  on  the  death  of  the  Federal  party  he  became  an 
ardent  Whig.  Elijah  was  also  a  Whig,  and  he  and  his  father  regu 
larly  read  the  "  Portland  Gazette,"  the  Whig  organ  of  the  State,  and 
as  Hannibal  was  the  youngest  he  had  to  wait  his  turn.  Dr.  Hamlin 
also  subscribed  for  the  "  Eastern  Argus,"  a  leading  Democratic  news 
paper  of  the  day,  and  while  waiting  for  the  "  Gazette  "  the  boy  fell 
into  the  habit  of  reading  the  "Argus."  Finding  that  it  expressed  the 
same  faith  in  Democracy  that  he  had,  Hannibal  came  to  prefer  the 
"Argus,"  and  before  his  father  realized  it  Hannibal  had  become  a 
pronounced  Democrat,  and  a  warm  partisan  of  the  doctrines  of  Jeffer 
son  and  Jackson. 

Dr.  Hamlin  was  too  liberal  a  man  to  interfere  with  his  son's  con 
victions,  and  as  he  was  a  good  politician  himself  he  probably  foresaw 
the  rising  ascendency  of  the  Republican-Democratic  party  in  Maine. 
He  was  a  close  listener  to  what  his  boys  had  to  say  on  political 
subjects,  and  sometimes  gave  them  good  advice.  Hannibal  then,  as 

1  One  who  was  a  chum  of  Hannibal  Hamlin  in  boyhood  days  tells  me  that 
Hamlin  even  then  was  distinguished  for  great  strength  of  body.  On  one  occa 
sion,  when,  clustered  in  the  village  grocery,  a  number  of  Paris  youths  tried  one  by 
one  to  lift  a  pig  of  lead,  Hannibal  was  the  only  one  who  succeeded  in  raising  it 
above  his  head.  From  the  night  of  the  lead-lifting  incident,  when  Hamlin  proba 
bly  was  twenty  years  old,  my  informant  did  not  see  the  strong  lad  until  he  saw 
him  standing  under  a  certain  tree  in  Paris,  addressing  his  fellow-townsmen.  The 
strong  lad  was  then  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  The  tree,  by  the  way, 
Hamlin  himself  had  planted.  My  informant,  while  on  a  visit  to  Paris  about  two 
weeks  ago,  visited  the  tree,  which  is  now  "six  feet  round,"  and  as  vigorous  as  was 
once  its  celebrated  planter.  — Boston  Globe,  July  12,  1891. 


BIRTH   AND   BIRTHPLACE   OF   HANNIBAL   HAMLIN      23 

afterwards,  was  an  intense  partisan  in  principles,  and  would  argue 
with  great  vehemence.  One  night  he  and  Elijah  had  a  heated  dis 
cussion.  Dr.  Hamlin,  who  had  been  a  quiet  listener,  interrupted 
Hannibal  with  a  hearty  laugh  and  a  fatherly  pat  on  the  back :  "  Han 
nibal,  my  son,  live  a  little  longer,  live  a  little  longer,  before  you  enter 
politics,  and  you  will  know  more."  Hannibal  accepted  his  father's 
advice  and  all  that  it  implied.  He  and  Elijah  thereupon  agreed  that 
they  would  never  again  discuss  politics  while  differing  from  each 
other,  and  that,  finally,  they  would  never  allow  political  principles  or 
affiliations  to  cause  the  slightest  difference  in  their  brotherly  rela 
tions.  The  boys  shook  hands  on  this  agreement  in  a  manly  way,  and 
although  they  even  had  to  oppose  each  other  in  years  to  come,  as  the 
candidates  of  their  respective  parties,  kept  their  word  until  they  were 
released  by  the  formation  of  the  Republican  party. 


CHAPTER   III* 

BOYHOOD    AND    EDUCATION 

DOCTOR  HAMLIN  believed  in  the  advantages  of  a  college  education. 
He  had  been  a  student  at  the  medical  school  of  Harvard  College,  and 
in  1813  was  one  of  the  incorporators  of  Waterville  College,  now  called 
Colby.  He  had  sent  Elijah  to  Brown  University,  and  intended  to 
give  Hannibal  also  a  college  course.  Accordingly,  when  Hannibal 
was  about  seventeen  he  began  to  prepare  himself  to  enter  Brown  or 
Waterville.  He  went  to  Hebron,  and  some  of  the  pleasantest  days 
of  his  life  were  passed  as  a  student  at  the  historic  academy  in  that 
town.  Hannibal  developed  a  fondness  for  the  classics,  and  was  quick 
at  mathematics,  but  he  showed  a  marked  preference  for  history  and 
biography,  which  he  followed  closely  both  in  his  school  and  leisure 
hours.  The  boys  at  Hebron  came  to  lean  on  him  as  the  boys  at  Paris 
Hill  had.  His  leadership  at  Hebron  was  revealed  in  an  amusing 
frolic,  which,  by  the  way,  had  much  to  do  with  determining  young 
Hamlin's  choice  of  his  profession. 

The  husking  party  was  a  popular  institution  among  the  farmers  of 
Maine  in  those  days.  If  a  farmer  had  corn  to  husk,  he  invited  his 
neighbors  to  help  him,  and  in  return  for  their  assistance  he  provided 
a  bounteous  supply  of  the  good  things  of  the  table ;  and,  as  the  tem 
perance  sentiment  of  the  State  was  still  lax,  old  Medford  and  Jamaica 
rum  were  too  often  accompanying  features  of  this  old-time  custom. 
To  the  young  men  the  husking  party  was  particularly  attractive, 
because  when  a  lucky  husker  found  a  red  ear,  the  fashion  of  the  day 
gave  him  the  privilege  of  kissing  any  girl  in  the  company,  and  thus 
the  once  famous  couplet  was  originated  :  — 

"  I  would  not  husk  for  cows  or  steers : 
I  'd  only  husk  to  get  red  ears." 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  the  boys  at  Hebron  Academy 
always  accepted  invitations  to  husking  parties.  But  there  was  one 
thing  in  connection  with  these  occasions  that  young  Hamlin  and  his 
associates  did  not  like,  and  that  was  the  free  use  of  liquor.  At  one 
memorable  party  an  elderly  man  drank  too  much  rum,  and  made  him 
self  particularly  obnoxious.  The  schoolboys  resented  his  behavior 
by  pelting  him  with  hard  ears  of  corn,  and  rolling  him  round  on  the 


BOYHOOD   AND   EDUCATION  25 

floor  of  the  barn.  The  old  man  left  the  scene  of  his  discomfiture  sore 
in  body  and  mind.  The  boys  thought  the  affair  had  ended  with  the 
sobering-up  of  their  victim,  and  the  news  the  next  morning  that  a 
warrant  was  out  for  their  arrest,  on  the  charge  of  assault  and  battery, 
came  like  a  clap  of  thunder  from  the  clear  sky.  But  they  did  not 
think  of  employing  a  lawyer;  they  turned  to  Hannibal  Hamlin  in 
their  trouble.  They  knew  that  he  was  in  the  habit  of  following  trials 
with  great  interest,  and  at  once  concluded  that  he  had  picked  up 
enough  knowledge  of  the  law  which,  together  with  his  shrewdness 
and  alertness,  would  enable  him  successfully  to  champion  their  cause. 
In  a  body  the  boys  marched  to  the  house  of  the  local  justice  of  the 
peace,  where  their  trial  was  to  take  place.  He  was  a  pompous  old 
gentleman,  with  great  ideas  of  dignity,  but  little  knowledge  of  the  law, 
or  much  natural  ability.  The  proceedings  were  opened  with  solem 
nity  in  the  justice's  kitchen  packed  with  people,  when  the  justice's 
ridiculous  pomp  and  ceremony  were  interrupted  by  the  collapse  of 
the  floor.  The  court,  the  boys,  the  kitchen  utensils,  a  closet  of  crock 
ery,  and  the  family  cat  were  precipitated  in  a  mass  into  the  cellar. 
Above  the  uproar  rose  the  laments  of  the  justice  bewailing  the  loss 
of  his  china  and  furniture.  Nobody  was  hurt,  and  the  boys  tumbled 
out  of  the  ruins  in  a  state  of  hilarity,  arguing  and  predicting  among 
themselves  that  the  case  against  them  could  not  stand  any  better  than 
the  justice's  floor. 

The  trial  was  presently  resumed  in  the  academy,  and  Hannibal  was 
placed  on  the  witness  stand.  As  he  appeared  before  the  court, 
confident,  smiling,  and  his  big,  black  eyes  twinkling  with  fun,  his 
companions  pressed  around  him,  buzzing  and  whispering,  "  Give  it  to 
him,  Hannie ;  give  it  to  him,"  —remarks  that  somewhat  discon 
certed  his  honor.  He  called  for  order,  and  then  with  a  frown  asked 
Hannibal  :  — 

"  Did  you  throw  any  ear  of  corn  at  the  plaintiff  ?  " 

"  No,  sir,"  replied  Hannibal,  with  a  twinkle  in  his  eye,  "  I  did  not 
throw  any  ear  of  corn  at  the  plaintiff." 

"  Do  you  swear  you  did  not  ? " 

"  I  swear  I  did  not,"  answered  the  boy. 

For  a  moment  the  court  looked  grave,  and  then  asked,  "Did  you 
see  anybody  else  throw  any  ear  of  corn  at  the  plaintiff  ? " 

"That,"  replied  Hannibal  with  perfect  coolness,  "is  a  question 
which  I  cannot  answer,  and  which  your  honor  has  no  right  to  ask 
me." 

Then  for  fully  five  minutes  Hannibal  went  on  to  cite  law  points  in 
support  of  his  position,  all  the  time  employing  technical  terms  which 
were  so  much  Greek  to  the  justice,  until  that  discomfited  and  com 
pletely  crestfallen  individual,  greatly  confused,  and  amidst  loud  laugh- 


26  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

ter,  discharged  Hamlin,  and  fined  a  number  of  the  boys  a  dollar  each, 
and  then  quickly  adjourned  the  court.1 

This  incident  turned  young  Hamlin's  attention  to  the  law  as  a  desir 
able  profession  ;  but  while  he  was  thinking  of  his  college  course  and 
legal  studies,  his  plans  were  upset  by  the  sad  news  that  his  brother 
Cyrus  was  in  failing  health,  and  that  he  woyld  have  to  return  home 
and  give  up  his  college  education  that  Cyrus  might  be  relieved  from 
his  duties  on  the  farm,  to  give  all  attention  to  his  health.  Hannibal 
had  enjoyed  less  than  a  year's  study  at  Hebron,  but  in  that  time  he 
had  practically  fitted  himself  for  entering  college,  although  the  re 
quirements  for  admission  to  college  at  that  time  were  not  of  the  high 
standard  of  later  days.  He  had  read  his  Caesar,  Virgil,  and  some 
orations  of  Cicero,  besides  a  little  Greek,  and  had  mastered  algebra 
and  plain  geometry.  This  was  practically  all  the  education  he  obtained 
under  the  supervision  of  experienced  instructors  ;  but  he  was  always 
a  friend  and  supporter  of  the  American  college,  and  regretted  that  he 
had  been  deprived  of  its  benefit. 

The  Hamlins'  home  circle  was  now  broken.  Elijah,  the  eldest  son, 
had  married  Eliza  Choate,  a  relative  of  the  Ipswich  family  of  that 
name,  and  was  practicing  law  at  Columbia,  Maine.  Cyrus  entered 
the  Maine  Medical  School,  to  become  a  doctor.  Vesta  was  engaged 
to  Dr.  Job  Holmes,  whom  she  soon  married,  and  removed  to  Calais, 
Maine.  This  left  Hannibal  the  only  son  at  home,  and  his  duties  were, 
therefore,  largely  increased.  He  accepted  the  situation  manfully, 
and  he  had  compensation  in  the  thought  that  in  giving  up  cherished 
ambitions  he  was  making  some  returns  to  a  brother  who  had  done  so 
much  for  him.  Subsequent  events  made  it  exceedingly  fortunate  both 
for  the  family  and  Hannibal  that  he  returned  home.  Cyrus  had  made 
him  an  excellent  farmer,  and  he  could  make  every  inch  of  tillable  soil 
on  the  farm  yield  produce.  Finally,  Governor  Lincoln  was  still  living 
at  the  Hamlin  homestead,  and  Hannibal  had  the  advantage  of  his 
friendship  and  counsel,  which  proved  to  be  of  value. 

The  relations  between  Enoch  Lincoln  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  in  the 
latter's  student  days  are  interesting.  Lincoln  was  sprung  from 
the  famous  Lincoln  family  of  Hingham,  Massachusetts,  from  which 
the  Emancipator  was  descended,  and  possessed  some  of  the  marked 
characteristics  of  the  noblest  representative  of  his  race.  His  father 
was  General  Levi  Lincoln,  and  his  brother  was  Levi  Lincoln,  Jr., 
both  of  whom  succeeded  to  the  gubernatorial  chair  of  Massachusetts. 
Enoch  Lincoln  was  born  in  Worcester  in  1788,  was  a  student  at  Har 
vard  for  several  years,  and  after  reading  law  with  his  brother,  removed 
to  Fryeburg,  Maine.  The  people  of  Paris  Hill  saw  a  good  deal  of 
Lincoln,  and  formed  a  high  opinion  of  him.  Dr.  Hamlin  probably 
1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans,  p.  119. 


BOYHOOD   AND   EDUCATION  27 

met  Lincoln  during  the  sessions  of  the  court  at  Paris  Hill,  and  with 
others  suggested  to  him  that  he  take  up  his  residence  at  that  place, 
and  represent  the  district  in  Congress  when  Maine  should  become  a 
State.  In  1819  Lincoln  came  to  Paris  Hill,  and  lived  at  Dr.  Hamlin's 
home  until  1826.  When  Maine  became  a  State,  in  1820,  Lincoln  was 
elected  to  Congress,  and  held  his  seat  until  1825,  when  he  resigned 
it  to  become  governor.  His  popularity  in  Maine  may  be  seen  from 
the  fact  that  he  was  chosen  governor  of  the  State  three  times  by 
an  almost  unanimous  vote. 

Lincoln  was  active  in  public  affairs  when  the  controversy  of  the 
admission  of  Missouri  as  a  slave  State  severely  agitated  the  country. 
He  got  a  glimpse  of  the  menacing  spirit  of  the  slave  power,  and  it 
filled  him  with  foreboding.  He  brooded  over  slavery  and  the  probable 
consequences  that  would  follow  its  perpetuation.  He  was  not  a  man 
of  action  in  the  full  sense  of  the  word.  His  tastes  ran  to  literature ; 
he  was  a  scholar  and  poet.  Slavery  oppressed  him  as  a  moral  wrong, 
and  he  denounced  it.  Dr.  Hamlin  was  a  sympathetic  listener.  Thus 
Hannibal  Hamlin  grew  up  in  a  strong  anti-slavery  atmosphere,  and  at 
the  start  imbibed  the  right  practical  ideas  about  the  institution  which 
he  expressed  in  action  as  an  anti-slavery  leader.  In  connection  with 
this  it  is  interesting  to  recall  some  of  Lincoln's  words  when  he  became 
governor,  and  which  were  formal  expressions  of  his  conversations  at 
the  Hamlins'.  In  one  of  his  state  papers  to  the  legislature  of  Maine, 
in  speaking  of  the  slaves  he  said  :  "  But  they  are  men,  and  no  plea 
of  private  advantage  or  public  policy  can  justify  their  enslavement,  or 
palliate  the  enormities  committed  in  stealing  them  from  their  native 
country,  subduing  them  to  obedience,  and  working  them,  as  though 
they  were  beasts  in  human  form.  It  is  idle  to  talk  of  legal  restraints 
upon  men  whose  crimes  are  witnessed  only  by  accomplices  or  suffer 
ers,  of  the  former  of  whom  the  testimony  would  be  evasive  through 
interest  and  corruption,  of  the  latter  excluded  by  law.  Indeed,  when 
you  have  given  power,  you  will  legislate  in  vain  about  its  exercise,  and 
if  you  tolerate  servitude,  you  cannot  separate  from  it  the  horror  of 
barbarous  tyranny." 

This  was  more  than  an  acute  warning  and  true  prophecy  ;  it  was  a 
judgment  on  the  fugitive  slave  law  that  was  enacted  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century  after  the  grass  had  grown  over  the  grave  of  the 
one  who  uttered  it. 

Lincoln  also  spoke  with  the  vision  of  a  prophet  of  old  when  he 
wrote  these  lines  in  his  poem,  "  The  Village,"  —  a  picture  of  New 
England  life  that  was  widely  read  in  Maine  in  his  day  :  — 

"No  slave  is  now,  nor  ever  shall  be  here. 
O'er  slavery's  plague,  ye  happy  freemen  pause, 
And  learn  to  love  your  country  and  its  laws. 


28  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Avenging  justice  follows  after  crime, 
And  sure  o'ertaken  in  the  lapse  of  time. 
Oppressed  humanity  its  chains  will  spurn, 
And  meanest  slaves  upon  their  tyrants  turn." 

Lincoln  was  but  thirty-seven  years  old  wljen  he  became  governor 
of  Maine,  and  died  at  the  close  of  his  last  term,  at  the  age  of  forty. 
His  too  pronounced  artistic  ability  prevented  him  from  attaining  the 
prominence  that  should  have  been  his  by  virtue  of  his  talents,  honor, 
and  heart.  His  early  death  was  a  great  loss  to  the  State,  and  the 
people  sincerely  mourned  him. 

Governor  Lincoln  had  at  this  time  one  of  the  best  private  libraries 
in  the  State  of  Maine.  Books  were  then  scarce  and  valuable.  The 
fact  that  Lincoln  was  not  only  generous  in  lending  his  treasures,  but 
also  sought  to  encourage  his  boyish  friends  in  reading,  is  another 
proof  of  his  high  qualities.  He  gave  Hannibal  and  his  cousin  Cyrus 
of  Waterford  access  to  his  library,  and  together  the  ambitious  lads 
read  and  studied  the  biographies  of  many  a  famous  man.  Hannibal's 
studies  were  conducted  under  difficulties  that,  however  hard  they  may 
appear,  operated  in  the  end  to  spur  him  on  to  greater  efforts.  His 
duties  on  the  farm  kept  him  busy  a  large  part  of  the  day,  and  made 
him  all  the  more  eager  to  return  to  his  books  when  he  had  the  time. 
He  had  to  rise  at  five  o'clock,  milk  half  a  dozen  cows,  and  care  for 
other  cattle  before  going  to  the  farm.  There  he  was  busy  enough 
until  sundown.  After  his  work  was  done,  he  had  to  milk  the  cows 
again  and  take  care  of  the  cattle  for  the  night.  It  was  usually  seven 
o'clock  before  his  time  was  his  own,  but  he  was  young,  vigorous,  and 
ambitious.  He  read  and  studied  every  night  he  could  spare  as  late  as 
his  strength  would  permit. 

The  evenings  young  Hamlin  spent  in  this  way  were  of  more  practi 
cal  benefit  to  him  than  all  the  time  he  had  spent  in  school  on  the 
study  of  Latin  and  Greek  and  other  subjects  required  for  the  admis 
sion  to  college.  Practically  it  was  a  year's  study  of  character  and  of 
the  acquirement  of  information  that  was  of  solid  use  to  him  in  begin 
ning  his  political  career.  In  connection  with  this  a  circumstance  of 
importance  should  be  emphasized.  He  always  spoke  with  great  affec 
tion  of  his  mother's  influence  over  him  in  shaping  his  life,  and  one 
thing  in  particular  should  be  considered  in  this  respect  in  the  effect 
it  had  on  Hamlin's  moral  and  mental  development.  Mrs.  Hamlin 
was  very  devout  and  exceedingly  conscientious  in  observing  her 
religious  duties  to  her  children.  She  always  insisted,  in  her  quiet 
way,  on  one  thing,  that  while  her  children  lived  at  her  home,  they 
should  twice  a  day  memorize  and  recite  at  the  family  prayers  passages 
from  the  Bible.  Hannibal  Hamlin  strictly  complied  with  his  mother's 


BOYHOOD   AND   EDUCATION  29 

wishes  for  more  than  a  dozen  years.  He  had  a  deep  religious  nature 
that  expressed  itself  in  acts  rather  than  words ;  his  belief  in  the  exist 
ence  of  the  Supreme  Being  was  always  as  strong  as  that  in  his  own 
existence.  In  addition  to  the  moral  influence  the  Bible  exerted 
over  him,  it  also  offered  him  mental  discipline,  and  was  a  source  of 
strength  to  him  in  temporal  affairs.  In  after  life  some  of  his  most 
effective  arguments  were  rested  on  Biblical  teachings,  and  often  his 
terse,  brief  sentences  were  of  Biblical  style. 

The  line  of  reading  which  Hamlin  liked  best  was  American  biogra 
phy  and  history.  The  life  of  Washington  made  the  deepest  impres 
sion  on  him.  Through  Colonel  Africa  Hamlin  his  relatives  knew 
more  about  Washington  as  a  man  than  books  told  of  him.  The  more 
Hannibal  learned  of  Washington, — the  man  whose  generalship  won 
the  country  its  independence,  whose  statesmanship  kept  it  in  the 
right  path,  whose  patriotism  and  unselfish  nature  prompted  him  to 
lay  down  power  when  he  was  most  powerful,  —  the  more  the  lad 
admired  him.  Throughout  all  his  life  Hannibal  Hamlin  believed 
Washington  to  have  been  the  greatest  of  all  Americans. 

The  life  of  Jefferson  appealed  to  the  lad  with  great  force.  He  felt 
that  Jefferson  was  a  man  to  whom  the  common  people  could  turn 
with  perfect  safety.  He  was  in  sympathy  with  them  ;  he  could 
fathom  their  aspirations  before  any  other  leader,  and  guide  them  in 
the  right  direction.  Jefferson  at  this  time  had  been  long  enough 
removed  from  the  scene  for  the  country  to  contemplate  his  services 
without  partisan  feelings.  His  purchase  of  the  Louisiana  territory 
in  the  face  of  the  fiercest  opposition  was  now  being  thoroughly  under 
stood  and  appreciated,  in  the  importance  of  its  influence  on  the  des 
tiny  of  the  country.  It  converted  the  United  States  from  a  small 
seaboard  nation  into  an  empire  stretching  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific.  Emigration  to  the  West  was  now  strong ;  a  new  national 
life  sprang  up,  and  Jefferson's  fame  was  brightened  for  the  new  gen 
eration. 

Dr.  Cyrus  Hamlin,  in  his  reminiscences  of  these  days,  told  an 
interesting  story  how  he  and  his  cousin  Hannibal  read  Las  Casas' 
Life  of  Napoleon  together,  and  talked  it  over.  At  this  time  the  feel 
ing  against  Great  Britain,  caused  by  the  war  of  1812,  was  still  intense, 
and  the  two  lads  particularly  enjoyed  reading  the  great  Corsican's 
life  because  he  thrashed  the  Britishers,  and  also  because  Bonaparte 
and  his  army  seemed  to  be  bayoneted  exemplars  of  Republican  ideas. 
"  Every  soldier  of  France  carries  a  field  marshal's  baton  in  his  knap 
sack,"  was  a  genuine  American  sentiment,  and  Napoleon's  recognition 
of  bravery  and  merit  as  a  basis  for  promotion,  rather  than  birth,  glo 
rified  him  in  the  eyes  of  ardent  American  boys.  Hannibal  had  his 
boyish  dream  of  being  a  soldier  ;  in  fact,  he  even  induced  Governor 


30  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Lincoln,  the  last  year  he  was  in  Congress,  to  promise  him  a  cadetship 
at  West  Point.  Whether  the  appointment  was  actually  made  is  not 
known,  but  it  is  certain  that  Hanibal  could  have  been  a  cadet,  and 
was  preparing  to  leave  home,  when  his  mother  asked  him  for  her 
sake  to  give  up  his  ambitions  to  enter  the  army.  Hannibal  believed 
that  he  ought  to  yield  to  his  mother,  and,  did  so,  to  her  great  liap- 
piness.  This  was  the  last  favor  Mr.  Lincoln  rendered  this  young 
friend.  When  he  was  elected  governor  of  Maine  he  removed  to  Au 
gusta,  where  he  died. 

Hamlin  resumed  his  plodding  life  on  his  father's  farm  with  unde 
cided  ideas  as  to  the  profession  he  should  follow.  He  still  cherished 
hopes  of  being  able  to  pursue  a  college  course  after  his  brother 
Cyrus  had  been  provided  for,  and  thought  of  earning  money  to  pay 
his  own  way.  Perhaps  to  give  Hannibal  an  opportunity  to  make  a 
little  money,  and  also  to  let  him  see  some  more  of  the  world  before 
making  up  his  mind  about  a  profession,  Dr.  Hamlin  decided  to  send 
his  son  to  Boston  for  a  few  months.  Hannibal  found  employment  as 
a  clerk  in  a  small  fruit  store.  That  which  made  the  greatest  impres 
sion  on  him  at  this  time  was  the  theatre.  Dr.  Hamlin  was  fond  of 
acting,  and  his  home  at  Paris  Hill  was  the  theatre  for  the  ambitious 
Thespian  Club  of  the  Hill.  There  were  jolly  times  at  his  house. 
Elijah  Hamlin  was  the  star  actor  of  the  Hill  at  first,  and  Hannibal 
about  this  time  succeeded  to  his  brother's  histrionic  mantle.  Com 
ing  to  Boston  in  1827,  he  found  the  old  Boston  Theatre  a  place  of 
great  interest.  Wallack,  the  elder,  Edmund  Kean,  William  Charles 
McCready,  Edwin  Forrest,  William  A.  Conway,  Junius  Brutus  Booth  ; 
Charles  Matthews,  senior,  and  other  great  actors,  were  appearing  at 
the  Boston  Theatre  at  this  time.  The  lad  was  carried  away  with  the 
scenes  before  him,  and  was  seized  with  the  desire  to  become  an  actor. 
But  before  making  any  move  he  decided  to  consult  his  parents. 
Dr.  Hamlin  was  too  broad  a  man  to  entertain  prejudice  against  act 
ing  as  a  profession,  and  he  regarded  the  drama  as  an  educator  as  well 
as  a  means  of  amusement  ;  but  he  knew  his  high-spirited  son  would 
in  all  probability  lead  an  unhappy  life  on  the  stage,  and  he  believed 
Hannibal  would  have  a  career  in  politics.  All  this  he  pointed  out  in 
a  tactful  letter.  The  closing  sentence,  separated  from  the  rest  of  the 
text,  would  seem  harsh,  but  it  was  eminently  practical.  The  doctor 
wrote :  "  If  you  want  to  be  a  fool,  and  give  up  opportunities  for  a 
promising  career,  you  can  go  on  the  stage  ;  but  if  you  want  to  be 
sensible,  and  make  use  of  your  talents  in  a  sensible  calling,  come 
home."  Hannibal  came  home,  but  he  always  retained  a  love  of 
the  drama.  In  after  life  he  made  a  practice  of  collecting  and  study 
ing  the  standard  plays  he  saw,  and  he  had  some  lifelong  friends 
among  the  noblest  actors  of  his  day.  One  was  Edwin  Forrest,  whom 


BOYHOOD   AND   EDUCATION  31 

he  probably  met  before  he  entered  public  life,  possibly  when  he  him 
self  wanted  to  go  on  the  stage. 

Coming  home  in  the  winter  of  1827,  Hannibal  again  set  about  to 
earn  money  to  pay  his  way  at  college.  An  incident  happened  that 
was  of  practical  benefit  to  him.  An  odd  character  named  Ellis, 
who  never  seemed  to  be  happy  unless  he  was  away  from  civilization, 
was  engaged  by  Dr.  Hamlin  and  others  to  survey  a  township  of  land 
they  owned  on  Dead  River.  Ellis  offered  to  take  Hannibal  on  condi 
tion  that  he  would  cut  wood  and  draw  water  for  the  cook.  Hamlin 
saw  an  opportunity  to  learn  surveying,  and  accepted  Ellis's  offer.  A 
party  of  five  or  six  was  formed,  and  they  fitted  themselves  out  for  a 
six  weeks'  expedition.  They  walked  on  snowshoes,  and  slept  in  their 
blankets  on  the  snow,  which  was  seven  or  eight  feet  deep.  What 
impressed  young  Hamlin  most  strongly  at  first  in  his  mid-forest  life 
was  the  unerring  precision  with  which  Ellis  and  his  assistants  found 
their  way  from  point  to  point  back  to  camp.  He  saw  that  they  had 
trained  their  powers  of  observation  to  a  high  degree,  and  learned  by 
experience  that  the  habit  of  noticing  little  landmarks  became  a  second 
nature  and  a  sure  guide.  He  developed  this  practice  to  such  a  degree 
that  he  was  never  known  to  lose  his  way  in  the  many  times  he  tramped 
through  forest,  or  in  strange  cities  on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

With  the  help  of  Ellis  and  his  assistants  Hannibal  soon  picked  up 
enough  practical  knowledge  about  surveying  to  make  a  little  money 
now  and  then  after  he  returned  home.  He  appreciated  the  kindness 
of  his  friends  in  teaching  him  how  to  survey,  and  returned  it  in  a  way 
they  never  forgot.  The  coming  of  Christmas  found  the  surveyors 
still  busy.  The  men  were  a  little  blue,  thinking  about  the  festivities 
at  home,  and  were  rather  silent  when  they  gathered  in  camp  for  the 
night  meal.  When  they  sat  down  around  their  rough  board  table, 
prepared  to  eat  their  customary  supper  of  baked  beans,  coffee,  and 
hard  tack,  Hamlin  slipped  out  of  the  camp  with  the  cook,  and  in  a 
few  minutes  returned  with  an  immense  pan,  while  the  cook  was  laden 
down  with  various  pots  and  stewpans,  all  of  which  emitted  appetizing 
odors.  On  the  table  was  spread  a  feast  for  lords.  During  the  few 
days  preceding  Christmas,  young  Hamlin,  unbeknown  to  the  survey 
ors,  had  tramped  miles  through  the  woods,  shooting  partridges,  wild 
turkeys,  and  other  game,  and  catching  trout  through  the  ice.  He 
himself  cooked  a  partridge-pie,  which  was  the  principal  dish  of  the 
dinner.  It  was  a  red-letter  night,  and  there  was  no  merrier  band  of 
Christmas  revelers  in  Maine  that  year  than  those  who  enjoyed  Han 
nibal's  dinner  in  the  midst  of  its  forests. 

This  dinner  lived  in  the  recollection  of  those  who  ate  it,  and  an 
interesting  result  came  from  it  nearly  thirty  years  afterwards,  when 
Hannibal  Hamlin  was  running  for  governor  in  the  most  exciting  and 


32  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

momentous  campaign  yet  fought  in  Maine.  He  spoke  one  night  in  a 
little  cross-road  village,  where  the  people  gathered  from  miles  around 
to  hear  him  on  the  issue  of  slavery.  There  was  something  familiar 
about  the  face  of  the  chairman,  and  looking  at  him  again,  Hamlin  re 
cognized  his  old  friend  Ellis,  whom  he  had  not  seen  since  the  dinner. 
Ellis  had  never  forgotten  his  young  friend,  and  had  come  out  of  his 
haunts  in  the  wilderness  to  help  a  man  whom  he  believed  to  be  honest 
and  disinterested. 

After  the  surveying  trip,  Hamlin  found  that  a  teacher  was  wanted 
in  his  old  school  at  Paris  Hill,  and  he  applied  for  the  vacancy.  Teach 
ing  a  country  school  in  rural  Maine  was  not  always  a  smooth  and  pleas 
ant  life.  In  the  winter  and  early  spring  time  it  usually  happened  that 
many  young  men  who  had  little  to  do  on  their  farms  came  to  the 
district  school  to  repair  the  deficiencies  of  their  early  education.  The 
Paris  Hill  school  in  the  spring  of  1828  had  pupils  who  ranged  from 
children  in  pinafores  to  young  men  and  women.  The  master  was 
called  on  to  teach  children  their  letters  and  fit  boys  for  college.  But 
there  was  another  requirement  that  some  failed  to  meet.  Among  the 
lusty  farmer  lads  who  attended  this  school  was  a  rather  unruly  set, 
that  looked  on  the  teacher  in  the  light  of  an  enemy  and  their  natural 
prey.  When  they  heard  Han  Hamlin  was  to  take  the  school,  the 
story  is,  they  talked  him  over  and  came  to  this  decision,  that  if  Han 
was  "  stuck  up  "  in  consequence  of  his  appointment  as  school-teacher 
they  would  "  chuck  him  out  of  the  window,"  with  the  important  pro 
viso,  if  they  could.  Hamlin  heard  of  the  plot  that  was  brewing,  and 
knowing  how  some  unfortunate  college  sophomores  had  been  "  chucked 
out  of  the  window"  on  account  of  a  little  misunderstanding  which  could 
have  been  easily  prevented,  he  took  the  initiative  to  let  the  boys  know 
how  he  felt  over  his  elevation  in  life.  The  day  Hamlin  entered  upon 
his  new  duties,  he  began  by  calling  the  school  to  order.  There  was  a 
look  of  mischief  in  the  eyes  of  the  big  fellows  sprawling  on  the  back 
seats.  Looking  at  them,  Hamlin  said  in  his  sincere,  quiet  way  : 
"  Boys,  out  of  school  you  will  find  that  I  will  be  as  good  a  friend  as 
ever,  but  here  you  will  find  that  I  will  be  the  master."  The  boys  ex 
changed  approving  glances,  and  passed  around  the  word,  "  Han  is  n't 
stuck  up."  The  new  teacher  was  as  good  as  his  word.  Out  of  doors 
he  engaged  in  all  the  sports,  and  in  school  he  lightened  the  hours  by 
drawing  on  his  knowledge  of  history  and  biography  for  the  benefit  and 
enjoyment  of  his  pupils  in  connection  with  their  routine  work.  He 
found  his  experience  of  value  to  him,  and  often  advised  young  men  to 
spend  a  winter  or  two  in  teaching,  to  learn  how  to  impart  their  know 
ledge  and  also  how  to  exercise  power ;  in  fact,  he  enforced  these  ideas 
on  several  of  his  sons  at  different  times,  twenty-five  to  forty  years 
after  his  own  experience. 


BOYHOOD   AND   EDUCATION  33 

In  1829  Hamlin  was  twenty  years  old,  and  had  made  up  his  mind 
to  become  a  lawyer.  He  yet  hoped  to  take  a  college  course,  but 
he  determined  to  risk  no  chances.  He  had  still  to  carry  on  his  fa 
ther's  farm,  and  as  he  was  fitted  to  enter  college  resolved  to  begin 
reading  law  by  night,  so  that  whatever  happened  he  might  prepare 
for  the  future.  He  had  saved  up  a  little  money  by  teaching  and 
surveying,  and  as  Cyrus  was  now  practicing  with  his  brother-in-law, 
Dr.  Job  Holmes,  in  Calais,  it  looked  to  Hannibal  as  if  he  might  be 
able,  after  earning  a  little  more  money,  to  enter  college.  In  the  winter 
of  1829,  When  he  was  released  from  his  farm  duties,  young  Hamlin 
secured  a  school  at  Columbia,  where  he  lived  for  several  months  with 
his  brother  Elijah,  working  on  his  Blackstone  at  night.  But  in  the 
spring,  while  Hannibal  was  enjoying  his  brother's  delightful  compan 
ionship,  and  pursuing  his  studies  with  advantage,  news  came  from 
Paris  Hill  that  a  terrible  blow  had  fallen  on  the  happy  home  there. 
Dr.  Hamlin  was  dead.  He  died  of  pneumonia  after  a  few  days' 
illness.  His  condition  was  not  thought  to  be  critical  until  a  short 
time  before  he  passed  away,  and  the  members  of  the  family  who  were 
not  at  Paris  Hill  were  not  summoned  in  time  to  be  with  him  when 
he  died.  The  loss  of  a  father  who  had  been  so  devoted  a  parent  and 
companion  was  a  severe  shock  to  Hannibal ;  but  he  voluntarily  aban 
doned  all  hopes  of  obtaining  a  college  education,  and  returned  home, 
to  become  the  prop  of  his  mother  and  sisters. 


CHAPTER   IV  - 

FARMER,    PRINTER,    AND    LAW    STUDENT 

DURING  the  months  that  followed  his  father's  death,  Hamlin  found 
distraction  in  the  exciting  presidential  election  of  1829.  This  was 
the  first  political  campaign  in  which  Hannibal  Hamlin  took  part,  and 
it  is  easy  to  see  why  he  entered  into  it  with  heart  and  soul.  An 
drew  Jackson  was  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President,  and  was 
the  idol  of  his  party.  Hamlin  saw  Jackson  in  subsequent  years,  and 
often  spoke  of  Old  Hickory's  wonderful  personality.  He  was  a  born 
leader,  picturesque-looking,  very  passionate,  warm-hearted,  and  hon 
esty  itself.  His  eccentricities  of  temper  and  mistakes  of  judgment 
even  served  to  make  the  masses  of  his  party  understand  and  love  him 
all  the  better.  If  Jackson  was  not  versed  in  the  highest  arts  of  states 
manship,  and  was  narrow,  he  was  nevertheless  an  iron-willed  patriot, 
and  rode  fierce  gales  that  threatened  the  safety  of  the  young  country. 
He  checked  the  secession  movement,  which,  with  a  weak  man  at  the 
head  of  the  government,  might  have  succeeded  ;  he  crushed  the  United 
States  Bank,  and  compelled  the  United  States  to  do  its  own  business 
and  keep  in  the  paths  of  Jefferson,  —  the  simplest  and  easiest  for  the 
young  nation  to  follow. 

Jackson  was  the  unique  product  of  a  unique  period.  When  the 
little  seaboard  republic  expanded  into  a  continental  empire,  emigration 
to  the  great  West  followed.  A  new,  strange,  and  fiercely  exuberant 
civilization  was  developed  there.  New  conditions  were  consequently 
created,  and  in  this  marvelous  period  of  national  growth,  national 
faith  in  democracy  as  the  cornerstone  of  the  republic  was  enthusiastic. 
The  spirit  of  democracy  was  rampant,  as  naturally  befitted  the  crude 
state  of  affairs.  Novel  problems  constantly  arose,  bringing  with  them 
unexpected  dangers ;  in  a  word,  the  nation  was  in  a  formative  period, 
the  Republic  was  still  an  experiment.  The  country  needed  a  strong 
man,  who  could  be  understood  by  the  enthusiastic  and  headstrong 
masses.  The  colleges  and  schools  were  relatively  few  in  number ; 
the  newspaper  press  a  pygmy,  and  with  the  locomotive  and  steamboat 
in  their  infancy,  and  the  telegraph  not  yet  in  existence,  communica 
tion  was  slow.  The  difficulties  of  spreading  information  among  the 
masses  about  the  principles  of  self-government  were  a  condition  that 
does  not  exist  to-day.  Hence  there  is  a  philosophical  consideration 


FARMER,    PRINTER,    AND   LAW    STUDENT  35 

to  be  weighed  in  connection  with  Jackson's  act  in  turning  Federal 
ists  out  of  office  by  the  wholesale,  and  replacing  them  by  men  of 
his  own  party  who  had  never  held  office  before,  and  who,  according 
to  the  historians  of  the  day,  had  at  first  but  crude  ideas  of  the  prin 
ciples  of  government.  The  absence  of  better  means  of  instructing 
the  masses  of  the  people  in  the  art  of  government,  and  informing  them 
of  what  the  government  was  doing,  places  Jackson's  course  in  a  new 
light.  Necessity,  the  craving  for  intimate  knowledge  of  governmental 
affairs  among  the  masses,  were  a  legitimate  outcome  of  the  times,  and 
probably  had  as  much  to  do  with  "raiding  the  offices,"  as  desire  to 
"get  the  spoils  of  war."  Civil  service  reform  came  in  due  time,  when 
the  Marcy  theory  had  degenerated  into  a  source  of  danger  and  corrupt 
power  ;  but  it  was  also  the  product  of  a  new  age,  an  enlightened 
period  when  communication  was  rapid  through  the  press,  the  tele 
graph  and  mails,  when  the  nation  could  learn  of  a  governmental  act 
the  day  it  was  executed  and  publish  its  reply  the  next.  On  the  whole, 
it  was  fortunate  the  country  had  in  this  seething  condition  of  affairs 
a  man  at  the  head  of  the  government  as  human,  honest,  simple,  patri 
otic,  and  inflexible  as  Andrew  Jackson. 

The  campaign  of  1829  was  hotly  contested,  and  was  very  exciting. 
Belief  that  Congress  had  cheated  Jackson  out  of  the  presidency  in 
1825,  by  electing  John  Quincy  Adams,  stimulated  the  Democrats  to 
great  exertion.  There  was  the  glamour  of  1812,  too,  about  Jackson, 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  President  Adams,  who  was  a  candidate  for 
reelection,  was  believed  to  be  cold  and  at  heart  a  monarchist.  This 
was  unjust  to  Adams,  as  the  country  afterwards  learned.  But  though 
Mr.  Adams  deserved  reelection  on  his  merits,  the  conditions  required 
Jackson.  The  new  West  created  these  conditions  ;  Jackson  did  not, 
though  his  recluse  critics  seem  to  believe  it.  The  flood  gates  of  de 
mocracy  were  opened,  and  Jackson  was  overwhelmingly  elected.1 

Although  Hamlin  was  not  yet  old  enough  to  vote,  he  spoke  for 
Old  Hickory,  and  shared  in  the  exultation  over  his  success.  The  cam 
paign  had  an  interesting  effect  on  him.  Plodding  on  the  farm  and 
reading  law  at  night  he  found  rather  slow  work,  and  he  looked  for  an 
opportunity  to  forge  ahead.  One  came  in  an  amusing  manner.  Two 
years  before  this,  Asa  Barton,  a  bookseller  of  Paris  Hill,  had  estab 
lished  a  weekly  newspaper  under  the  title  of  the  "Oxford  Democrat." 
It  was'  successful,  but  for  some  unknown  reason  Mr.  Barton  took 
offense  at  his  surroundings,  and  one  fine  day  the  good  people  of  Paris 
Hill  woke  up  to  find  that  Barton  and  his  newspaper  had  disappeared. 
The  night  before,  Barton  had  placed  his  entire  establishment  in  an  ox 
cart,  and  taken  it  over  to  the  rival  and  neighboring  town  of  Norway. 
Of  course,  Norway  had  a  roar  of  laughter  over  the  discomfiture  of 

1  For  the  other  view  of  Jackson,  see  his  life  by  Professor  William  G.  Sumner. 


36  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Paris  Hill,  and  this  incited  the  Jackson  Democrats  of  the  Hill  to  have 
a  newspaper  whose  policy  and  movements  also  they  could  control. 
Accordingly,  Judge  Emery,  Alanson  Mellen,  Moses  Hammond, 
Thomas  Webster,  Alfred  Andrews,  Thomas  Crocker,  and  Rufus  K. 
Goodenow,  who  was  afterwards  a  member  of  Congress,  raised  the 
money  necessary,  and  started  a  weekly  newspaper,  under  the  title  of 
the  "  Jefferson ian."  Joseph  G.  Cole,  a  Harvard  graduate  and  a  law 
student  in  Judge  Emery's  office,  was  appointed  editor  at  a  salary  of 
one  dollar  and  a  half  a  week,  which,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  was  satis 
factory  compensation,  since  it  enabled  the  editor  to  live  at  the  best 
boarding-house  at  Paris  Hill. 

Hamlin  knew  the  Emerys  well,  and  at  this  time  was  a  frequent 
visitor  at  their  house.  He  was  attached  to  Judge  Emery's  daughter 
Sarah,  and  although  no  engagement  as  yet  existed  between  them,  it  was 
understood  that  there  was  likely  to  be  one  when  Hannibal's  circum 
stances  permitted  him  to  declare  himself.  Judge  Emery  took  a  strong 
interest  in  the  young  man,  and  encouraged  him  to  strike  out  into  poli 
tics.  Hamlin  learned  about  this  time  that  the  "  Jeffersonian  "  might 
be  purchased.  Without  saying  anything  to  outsiders,  he  had  a  quiet 
conversation  with  the  owners,  with  the  result  that  one  day  in  May, 
1830,  he  walked  into  the  office  of  the  "Jeffersonian,"  and  finding  there 
a  young  man  of  his  own  age,  whose  bright  and  frank  face  reflected  a 
quick  mind  and  honest  character,  said  to  him  :  — 

"Horatio,  Tom  Witts  and  I  have  bought  the  'Jeffersonian.'  He 
is  already  sick  of  his  bargain.  Will  you  come  into  partnership  with 
me  ?  " 

This  was  Horatio  King,  who  was  at  the  beginning  of  his  active 
career.  He  lived  near  Paris  Hill,  and  saw  a  great  deal  of  Hannibal 
Hamlin  as  boy  and  man.  He  was  now  the  printer's  devil,  and  pon 
dering  a  career  as  a  newspaper  editor.  In  an  amusing  reminiscence, 
King  told  how  it  took  him  a  long  time  to  decide  in  what  manner  to 
submit  an  article  to  the  "Jeffersonian."  Finally  he  sent  it  to  the 
editor-in-chief,  Cole,  as  an  anonymous  communication,  who,  to  King's 
great  delight,  published  it.  Then  he  announced  himself  to  Cole's 
great  amazement  as  the  author. 

King  was  taken  by  surprise  at  the  sudden  change  in  the  ownership 
of  the  "  Jeffersonian,"  but  as  it  offered  him  an  opportunity  to  promote 
his  own  fortunes  he  readily  agreed.  The  young  men  did  not  have 
enough  money  to  buy  the  paper  outright ;  Hamlin  had  only  two 
hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  which  was  his  share  of  his  father's  estate. 
The  owners  of  the  "  Jeffersonian,"  however,  accepted  notes  for  the 
balance  of  the  debt,  and  on  May  30,  1830,  the  paper  appeared  under 
the  management  of  Hamlin  and  King.  As  Hamlin  did  not  know 
how  to  set  type,  he  consented  to  release  Witts,  the  foreman,  from 


FARMER,    PRINTER,    AND   LAW   STUDENT  37 

his  agreement  to  buy  the  "  Jeffersonian,"  on  condition  that  he  would 
do  two  weeks'  work  in  the  office  for  nothing.  Witts  had  to  carry  out 
his  promise,  and  Hamlin  learned  enough  from  him  to  get  started  as 
a  printer.  King  succeeded  Witts  as  foreman  and  Cole  remained  the 
editor. 

The  office  boy  was  Henry  Carter,  another  lad  with  a  future  before 
him.  He  was  distantly  related  to  Hamlin,  and  ran  away  from  his 
home  in  Portland  to  learn  the  newspaper  business  under  his  kins 
man.  The  three  lads  had  a  busy  time  for  the  next  six  months,  and 
Hamlin,  who  worked  as  writer,  printer,  farmer,  and  law  student,  used 
to  refer  jokingly  to  this  experience  as  his  college  education.  The 
"  Jeffersonian  "  was  printed  on  a  Ramage  press  and  required  two 
pulls  for  each  side  of  the  paper.  Cole  wrote  one  dignified  editorial, 
a  week,  Hamlin  and  King  assisted  and  also  turned  in  news.  To  save 
time  Hamlin  would  often  set  his  matter  up  "  hot  from  the  brain," 
without  reducing  it  first  to  writing.  When  they  worked  the  press, 
King  handled  the  fly  and  Hamlin  would  ink  the  type.  He  used 
to  say  with  a  smile  that  a  little  ink  would  not  hurt  his  complexion. 
His  associates  said  that  he  was  always  jolly  and  full  of  fun,  except  at 
*  times  when  he  seemed  to  be  "  wandering  in  dreams,"  possibly  think 
ing  of  a  career  beyond  that  little  office.  King  told  a  story  to  illus 
trate  Hamlin's  fun-loving  disposition.  A  gaping  boy  applied  for  a 
position  in  the  office,  and  when  he  asked  how  to  learn  the  printing 
business,  Hamlin  told  him  that  he  must  begin  by  eating  printer's 
ink.  Before  any  one  could  stop  him,  he  scooped  some  of  the  stuff 
into  his  mouth.  But  the  young  partners  squared  things  by  teaching 
him  how  to  set  type. 

In  six  months  Hamlin  found  that  the  "  Jeffersonian  "  was  not  mak 
ing  enough  money  for  two  proprietors,  and  he  offered  to  sell  out  to 
King  or  buy  him  out.  King  decided  to  buy,  and  subsequently  merged 
the  "Jeffersonian"  into  a  Portland  newspaper,  after  which  he  entered 
the  government  postal  service.  Cole  established  a  law  office,  and 
Hamlin  and  Carter  read  with  him  for  a  year  or  more.  "All  the  lead 
ing  traits  in  Hamlin's  character,"  wrote  Mr.  Carter,  "which  distin 
guished  him  in  public  life  were  conspicuous  in  those  days  —  only  they 
grew  with  his  growth  and  strengthened  with  his  strength  by  coming 
in  contact  with  the  outer  world.  Never  despising  what  he  could  learn 
from  books  and  schools,  he  learned  vastly  more  from  his  struggles 
and  experience  in  actual  life.  In  the  village  lyceum  he  was  easily  the 
best  debater,  although  he  had  never  studied  elocution  in  the  schools. 
He  did  not  attempt  any  flight  of  oratory  or  rhetoric ;  he  simply  had 
ideas  or  points  to  present,  and  expressed  himself  in  a  natural,  earnest, 
effective  manner.  He  was  always  himself ;  always  Han  Hamlin ; 
without  any  attempt  at  imitation  or  display.  He  was  strongly  demo- 


38  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

cratic  in  all  his  ideas  and  manner.  After  the  death  of  his  father,  the 
care  of  the  Hamlin  estate  devolved  on  him,  which  brought  him  in 
contact  with  the  plain  people,  and  served  to  strengthen  his  natural 
tendency  to  turn  from  the  artificial  and  cling  to  the  real." 

Other  interesting  glimpses  of  young  Hamlin 's  personal  character 
were  afforded  by  his  associate  of  those  days.  "We  walked,  rode, 
fished,  hunted,  and  danced,  and  he  always  treated  me  as  a  companion, 
although  four  or  five  years  older.  I  regarded  him  both  as  a  com 
panion  and  a  mentor.  Our  most  common  amusement  was  hunting, 
and  in  our  excursions  over  the  country  we  were  always  accompanied 
by  Hamlin's  little  dog  Carlo.  The  two  were  inseparable.  At  home, 
in  the  office,  or  in  the  woods,  there  was  Carlo  by  Hamlin's  side.  He 
was  small,  short-haired,  swift  of  foot,  nice  head,  and  bright  eyes,  and 
always  clean.  He  was  very  affectionate,  and  would  show  it  by  wag 
ging  his  tail,  barking,  and  looking  up  with  his  expressive  eyes.  Hamlin 
loved  that  little  dog,  and  Carlo  loved  him,  and  it  was  exhilarating  to 
see  Carlo  jump  when  Hamlin  would  take  his  gun.  Carlo  would  dart 
ahead  and  sometimes  in  his  zeal  run  out  of  sight.  Occasionally  we 
would  play  him  a  trick  and  switch  off  on  another  path.  When  he 
missed  us  we  would  hear  his  reproachful  yells,  and  he  would  wag  all 
over  when  he  caught  us  again.  I  never  saw  a  dog  so  clever  in  treeing 
partridges,  nor  one  so  affectionate.  Years  and  years  afterwards  when 
Hamlin  was  collector  of  the  port  of  Boston,  I  spent  an  evening  with 
him,  and  Carlo  was  a  prominent  topic  of  conversation.  And  sixty 
years  afterwards  there  is  no  picture  of  Han  Hamlin  so  vivid  in  my 
mind  as  when  he  was  walking  across  the  green  at  Paris  Hill,  with 
Carlo  by  his  side." 

Hamlin's  magnetism  was  recognized  at  that  time,  and  a  story 
was  told  that  illustrated  his- power  to  soothe  ruffled  spirits.  He 
planned  a  ride  into  the  country  one  day  with  Carter  and  several  young 
women,  to  spend  the  afternoon  with  the  uncle  of  one  of  the  women 
in  the  party.  Hamlin  forgot  to  inform  those  they  intended  to  call  on 
of  their  contemplated  visit.  They  arrived  at  their  destination  about 
noon,  and  just  as  the  young  ladies  were  about  to  enter  the  house  it 
occurred  to  Hamlin  that  he  had  made  a  blunder.  The  fact  was, 
it  was  in  the  middle  of  the  haying  season,  when  their  host  was  as 
busy  as  he  could  be  hi  his  field.  Moreover,  it  was  just  dinner  hour, 
and  no  preparations  had  been  made  to  receive  guests.  What  made 
it  still  worse  was  the  fact  that  the  enforced  host  was  a  retired  sea 
captain,  of  a  curt  manner,  developed  from  long  life  on  shipboard. 
The  girls,  of  course,  knew  nothing  of  the  situation,  and  were  chilled 
when  the  old  captain,  stern-looking,  with  a  cue,  and  in  his  shirtsleeves, 
came  into  the  room  with  a  look  that  plainly  asked,  "  What 's  your  busi 
ness  ?  "  "  It  was  Hamlin's  excursion,"  said  Mr.  Carter,  "  and  I  stood 


FARMER,    PRINTER,   AND   LAW   STUDENT  39 

back  to  let  him  settle  with  the  social  function  ;  and  how  well  he  did  it ! 
He  explained  and  apologized  with  great  skill  and  discernment,  and 
gradually  the  captain's  face  lost  its  austere  look.  Then  Hamlin  with 
great  tact  drew  out  some  of  his  best  sea  yarns,  and  in  the  end  the 
old  sea-dog  was  completely  fascinated.  He  finally  forgot  his  haying, 
and  invited  us  to  dinner,  and  actually  compelled  us  to  spend  the  even 
ing  with  him." 

Another  incident  foreshadowed  the  coming  man.  "  In  those  days," 
wrote  Mr.  Carter,  "  Hamlin  exhibited  the  same  traits  of  loyalty  to  his 
friends  for  which  he  was  noted  in  after  years.  One  winter  I  was 
engaged  to  teach  school  near  Paris  Hill.  There  was  a  bitter  sectarian 
war  between  the  Baptists  and  the  Universalists,  and  the  teacher  was 
usually  the  one  who  suffered.  Hamlin  invited  me  to  a  dance  at 
Poland  one  night,  and  an  immense  fall  of  snow  prevented  me  from 
returning  to  school  the  next  morning.  An  illiterate  busybody,  who 
opposed  the  agent  who  appointed  me,  seized  the  opportunity  to  make 
war.  He  had  a  petition  drawn  up,  asking  the  school  board  to  dismiss 
me  on  the  charges  that  I  had  '  neglected  my  duties  as  a  teacher  to 
indulge  in  worldly  and  sinful  pleasures,'  that  I  '  had  used  profane  lan 
guage,'  and  was  'inefficient.'  Hamlin  came  forward  and  said  that  as  he 
had  got  me  into  the  scrape  he  would  get  me  out.  He  had  read  some 
law,  and  had  also  studied  the  trial  of  cases  in  court.  He  had  also 
investigated  the  school  and  knew  that  it  was  a  success.  He  finally 
understood  the  animus  of  the  charges  and  the  character  of  the  man 
who  made  them.  He  said  to  me,  'We  will  have  some  fun  out  of  this/ 
and  then  planned  to  vindicate  me.  This  he  did  in  his  own  way,  and 
without  any  help  from  his  elders. 

"  The  incident  revived  the  old  feud,  and  there  was  no  little  excite 
ment  when  the  hearing  began  in  the  schoolhouse.  My  enemy  made 
a  long  speech,  saying  that  his  children  had  made  little  or  no  improve 
ment  in  reading  that  he  could  ascertain,  that  I  had  been  heard  to 
swear,  and  was  not  competent.  Hamlin  at  once  put  him  on  the  stand 
and  asked  him  to  read  and  write  on  the  spot.  This  staggered  him  ; 
he  could  do  neither.  Hamlin  then  called  up  my  enemy's  son,  and 
asked  him  what  profane  words  I  had  used.  The  boy  replied  that  I 
had  been  heard  to  say  that  a  certain  man  was  a  'poor  deaf  old  devil.' 
Hamlin  asked  him  if  he  had  heard  anything  stronger  than  that  at 
home,  and  silence  was  the  reply.  Hamlin  next  placed  a  minister  on 
the  stand,  and  asked  him  if  saying  a  man  was  a  deaf  old  devil  was 
swearing.  The  minister  said  no,  and  that  it  '  was  not  taking  the  name 
of  the  Lord  in  vain.'  By  this  time  the  audience  was  in  a  roar  of 
laughter,  and  yet  Hamlin  was  not  done.  He  was  filled  with  righteous 
indignation,  and  made  a  speech  that  would  have  done  him  credit  in 
later  years,  denouncing  the  spirit  of  warfare  in  the  district  as  a  dis- 


40  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

grace  to  civilization,  a  detriment  to  education,  and  the  petition  as 
persecution.  The  committee  at  once  dismissed  the  case,  and  publicly 
complimented  me.  The  boys,  who  were  all  friendly  to  me,  started  to 
snowball  my  enemy,  and  it  was  all  Hamlin,  the  agent,  and  I  could  do 
to  stop  them.  But  that  was  like  Hannibal  Hamlin.  He  could  be  as 
merciful  to  a  fallen  enemy  as  he  was  merciless  in  felling  him." 

This  group  of  young  men  is  of  more  than  ordinary  interest,  and  the 
subsequent  lives  of  young  Hamlin' s  companions  were  a  source  of 
pride  to  him.  Cole  became  a  successful  lawyer,  and  was  for  many 
years  a  district  judge  in  Maine.  King  rose  in  the  government  postal 
service  to  the  top,  and  was  postmaster-general  in  Buchanan's  Cabinet 
during  the  latter  part  of  his  administration,  when  he  called  loyal  men 
to  his  side.  Carter  returned  to  journalism  and  became  editor  of  the 
"  Portland  Advertiser."  He  rendered  valuable  service  when  the 
Republican  party  was  formed,  and  was  one  of  the  men  who  placed 
Hannibal  Hamlin  at  the  head  of  his  party  when  he  was  elected 
governor.  He  was  subsequently  a  member  of  the  state  Senate  of 
Massachusetts,  and  for  many  years  the  municipal  judge  of  Haverhill. 


CHAPTER  V 

HANNIBAL   HAMLIN    AS    A   LAWYER 

AFTER  Hamlin  sold  out  his  interest  in  the  "  Jeffersonian,"  he  tried 
to  devote  himself  to  the  study  of  law  in  Cole's  office.  But  he  soon 
found  that  he  could  not  give  all  his  attention  to  the  law  without 
detriment  to  his  mother's  farm  and  live  stock,  and  he  had  to  adapt 
himself  to  circumstances  as  best  he  could.  The  farm  hands  noticed 
that  when  he  was  called  to  the  field  he  generally  brought  a  law  book 
with  him,  and  usually  found  a  chance  to  make  use  of  it.  When  he 
hoed  potatoes  they  often  saw  him  studying  out  a  case  while  standing 
at  the  head  of  a  row  of  potato  hills.  Presently  he  would  put  down 
the  book,  and  con  the  case  over  in  his  mind  while  working  down  to 
the  end  of  the  row  and  back  on  the  next.  Then  he  would  take  up 
his  book,  read  over  another  page  or  paragraph,  and  fix  it  in  his  mind 
while  hoeing  the  next  row  in  turn.  But  this  was  slow  work,  and 
Hamlin  saw  that  to  get  ahead  he  must  have  a  year's  study  in  an 
office  where  he  could  get  some  practical  experience  with  the  mechan 
ism  of  the  law.  To  this  end,  he  earned  money  by  surveying  land 
and  copying  legal  papers  for  lawyers  outside  of  his  regular  hours  of 
work.  By  hard  toil  and  careful  saving,  in  two  years'  time  he  had 
got  together  more  than  enough  money  to  pay  his  expenses  for  a  year 
in  Portland,  where  he  had  decided  to  go.  At  this  time  the  leading 
law  firm  in  Portland  was  Fessenden  &  Deblois.  Young  Hamlin  called 
upon  them,  and  asked  to  be  accepted  as  a  student  in  their  office. 
They- consented,  and  for  the  following  year  Hamlin  had  the  oppor 
tunities  he  had  sought. 

In  other  respects,  Hamlin's  associations  with  Fessenden  &  Deblois 
were  fortunate  for  him.  They  were  not  only  able  lawyers,  but  they 
were  also  fine  men.  The  senior  partner  was  General  Samuel  Fes 
senden,  one  of  the  most  interesting  and  picturesque  men  identified 
with  the  legal  profession  and  political  history  of  Maine.  He  had  a 
magnificent  personality ;  his  form  was  towering  ;  he  had  a  noble  face, 
kindly,  expressive  eyes,  and  a  calm,  confident  air.  He  was  what  he 
looked,  a  born  leader  and  a  man  of  heart  and  principle.  He  was  de 
scended  from  the  pioneer  Fessenden  family  of  Massachusetts,  and 
was  educated  at  Dartmouth.  He  left  his  mark  there  as  a  scholar, 
and  in  after  years  the  presidency  of  the  college  was  offered  to  him. 


42  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Coming  to  Portland,  he  took  and  maintained  a  high  position  at  the 
Cumberland  bar,  which  numbers  among  its  leaders  men  of  national 
reputation,  including  Simon  Greenleaf,  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  and- 
Thomas  B.  Reed.  General  Fessenden  disputed  the  leadership  of  the 
Cumberland  bar  with  Greenleaf,  until  the  latter  attached  himself  to 
the  Harvard  Law  School,  but  did  not  ca*e  for  public  life.  William 
Pitt  Fessenden  was  his  son,  but  he  was  no  abler  man  than  his  remark 
able  father.  A  difference  was  that  one  sought  a  political  career, 
the  other  declined  it.  General  Fessenden  was  best  known  in  New 
England  as  a  pioneer  Abolitionist.  Thomas  A.  Deblois,  his  partner, 
was  a  Massachusetts  man.  After  graduating  from  Harvard  he  came 
to  Portland,  and  for  many  years  was  associated  with  General  Fes 
senden.  He  was  a  man  of  sterling  qualities,  of  dignified  presence, 
and  was  widely  respected. 

When  Hamlin  entered  the  office  of  Fessenden  &  Deblois,  in  1832, 
the  legal  profession  still  enforced  stringent  rules  upon  students,  and 
observed  certain  ideas  of  professional  etiquette.  Students,  as  a  rule, 
were  required  to  light  office  fires,  sweep  floors,  run  errands,  and  do 
other  acts  of  a  rather  menial  capacity.  Lawyers  usually  wore  the 
old-fashioned  swallow-tailed  coat,  the  buff  waistcoat,  and  the  stock. 
Fessenden  &  Deblois,  however,  had  their  own  ideas  about  their  duties 
and  relations  to  their  students.  They  believed  in  encouraging  young 
men  and  in  instilling  high  ideas  of  dignity  and  courtesy  in  them. 
They  personally  interested  themselves  in  their  student,  and  treated 
him  almost  as  if  he  were  of  their'  own  flesh  and  blood ;  in  fact,  they 
seemed  to  make  little  distinction  between  him  and  William  Pitt 
Fessenden,  who  had  just  left  Bowdoin  to  enter  his  father's  office. 
General  Fessenden  was  continually  offering  practical  suggestions ; 
Mr.  Deblois  gave  earnest  advice  and  explanation.  They  were  very 
thoughtful  about  little  things.  Hamlin  never  forgot  their  kindness 
to  him.  Many  years  afterwards  he  used  to  tell  a  story  that  illus 
trated  the  consideration  of  his  preceptors.  One  day  a  client,  under 
indictment,  called  at  the  office  to  have  a  consultation.  Hamlin  was 
preparing  to  retire  to  the  adjoining  room  when  General  Fessenden 
stopped  him,  saying,  "  Hold  on,  my  son.  You  are  a  member  of  our 
legal  family ;  we  have  no  secrets  from  you.  And  I  think  you  had 
better  stay  here,  to  see  how  the  mechanism  of  the  law  works  in  such 
cases." 

During  this  year  the  Abolition  movement  in  the  United  States 
received  great  impetus  from  the  election  of  a  Parliament  pledged  to 
abolish  slavery  in  the  English  colonies.  Slavery  became  a  subject 
of  constant  interest  and  discussion  between  General  Fessenden  and 
Hamlin.  This  noble  man  hated  slavery  and  fiercely  denounced  it. 
He  joined  the  New  England  Anti-Slavery  Society  when  the  only 


HANNIBAL   HAMLIN   AS   A   LAWYER  43 

meeting  place  it  could  get  in  Boston  was  a  barn  loft  behind  the  Marl- 
borough  Hotel,  and  he  was  also  president  of  the  society  at  one  time. 
Hamlin  had  then  fixed  and  positive  ideas  about  slavery.  In  one  of 
his  conversations  with  Fessenden,  he  said :  — 

"  General,  I  hate  slavery,  and  I  would  fight  it  if  ever  I  got  a  chance. 
I  believe  in  Abolition,  and  hope  it  will  come,  but  I  do  not  believe  in 
the  Abolitionists  with  the  exception  of  yourself." 

In  truth,  the  Abolitionists  of  this  period,  notwithstanding  the  hu 
manity  of  their  cause,  with  but  few  exceptions  were  as  erratic, 
unpractical,  and  visionary  as  they  were  later  when  they  proposed  to 
dissolve  the  Union  to  prevent  slavery  from  being  extended  into  free 
soil.  General  Fessenden  was  a  man  too  broad-gauged  to  overlook 
the  practical  side  of  the  slavery  question.  He  believed  that  the  part 
the  Abolitionists  had  to  play  was  to  agitate.  He  was  too  far-sighted, 
too  patriotic,  to  sympathize  with  the  disunionists  among  the  Aboli 
tionists.  Fully  a  quarter  of  a  century  before  the  slaveholders'  war 
of  secession  broke  out,  this  far-seeing  man  created  a  scene  in  the  old 
Portland  court-house  by  predicting,  in  the  presence  of  a  number  of 
pro-slavery  men,  that  the  slave  power  would  bring  on  a  war  that  would 
end  in  its  own  destruction.  Fessenden  liked  Hamlin,  it  would  ap 
pear,  all  the  better  for  his  frankness,  and  formed  a  favorable  opinion 
of  his  ideas  about  slavery.  In  subsequent  years,  as  will  be  seen  later, 
he  came  to  Hamlin's  help  when  the  slave  power  was  trying  to  crush 
him.  This  was  an  outcome  of  their  early  associations.  Mr.  Deblois 
also  proved  himself  a  stanch  friend  in  emergencies,  to  be  related 
in  other  chapters.  Another  interesting  friendship  young  Hamlin 
formed  at  this  time  was  with  Neal  Dow,  who  was  then  entering  his 
picturesque  career. 

The  last  thing  General  Fessenden  did  for  Hamlin,  with  the  appro 
bation  of  Mr.  Deblois,  shows  the  nature  of  the  two  men.  As  Hamlin 
was  about  to  leave  Portland,  he  tendered  his  preceptors  the  usual 
fee  exacted  from  law  students.  It  amounted  to  several  hundred  dol 
lars.  General  Fessenden  handed  the  money  back,  saying,  "  I  think 
you  can  make  better  use  of  the  money  than  we  can,  my  boy.  Then 
again,  if  I  know  you  right,  and  I  think  I  do,  you  yourself  will  encour 
age  deserving  young  men  when  you  will  be  able  to."  This  act  of 
generosity  was  never  forgotten. 

This  was  an  unexpected  lift  for  Hamlin,  and  enabled  him  to  strike 
out  for  himself  at  once.  On  returning  to  Paris  Hill,  in  the  spring 
of  1833,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  complimented  by  the  court 
on  his  examination.  The  same  day  on  which  he  was  admitted  to  the 
practice  of  his  profession,  he  won  his  first  case,  with  a  pleasing  result. 
The  case  was  this.  Just  before  Hamlin  went  to  Portland,  a  man 
named  Houghton  came  into  Mr.  Cole's  office  to  engage  him  to 


44  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

try  a  case  before  the  local  justice.  Cole  was  away,  and  Houghton 
insisted  that  Hamlin  should  take  the  case.  A  valuable  cow  of  his, 
Houghton  explained,  had  been  kicked  to  death  by  a  horse  belonging 
to  a  neighbor,  and  he  wanted  damages.  Hamlin  argued  the  case 
and  won,  but  an  appeal  was  taken,  and  it  came  up  for  hearing  before 
the  court,  just  after  Hamlin  had  passed  his. examination.  Houghton 
asked  Hamlin  to  appear  for  him,  but  when  the  young  lawyer  found 
that  he  was  to  be  pitted  against  Judge  Emery,  for  certain  reasons  he 
felt  like  declining.  But  Houghton  urged  him  to  retain  the  case,  and, 
with  some  misgivings,  he  consented.  Once  started,  he  was  on  his 
mettle,  and  made  an  argument  that  not  only  won  the  case,  but  also 
drew  praise  from  the  court  and  Judge  Emery.  The  pleasantest 
result  of  the  incident  was  Judge  Emery's  graceful  and  good-natured 
prediction  of  success  for  his  opponent,  —  a  young  man,  he  said,  who 
was  fortunate  enough  to  begin  his  active  career  by  winning  his  first 
case  and  a  wife  on  the  same  day.  This  was  the  way  the  engagement 
between  young  Hamlin  and  Miss  Emery  was  formally  announced. 
Houghton,  by  the  way,  became  a  great  admirer  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  and 
named  a  son  after  him,  —  Hannibal  Hamlin  Houghton. 

After  their  marriage,  which  took  place  on  December  10,  1833,  the 
young  lawyer  and  his  wife  went  to  the  town  of  Lincoln,  in  Penobscot 
County,  on  the  advice  of  General  Samuel  F.  Hersey,  a  native  of 
Oxford  County,  one  of  the  leading  lumbermen  of  Maine  and  one  o£ 
Mr.  Hamlin's  lifelong  friends.  Hamlin  opened  an  office  and  trans 
acted  enough  business  to  say  that  he  had  practiced  his  profession  in 
Lincoln,  when  he  heard  that  there  was  a  better  opening  for  him  in 
the  town  of  Hampden.  Charles  Stetson,  who  had  begun  his  career 
in  Hampden,  and  who  was  afterwards  one  of  the  leading  capitalists 
of  Maine  and  a  member  of  Congress,  had  acquired  interests  that 
demanded  his  removal  to  Bangor.  Hamlin  was  the  first  lawyer  to 
appear  on  the  scene  as  Stetson's  successor,  and  quickly  ascertained 
that  Hampden  offered  him  an  excellent  field.  Hampden  at  that  time 
was  a  thriving  country  town  of  several  thousand  inhabitants,  with 
large  commercial  interests.  It  is  five  miles  below  Bangor,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Penobscot  River,  one  of  the  finest  streams  of  water  in 
Maine.  It  is  also  one  of  the  oldest  towns  in  the  State,  and  is  histor 
ical  as  the  scene  of  the  battle  of  Hampden,  where  a  brave  but  ineffec 
tual  stand  by  a  small  group  of  untrained  militia  was  made  against 
British  regulars  in  the  war  of  1812,  who  came  up  the  Penobscot, 
sacking  the  towns  on  their  way  as  far  as  Bangor.  Hampden  was  a 
shipbuilding  'and  farming  centre  when  Hamlin  settled  there,  and  he 
found  plenty  of  business  at  the  outset.  He  took  possession  of  a  little 
box-like  office  on  the  principal  street,  hung  out  his  sign  and  went  to 
work. 


HANNIBAL   HAMLIN   AS   A  LAWYER  45 

There  were  many  hospitable  people  in  Hampden,  and  they  made  the 
new  squire,  as  they  called  him,  feel  at  home.  When  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Hamlin  came  to  this  place,  they  first  boarded  at  the  house  of  Asa 
Matthews,  master  of  the  village  academy,  and  a  rugged  old-fashioned 
school-teacher.  He  was  a  graduate  of  Waterville  College,  and  well 
informed.  An  account  he  gave  of  Mr.  Hamlin  is  of  interest.  "  Han 
nibal  Hamlin's  personality,"  said  he,  "at  once  drew  attention  to  him 
when  he  was  twenty-four,  and  settled  in  Hampden.  The  first  time 
he  came  into  my  house  and  stood  looking  at  me,  I  knew  he  was  an 
uncommon  kind  of  a  man.  He  stood  six  feet,  straight  as  an  arrow. 
There  was  about  him  the  natural  air,  simplicity,  and  nobility  of  an 
Indian  sachem.  There  was  a  great  power,  too,  in  the  steadfast  look 
of  his  big  black  eyes.  I  thought  he  was  one  of  the  finest  specimens 
of  physical  manhood  I  ever  saw.  There  was  iron  in  him,  but  it  was 
tempered  with  a  big  heart.  He  was  cordial,  sympathetic,  and  mag 
netic.  He  was  always  a  perfectly  natural  man.  His  career  strength 
ened  his  rugged  character,  and  developed  his  great  mind,  but  his 
success  did  not  affect  his  nature.  When  his  old  friends  of  Hampden 
called  on  him  at  Washington,  when  he  was  the  war  Vice-President, 
he  was  as  simple  and  natural  as  when  he  came  into  my  house  for  the 
first  time,  an  unknown  man,  little  dreaming  of  the  honorable  career 
before  him." 

At  the  outset  of  his  life  in  Hampden,  Mr.  Hamlin  told  his  clients 
that  he  had  several  rules  and  principles  that  he  should  always  observe. 
One  related  to  money,  and  it  became  known  in  this  way.  In  this 
period  there  were  few  banks  or  money  collecting  agencies  in  the 
country  towns  of  Maine,  and  this  line  of  business  was  handled  chiefly 
by  the  lawyers.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  soon  called  on  to  make  writs  ;  in 
one  year  he  made  over  three  hundred.  Thus  he  handled  a  good  deal 
of  money  belonging  to  his  clients,  and  it  often  happened  that  they  did 
not  call  for  it  until  some  time  after  it  had  been  collected.  Mr.  Ham 
lin,  therefore,  had  at  times  considerable  sums  of  money  in  his  posses 
sion,  and  on  one  occasion  he  told  a  friend  what  disposition  he  made 
of  such  money  and  his  reasons.  He  said  :  — 

"When  I  collect  money  for  a  client,  I  inclose  it  in  an  addressed 
package,  and  lock  the  package  up  in  my  trunk  until  it  is  called  for. 
I  will  not  touch  or  use  that  money  for  my  purposes  under  any  cir 
cumstances,  unless,  of  course,  the  owner  should  authorize  it.  The 
money  belongs  to  the  owner.  I  have  no  more  right  to  use  it,  even 
if  I  could  replace  it  in  five  minutes,  than  I  would  have  to  take  money 
that  he  might  happen  to  have  in  his  pocketbook.  A  man  should 
practice  honesty  in  his  heart  and  thoughts  as  much  as  in  his  deeds." 

He  not  only  followed  this  rule  in  all  his  business  dealings  through 
out  his  life,  but  also  endeavored  to  enforce  it  on  others  as  the 


46  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

correct  principle  to  be  observed  in  matters  involving  trust  and  confi 
dence.  It  was  one  of  the  first  rules  or  maxims  he  enjoined  on  his 
law  students  and  on  all  of  his  four  sons,  who  lived  to  follow  his  pro 
fession. 

Another  thing  the  people  of  Hampden  learned  about  the  new  squire, 
before  he  had  been  among  them  long,  was  fchat  he  would  frankly  dis 
courage  litigation,  even  if  he  was  a  pecuniary  loser  by  so  doing,  when 
he  honestly  thought  that  a  case  could  be  settled  out  of  court  by  a 
little  common-sense  advice  on  his  part.  Within  a  year  after  he  had 
settled  in  Hampden,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  appointed  town  agent,  and 
intrusted  with  all  its  public  business.  His  own  business  rapidly 
increased,  and  in  several  years  he  laid  plans  to  build  himself  a  home. 
He  and  his  wife  now  had  two  sons,  George  and  Charles,  and  looked 
forward  with  pleasure  to  the  time  when  they  should  own  their  house. 
The  only  set-back  Mr.  Hamlin  received  in  the  beginning  of  his  active 
life  occurred  about  this  time.  He  went  on  the  bond  of  a  deputy 
sheriff  named  Grant  for  the  sum  of  four  thousand  dollars.  When  he 
was  signing  his  name,  he  said  in  a  joking  way  :  "  My  friend,  if  you 
should  go  wrong,  it  might  cost  me  my  home  I  am  building."  Unfor 
tunately  this  jest  came  true.  Grant  became  a  defaulter  for  a  large 
sum  of  money,  and  his  creditors  looked  to  his  bondsmen.  Mr.  Ham 
lin  acted  promptly.  He  called  a  meeting  of  some  of  Grant's  creditors 
in  his  office,  and  said  to  them  : *  — 

"  My  friends,  I  have  lived  among  you  only  a  few  years,  but  I  think 
you  know  that  I  keep  my  word.  I  am  poor,  young,  and  struggling 
for  an  honest  support  for  myself.  This  struggle  will  continue  right 
among  you,  my  neighbors.  I  am  unable  now  to  meet  this  just  debt ; 
but  if  you  will  give  me  time,  and  God  will  give  me  strength,  I  will 
pay  off  every  dollar  I  owe  you,  even  if  it  takes  me  a  lifetime  to  do  it." 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  took  him  many  years  to  settle  this  debt,  for 
he  had  only  his  salary  to  live  on  while  in  public  life,  but  he  kept  his 
promise  to  the  last  cent.  "  But,"  Mr.  Hamlin  added,  in  telling  the 
story,  "heavens!  how  long  it  kept  my  nose  on  the  grindstone.  Never 
willingly  get  into  debt." 

There  was  a  great  deal  of  social  life  in  Hampden,  for  a  village  of 
its  size,  and  although  Mr.  Hamlin  worked  hard  he  also  believed  in 
enjoying  life  himself.  Out-of-door  life  was  his  passion.  When  he 
came  to  Hampden  he  had  hardly  been  in  the  town  a  day  before 
he  was  hunting  around  the  country  for  its  trout  streams.  Many  an 
afternoon,  when  he  could  get  away  from  his  work,  he  would  go  off 
fishing  for  a  couple  of  hours.  At  this  time  most  of  the  States  had 
compulsory  militia  laws,  and  there  was,  therefore,  more  interest  in 

1  He  related  the  story  to  S.  F.  Barr,  representative  to  Congress  from  Pennsyl 
vania  in  1881-85. 


HANNIBAL   HAMLIN   AS   A   LAWYER  47 

military  affairs  in  Maine  then  than  now.  In  Hampden  there  were 
two  companies,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  joined  one,  an  independent  organi 
zation  called  the  Hampden  Rifles.  Incidentally,  it  may  be  said  that 
this  was  the  beginning  of  his  political  career.  The  company  was 
composed  of  active,  jovial  young  men,  and  when  they  found  out  the 
good-fellowship  of  their  new  companion  they  elected  him  captain  of 
the  company,  and  thereafter  stuck  to  him  throughout  many  a  political 
fight.  They  had  good  times  " training"  in  those  days.  A  story  is 
told  of  Captain  Hamlin's  physical  agility.  He  and  his  men  had 
attended  a  parade  at  Bangor,  and  returning  to  Hampden  the  men 
began  to  "  skylark."  When  they  were  resting  near  a  log  fence,  which 
reached  up  to  an  average  man's  chest,  some  one  in  the  company 
shouted:  "Hamlin,  I'll  stump  you  to  jump  over  that  fence  without 
touching  your  hands."  Dropping  his  sword,  Hamlin  was  over  the 
fence  in  a  standing  jump,  without  touching  his  hands,  before  another 
word  was  said.  The  company  watched,  and  other  men  tried  the  same 
feat,  but  no  one  else  could  do  it,  and  the  fence  was  jocosely  known  as 
"Hamlin's  stump." 

Hamlin  quickly  made  a  reputation  in  Hampden  as  a  speaker.1  He 
had  a  simple,  vigorous  way  of  talking  that  he  usually  adopted,  but  he 
could  be  witty  and  s-arcastic  when  the  occasion  demanded.  He  used 
to  try  his  cases  before  the  local  justice  of  the  peace,  who  was  a  more 
important  functionary  than  now,  and  after  a  while  the  news  that 
Squire  Hamlin  was  going  to  argue  a  case  always  brought  a  crowd  of 
farmers  into  the  stuffy  room  to  hear  him.  He  also  spoke  frequently 
at  the  village  lyceum,  and  on  one  occasion  learned  that  he  was  becom 
ing  famous.  A  schoolmaster  who  heard  him  was  strongly  impressed. 
He  met  the  Rev.  George  W.  Field,  then  a  young  divinity  student, 
and  said  to  him:  "They  have  a  rising  speaker  in  Hampden.  His 
name  is  Hannibal  Hamlin.  He  speaks  so  well  that  I  am  sure  he  will 
be  elected  to  the  legislature  some  day." 

Hamlin's  business  rapidly  developed,  and  he  was  often  required  to 
argue  cases  in  Bangor.  A  story  is  told  of  one  of  the  first  arguments 
he  made  there,  in  a  case  that  attracted  considerable  attention  at  the 
time  on  account  of  the  prominence  of  one  of  the  parties  to  the  suit. 
He  was  a  Federalist  who  lived  in  Hampden,  and  had  undertaken  to 
snub  Hamlin  because  he  was  a  Democrat,  and  depreciated  his  ability. 
The  Federalist  had  a  quarrel  with  his  neighbor  over  the  boundary  line 
between  their  farms,  and  ultimately  claimed  that  he  was  entitled  to  a 
slice  of  his  neighbor's  land.  He  retained  a  lawyer  of  established  repu 
tation  to  push  his  claim,  while  the  defendant  engaged  Hamlin,  who, 
after  taking  certain  quiet  steps,  satisfied  himself  that  the  Federalist 

*>  His  first  appearance  as  a  public  speaker  was  made  in  Hampden,  on  the  Fourth 
of  July,  1836. 


48  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

had  no  right  whatever  to  the  land  he  was  trying  to  get.  The  case 
was  tried  in  Bangor.  The  old  court-house  was  crowded.  The  Fed 
eralist's  claim  seemed  to  be  established  by  positive  testimony ;  but 
Hamlin  threw  a  veritable  bombshell  into  his  camp  by  demonstrating, 
through  an  assistant  he  put  on  the  stand,  that  he  himself,  a  practical 
surveyor,  had  surveyed  the  land  in  dispute.;  that  he  had  worked  from 
the  ancient  landmark  acknowledged  by  the  Federalist,  across  the  land, 
following  the  disputed  line  to  the  Penobscot  River ;  that  at  the  end 
of  the  line  he  had  found  on  the  ledge  the  original  surveyor's  mark, 
which  proved  beyond  a  doubt  that  the  line  was  correct  as  it  stood, 
and  that  the  Federalist  did  not  have  a  shadow  of  a  claim  to  an  inch 
of  his  neighbor's  land.  Then  Hamlin  turned  on  the  exposed  claimant, 
and  arraigned  him  with  great  power  and  pitiless  scorn  as  "  a  man 
who  coveted  his  neighbor's  lands."  The  Federalist  left  the  court 
house  defeated  and  chagrined.  In  his  hour  of  repentance  he  resolved 
to  conciliate  the  fiery  young  Democrat  upon  whom  he  had  hitherto 
affected  to  look  down.  When  Hamlin  returned  home,  he  found  at 
his  house  a  number  of  choice  young  fruit-trees  the  Federalist  had 
sent  him  as  an  olive  branch  of  peace.  Friendly  relations  afterward 
followed  between  the  men. 

Another  story  was  told  of  Hamlin's  shrewdness  in  dealing  with  a 
penurious  client.  The  incident  also  illustrates  his  love  of  fun.  One  of 
the  richest  men  of  Penobscot  County  lived  near  Hampden.  He  was 
very  parsimonious;  in  fact,  his  neighbors  said  he  was  "meaner  than 
a  skinflint."  He  sold  some  land  one  day,  and  being  in  Hampden 
called  on  Mr.  Hamlin  to  get  him  to  draw  up  the  deed.  He  first 
inquired  how  much  this  transaction  would  cost  him.  Knowing  the 
peculiarity  of  the  old  man,  Mr.  Hamlin  thought  he  would  see  how  far 
his  meanness  would  carry  him,  and  so  hue  replied  that  the  law  allowed 
him  seventy-five  cents.  Then  he  added  :  — 

"  Do  you  think  that 's  too  much  ? " 

"  Yes,  yes,  that 's  altogether  too  much,"  replied  the  old  man,  shak 
ing  his  head,  and  contracting  his  thin  lips. 

"Well,"  continued  Mr.  Hamlin  suavely,  "do  you  think  that  two 
shillings  (fifty  cents)  would  be  too  much  ?  " 

"Yes,"  said  the  client,  "that 's  too  much." 

"  How  about  one  shilling?"  (twenty-five  cents),  Mr.  Hamlin  asked, 
with  his  blandest  smile. 

"  Y-e-s,"  the  old  miser  cautiously  admitted,  "  one  shillin'  ain't  too 
much." 

Mr.  Hamlin  made  out  the  deed,  and  when  he  received  the  shilling, 
he  said  in  an  apparently  cordial,  off-hand  way :  — 

"  Now  seeing  that  it 's  you,  I  '11  give  you  the  deed  for  a  shilling, 
and  give  you  a  treat  besides.  Come  over  to  the  tavern." 


HANNIBAL   HAMLIN   AS    A   LAWYER  49 

Mr.  Hamlin  ordered  two  glasses  of  the  old  man's  favorite  beverage, 
and  paid  for  them  with  the  shilling.  As  the  client  smacked  his  lips, 
his  face  lighted  up  with  enthusiasm,  and  he  broke  out :  — 

"  Squire,  you  air  the  most  generoust  man  I  ever  knew.  I  'm  going 
to  give  you  my  business,  I  '11  be  darned  if  I  won't." 

Now,  this  was  not  what  Mr.  Hamlin  had  been  looking  for,  but  it  is 
an  amusing  fact  that  the  old  fellow  became  a  valuable  client,  and  after 
ward  promptly  paid  Mr.  Hamlin's  charges  without  grumbling. 

Another  story  was  told  at  the  expense  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Maine,  which  added  to  the  reputation  of  the  young  lawyer.  The  in 
cident  happened  when  Mr.  Hamlin  was  a  member  of  the  town  school 
committee.  He  had  two  colleagues,  and  in  his  absence  from  Hamp- 
den  at  one  time  they  engaged  a  teacher  named  Jackson.  Subse 
quently  they  became  dissatisfied  with  Jackson,  and  dismissed  him. 
He  claimed  that  he  had  been  engaged  for  a  whole  term,  and  sued  the 
town  for  his  salary  for  that  period.  The  case  was  tried  in  the  District 
Court,  and  went  against  Jackson,  but  he  appealed  for  a  new  trial, 
claiming  that  it  was  not  competent  for  two  members  of  the  committee 
to  discharge  him.  Chief  Justice  Shepley  of  the  Supreme  Court,  a 
man  who  was  rarely  caught  tripping,  upheld  Jackson's  contention, 
and  ordered  a  new  trial.  When  the  case  was  tried  the  second  time, 
Mr.  Hamlin  made  the  argument  for  the  town.  This  is  the  way  he 
made  it  :  — 

"Your  honor,"  said  he,  addressing  the  court,  "it  is  contended,  is  it 
not,  that  it  was  not  competent  for  two  members  of  the  school  com 
mittee  to  dismiss  Mr.  Jackson  ?  " 

''Yes,  sir,"  replied  the  justice  with  great  dignity.  "The  law  court 
has  so  decided." 

"Very  well,  your  honor,"  Mr.  Hamlin  continued,  "if  it  was  not 
competent  for  two  members  of  the  committee  to  discharge  Mr.  Jack 
son,  will  you  tell  me  if  it  was  competent  for  the  same  two  to  employ 
him  ?  "  At  the  same  time  he  exhibited  Jackson's  certificate,  bearing 
the  names  of  only  two  members  of  the  committee. 

Failure  to  perform  military  duties  according  to  the  law  then  was 
punishable  by  fines,  and  Mr.  Hamlin's  prominence  in  his  company 
naturally  brought  him  many  cases  to  defend  or  prosecute.  Even 
tually  he  was  called  all  over  the  county  of  Penobscot  to  act  in  cases 
of  this  kind.  One  story  is  still  told  in  a  town  near  Bangor  of  his 
shrewdness  in  defending  a  suit  against  members  of  a  company.  He 
suspected  that  a  family  arrangement  existed  between  four  brothers  to 
make  what  they  could  out  of  the  compulsory  military  law.  One  bro 
ther  was  a  justice  of  the  peace,  before  whom  the  cases  were  tried 
against  men  charged  with  evading  service.  The  writs  were  served  by 
the  second  brother,  who  was  a  constable.  The  evidence  against 


5o  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

alleged  delinquents  was  furnished  by  a  third  brother,  who  was  clerk  of 
the  military  company.  The  cases  were  prosecuted  by  the  fourth  bro 
ther,  who  was  a  lawyer.  The  first  time  Mr.  Hamlin  was  called  into 
the  case  he  saw  at  a  glance  that  the  rolls  were  defective,  because  they 
had  not  been  properly  made  up  and  certified  to  by  the  officers  of  the 
company  as  required  by  law.  This  was  a  jiatal  flaw,  and  the  case  was 
thrown  out  of  court.  Three  months  later,  to  his  surprise,  Mr.  Ham 
lin  was  again  summoned  to  defend  the  same  clients  against  the  same 
charge.  Suspecting  some  trick,  Mr.  Hamlin  asked  to  see  the  com 
pany  rolls.  He  looked  at  the  records  very  carefully  for  a  moment, 
and  then  amazed  the  court  and  the  spectators  in  the  little  room  by 
suddenly  stuffing  the  rolls  in  his  pocket,  buttoning  up  his  coat,  and 
planting  his  back  against  the  court-room  door.  Before  the  startled 
justice  could  gather  his  wits,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  in  command  of  the 
situation.  Pointing  his  finger  at  the  clerk  of  the  company,  he  said  :  — 

"  I  know  you  to  be  an  honest  man.  Now,  you  shall  tell  me  the 
truth,  and  I  will  not  leave  this  room  until  you  do.  Have  not  these 
rolls  been  doctored  since  I  was  here  on  this  case  in  September  ?  At 
that  time  there  were  defects  in  the  rolls ;  I  remember  that  fact 
because  the  case  was  thrown  out  of  court  for  that  reason.  Yet,  the 
same  charges  against  my  clients  are  renewed,  and  the  same  rolls  are 
now  produced  again,  but  dated  back.  Who  has  supplied  the  certifi 
cates  that  were  missing  in  September  ?  Answer  me  that  question  ?" 

Completely  taken  by  surprise,  the  clerk  stammered  :  "  Well,  Mr. 
Hamlin,  er,  the  fact  is,  I  er  —  I  swore  to  the  rolls  which  my  brother 
(the  lawyer)  handed  to  me  the  other  day." 

This  admission  caused  consternation  among  the  rest  of  the  family  ; 
the  lawyer  raved,  but  Mr.  Hamlin  continued  :  — 

"  Your  brother  gave  you  the  rolls,  did  he  ?  Then  you  signed  the 
new  certificates  at  his  suggestion,  did  you  not  ?  " 

A  reluctant  "yes  "  came  from  the  alarmed  clerk.  At  this  admis 
sion  Mr.  Hamlin  took  up  his  hat,  and  opened  the  door,  firing  this  part 
ing  shot : — 

"  This  case  also,"  said  he,  "  is  thrown  out  of  court,  and  to  prevent  it 
from  being  resurrected  I  shall  carry  the  rolls  home  where  you  cannot 
get  them." 

He  did  so,  and  the  militia  of  this  town  was  not  troubled  again  by 
these  men. 

Hampden's  maritime  interests  were  comparatively  large  at  this 
time,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  was  eventually  drawn  into  admiralty  law. 
When  he  had  built  up  a  large  practice  a  suggestive  incident  occurred. 
He  was  called  to  Boston  to  take  charge  of  an  admiralty  case,  and 
there  made  the  acquaintance  of  Sidney  Bartlett,  who  was  about  his 
own  age,  and  was  already  evincing  those  solid  qualities  of  mind  which 


HANNIBAL   HAMLIN   AS   A   LAWYER  51 

placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  Boston  bar  for  many  years.  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  retained  Mr.  Bartlett  as  associate  counsel,  and  subsequently  Mr. 
Bartlett  engaged  Mr.  Hamlin  to  take  charge  of  business  for  him  in 
Maine.  In  the  course  of  a  few  years  the  two  young  lawyers  devel 
oped  a  profitable  line  of  business.  But  it  was  suddenly  terminated  by 
Mr.  Hamlin's  election  to  Congress  in  1843.  Mr.  Bartlett,  it  would 
seem,  had  formed  a  favorable  opinion  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  ability  as  a 
lawyer  and  a  liking  for  him  as  a  man.  When  Mr.  Hamlin  started  for 
Washington,  to  take  his  seat  in  the  House,  he  stopped  at  Boston,  and 
called  on  Mr.  Bartlett.  Now,  Mr.  Bartlett  was  perfectly  devoted  to 
the  law,  and  had  a  contempt  for  politics.  He  was  rather  reserved 
and  precise  in  his  dealings  with  men  as  a  rule,  but  when  he  saw  his 
former  associate,  he  warmed  up,  and  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  quiet  amuse 
ment,  read  him  a  vigorous  lecture  on  entering  politics.  He  seemed 
to  feel  as  if  it  were  a  personal  grievance.  In  a  tone  of  remonstrance 
Bartlett  began :  — 

"  Hamlin,  why  do  you  go  into  politics  ?  There  's  nothing  in  politi 
cal  life,  I  tell  you.  You  were  doing  well,  and  you  should  not  have 
got  yourself  elected  to  Congress.  You  may  stay  in  politics  and  spoil 
the  making  of  a  fine  lawyer  !  Hamlin,  you  will  have  a  fine  career  as 
a  lawyer  if  you  remain  in  your  profession  ;  I  know  you  will.  Give  up 
politics.  Stick  to  the  'larr,'  my  friend,  stick  to  the  'larr.'  ' 

In  the  following  years  Mr.  Hamlin  rarely  made  a  visit  to  Boston 
without  calling  on  Mr.  Bartlett  for  a  few  moments.  Once  when  he 
complimented  the  latter  on  his  success  at  the  bar,  Bartlett  re 
plied  :  — 

"  Well,  Senator,  are  you  not  sorry  now  you  did  not  take  my  advice 
and  remain  a  lawyer  ?  " 

"  No,"  replied  Mr.  Hamlin,  with  a  laugh,  "but  I  will  admit  that 
when  I  entered  politics  I  spoiled  the  making  of  a  good  farmer." 

Mr.  Hamlin's  early  entrance  into  political  life  and  its  engrossing 
duties  soon  withdrew  him  from  his  profession,  and  when  he  had  been 
fairly  settled  in  the  Senate  he  had  to  relinquish  all  thought  of  resum 
ing  the  practice  of  law.  He  did  not,  therefore,  develop  his  legal  pos 
sibilities,  and  in  after  life  there  naturally  was  no  little  speculation  as 
to  the  rank  he  would  have  attained  at  the  bar.  Sidney  Bartlett's 
opinion  is  suggestive.  It  was  also  recalled  by  a  witty  practitioner  in 
considering  this,  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  success  in  winning  cases  during 
his  connection  with  the  bar,  which  was  regarded  as  remarkable,  enti 
tled  him  to  a  share  in  the  story  told  of  Ruf.us  Choate  by  a  farmer  jury 
man  :  "  He  seemed  to  have  the  luck  to  be  always  on  the  right  side." 
But  this  brief  phase  is  best  summed  up  in  the  words  of  John  A. 
Peters,  the  distinguished  Chief  Justice  of  Maine,  who  knew  him  as  a 
lawyer,  congressman,  and  friend  :  — 


52  HANNIBAL    HAMLIN 

"  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Mr.  Hamlin  would  have  attained  high 
position  as  a  lawyer,  had  not  a  strong  natural  taste  for  public  life 
allured  him  from  the  practice  of  his  profession.  He  naturally  pos 
sessed  a  happy  combination  of  the  qualities  that  command  success  at 
the  bar,  quickness  and  clearness  of  perception,  conciseness  of  thought 
and  expression,  discrimination,  an  intuitive*  insight  into  the  motives 
of  others,  industry  and  earnestness,  and  a  personal  magnetism  which 
made  him  acceptable  to  all  classes  of  men.  And  at  the  bottom,  on 
which  this  superstructure  of  character  could  most  firmly  rest,  was  a 
strong,  natural  love  of  justice,  a  high  order  of  integrity,  and  rare  com 
mon  sense.  We  may  well  remember  with  pride  that  Hannibal  Ham 
lin  was  a  member  of  our  bar."  l 

1  Eulogy,  Penobscot  Bar  Association,  October  25,  1891.  See  other  remarks  by 
Albert  W.  Paine,  S.  F.  Humphrey,  Daniel  F.  Davis,  and  Eugene  Hale. 


CHAPTER  VI 

HAMLIN    IN    THE    LEGISLATURE 

THE  state  and  county  musters  were  the  great  events  of  the  year 
in  Maine  and  other  States,  at  this  period.  There  was  a  good  deal  of 
rivalry  between  the  various  crack  companies  of  Maine,  and  the  ap 
proach  of  muster  day  stirred  up  more  excitement  among  the  men  and 
boys  than  the  coming  of  a  circus  to  country  towns  does  nowadays. 
The  day  before  the  muster  towns  were  alive  with  moving  troops  on 
their  way  to  the  grounds.  On  the  great  day  itself  the  muster  place 
in  the  morning  was  a  scene  of  arriving  troops  and  soldiers  marching 
and  drilling.  In  the  afternoon  came  the  sham  fight,  with  enough 
noise  and  dust  for  a  real  battle.  Then  the  hungry  soldiers  charged  on 
scores  of  booths  that  fringed  the  field,  "  stocked  with  enough  food  to 
feed  an  army,  and  enough  liquids  to  float  a  navy,"  as  the  saying  was. 
The  absence  of  women  was  significant.  Jamaica  rum  and  punch 
were  circulated  in  great  quantities.  The  scene  became  hilarious. 
Barn  doors  were  thrown  down  on  the  ground.  Fiddlers  scraped  for 
men  to  dance.  The  double  shuffle  was  a  favorite  step,  the  fore  and 
aft  a  popular  dance.  Men  jigged  each  other  and  the  fiddlers  down, 
and  when  the  sun  was  sinking  it  lighted  the  way  home  for  an  hila 
rious  crowd,  marching  and  singing  behind  the  heroes  of  the  day. 

The  muster  attracted  the  politicians,  and  they  gathered  to  discuss 
candidates,  and  lay  their  wires.  Two  years  after  Hamlin  came  to 
Hampden,  the  rifle  company,  which  he  captained  at  the  county  mus 
ter,  in  1835,  proposed  him  as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  legis 
lature,  to  represent  Hampden  and  the  associated  towns  of  Newburgh, 
Orrington,  and  others.  He  was  duly  nominated  at  the  regular  caucus, 
and  then  entered  upon  his  first  campaign.  This  is  of  historical  rather 
than  personal  interest,  since  it  relates  to  the  rise  and  formation  of 
political  parties  in  Maine.  From  1820  to  1829  party  lines  in  Maine 
were  not  strictly  drawn  in  the  state  elections.  In  1829  the  ascend 
ency  of  the  Jackson  Democracy  was  felt,  and  Jackson's  followers 
there  made  a  campaign  on  state  issues.  They  were  designated  as 
the  Democratic-Republican  party,  and  their  opponents  as  National 
Republicans.  The  Democrats  were  beaten  by  a  small  majority;  but 
the  next  year  they  carried  the  State,  and,  with  the  exception  of  an 
occasional  defeat,  controlled  its  government  until  1856.  In  1833,  the 


54  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

year  in  which  Mr.  Hamlin  settled  in  Hampden  and  began  to  take 
an  active  interest  in  politics,  the  opponents  of  the  Democratic-Repub 
lican  party  formally  took  the  name  of  Whigs,  and  the  Jackson  party 
began  to  be  known  simply  as  Democrats. 

At  this  time  the  Democratic  party  was  most  powerful  in  Maine. 
The  year  Mr.  Hamlin  was  elected  to  the  legislature,  Robert  P.  Dim- 
lap,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  governor,  received  over  45,000  votes 
to  only  18,000  for  William  King,  the  Whig  candidate,  the  first  gov 
ernor  of  Maine,  and  a  man  of  great  personal  popularity  and  ability. 
Party  principle  prevailed,  and  it  is  easy  to  see  why  the  Democratic 
party  was  then  supreme.  First,  it  was  truly  the  party  of  the  people. 
This  was  because  it  was  loyal  to  the  principles  of  Jefferson  and  Jack 
son,  and  these  were  the  safest  for  the  young  nation  to  follow  in  its 
formative  period.  They  embodied  a  strict  construction  of  the  Con 
stitution,  and  hence  guaranteed  the  largest  latitude  of  liberty  to  the 
individual  citizen  that  was  compatible  with  the  welfare  of  society, 
while  demanding  thorough  enforcement  of  the  laws  and  maintenance 
of  the  government.  The  Democrats  of  this  period  looked  on  the  Con 
stitution  as  the  Bible  of  their  faith,  because  it  gave  the  American  peo 
ple  the  best  form  of  popular  government  yet  given  to  mankind,  and 
secured  for  the  individual  his  personal  liberty.  The  Democrats,  there 
fore,  opposed  paternal  legislation  and  centralization ;  they  regarded 
the  Whigs  as  the  lineal  descendants  of  the  Federalists,  whom  they 
believed  to  have  been  monarchists  at  heart.  They  also  believed  in  a 
low  tariff  for  revenue  only.  Another  thing  to  be  credited  to  the  party 
of  Jefferson  and  Jackson  was  that  it  was  the  progressive  and  aggres 
sive  party  of  its  day,  the  Whigs  being  the  conservative  element. 
While  it  did  not  have  as  many  intellectual  leaders  as  the  Whigs  did, 
it  generally  took  the  lead  in  cutting  out  the  issues  of  the  day.  In 
several  respects  it  embodied  the  life  of  the  growing  country  in  a  strik 
ing  manner.  It  was  imbued  with  belief  in  the  manifest  destiny  of  the 
nation.  To  the  Democratic  party  the  country  owes  the  acquisition 
of  the  Louisiana  territory,  under  Jefferson,  the  opening  up  of  the 
West  under  Jackson,  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  the  saving  of 
Oregon  from  the  British  government.  At  this  time  it  had  the  young 
blood  of  the  day,  and  was  the  dominant  party  of  the  country. 

Hamlin  supported  the  principles  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson  from  con 
viction,  and  was  in  full  accord  with  his  party  in  its  dominant  ideas, 
although  he  believed  in  specific  duties  in  connection  with  a  tariff  for 
revenue.  New  England  was  then  a  commercial  centre,  and  many  of 
her  public  men  grew  with  her  interests,  and  evoluted  naturally  into 
protectionists  when  New  England  developed  her  great  manufacturing 
possibilities.  Hamlin  was  also  attracted  to  the  Democratic  party 
partly  on  account  of  his  democratic  nature  and  aggressive  disposition. 


HAMLIN   IN   THE   LEGISLATURE  55 

He  thoroughly  believed  in  the  American  people,  and  he  was  a  born 
fighter  for  their  rights.  He  enjoyed  a  contest,  and  entered  on  this 
campaign  with  zest.  He  was  easily  elected,  and  took  his  seat  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  the  following  winter. 

The  key  to  Hannibal  Hamlin's  political  success  is  to  be  found  in 
his  legislative  training  and  experience.  He  remained  in  the  Maine 
legislature  five  successive  years,  and  there  he  not  only  familiarized 
himself  with  legislation  and  parliamentary  procedure,  but  also  built 
up  lifelong  friendships  that  were  as  a  rock  for  him  to  stand  on  in  his 
long  and  arduous  fight  against  the  slave  power,  which  is  the  most 
important  service  he  rendered  to  his  country  and  State.  But  at 
this  time  slavery  was  not  an  issue.  The  parties  were  divided  on 
strictly  party  issues,  and  Mr.  Hamlin's  services  in  the  legislature  are 
interesting  chiefly  in  showing  his  capacity  for  work  and  his  grasp  of 
public  questions  in  the  first  stages  of  his  political  career.  In  point  of 
ability,  character,  and  individual  success  the  legislature  of  1835  was 
not  equaled  by  any  other  body  that  met  at  Augusta  in  Mr.  Hamlin's 
lifetime.  The  Democrats  were  in  control.  The  Speaker  was  Jona 
than  Cilley,  a  promising  man,  classmate  of  Longfellow  and  Hawthorne 
at  Bowdoin,  who  was  killed  in  a  duel  while  a  member  of  Congress. 
Another  leading  member  of  the  House  was  John  Holmes,  of  Alfred, 
who  had  been  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate.  Henry  W. 
Paine,  afterwards  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Boston  bar,  was  then  a 
Whig  representative  of  Hallowell.  Another  lawyer  who  stood  well 
up  in  his  profession  was  Samuel  Wells,  a  Democrat,  who  became 
governor  and  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Maine.  The  leader 
of  the  Whigs  in  the  House  was  Elisha  H.  Allen,  of  Bangor,  a  gradu 
ate  of  W7illiams  College,  who  afterwards  was  a  member  of  Con 
gress,  chief  justice  of  the  Hawaiian  government,  and  finally  its  minis 
ter  to  this  country.  Rufus  Mclntire,  of  Parsonsfield,  Stephen  C 
Foster,  of  Pembroke,  and  Virgil  D.  Parris,  then  of  Buckfield,  were 
also  subsequently  members  of  Congress.  Dr.  Ezekiel  Holmes,  of 
Winthrop,  achieved  a  national  reputation  as  a  naturalist  and  a  writer 
on  agricultural  and  educational  subjects.  There  were  also  other  men 
in  the  House  who  attained  some  prominence  in  the  legislature,  the 
governor's  council,  or  the  business  affairs  of  the  State.  Among  them 
was  Moses  Emery,  of  Saco,  a  sound  lawyer  and  a  clear  observer  of 
public  affairs ;  Stephen  P.  Brown,  a  pioneer  woolen  manufacturer  of 
Dover ;  William  Conner,  of  Fairfield  ;  Eliakim  Scammon,  of  Pittston ; 
William  D.  Sewall,  of  Bath ;  and  Wales  Hubbard,  of  Wiscasset.  In 
the  Senate,  over  which  Josiah  Pierce,  of  Gorham,  presided,  Luther 
Severance  and  Samuel  P.  Benson  were  future  congressmen.  Tobias 
Purrington  was  a  powerful  leader  in  the  movement  to  abolish  capital 
punishment.  One  who  was  long  a  picturesque  figure  in  the  politics 
of  Maine  was  John  C.  Talbot,  of  East  Machias. 


56  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

There  was  a  strong  rivalry  for  the  leadership  on  the  floor  of  the 
House,  and  as  this  was  a  time  of  intense  partisanship,  many  a  rough 
and  tumble  fight  took  place  in  debate  with  exchanges  of  personalities. 
The  Whigs  prided  themselves  on  the  superior  intellectual  attainments 
of  their  leaders ;  the  Democrats  prided  themselves  on  the  democracy 
of  theirs.  Hamlin's  associates  of  these  d#ys  said  that  he  at  once 
stepped  to  the  front,  and  became  the  recognized  leader  of  his  party 
on  the  floor  of  the  House.  Naturally  his  marked  individuality, 
swarthy  face,  and  vigorous  way  of  speaking  attracted  attention  to 
him.  Finally,  his  ardent  championship  of  Democracy  involved  him 
in  several  pitched  battles.  One  story  has  been  preserved  that  shows 
the  personal  nature  of  the  times.  Some  of  the  old  leaders  were  a 
little  jealous  of  the  newcomer's  sudden  ascendency,  and  of  these 
John  Holmes  was  one.  He  had  been  in  the  United  States  Senate 
for  a  dozen  years,  and  was  at  one  time  famous  as  a  speaker  of  great 
powers  of  sarcasm  and  humor,  though  of  a  rude  quality.  In  the 
Senate  John  Tyler  once  sneeringly  asked  Holmes  what  had  become 
of  the  famous  political  firm  John  Randolph  had  discovered  :  James 
Madison,  Felix  Grundy,  John  Holmes,  and  the  Devil.  Holmes  with 
ered  Tyler  by  retorting  :  "  The  first  is  dead,  the  second  is  in  retirement, 
the  third  now  addresses  the  Senate,  and  the  fourth  has  gone  over  to 
the  Nullifiers,  and  is  electioneering  among  the  gentleman's  constit 
uents."  Holmes  was  a  free  lance  in  this  House,  and  tried  to  domi 
neer  over  it.  Hamlin  disputed  the  leadership  with  him,  and  Holmes 
attempted  to  crush  his  young  opponent  by  coarsely  ridiculing  his 
swarthy  countenance.  This  was  an  unfortunate  move  for  Holmes. 
Instantly  Hamlin  jumped  to  his  feet,  and  pointing  his  finger  at  Holmes 
he  retorted :  "  If  the  gentleman  chooses  to  find  fault  with  me  on 
account  of  my  complexion,  what  has  he  to  say  about  himself  ?  I  take 
my  complexion  from  nature  ;  he  gets  his  from  the  brandy  bottle. 
Which  is  more  honorable  ? "  This  fierce  thrust  at  Holmes's  unfortu 
nate  failing  brought  out  a  shout  from  the  House.  The  fact  was,  the 
members  of  the  House  were  glad  to  see  so  brave  a  young  David  fell 
the  Goliath  of  the  House  at  one  blow.  There  were  cries  of  "  Go  on  !  " 
Pointing  his  finger  at  Holmes,  Hamlin  continued :  "  I  will  also  tell 
the  member  from  Alfred  that  he  is  more  conspicuous  for  trying  to 
ride  rough  shod  over  young  men  than  for  trying  to  encourage  them. 
He  never  extends  a  hand  to  them  as  they  begin  to  toil  up  the  rugged 
path  of  life  ;  he  has  not  even  a  kind  word  for  them.  But  as  long  as 
they  are  true  to  themselves  and  to  nature,  and  as  long  as  the  member 
of  Alfred  sticks  to  the  brandy  bottle,  they  need  not  fear  him."  The 
House  cheered  again,  and  Holmes,  realizing  that  he  had  fairly  brought 
flown  this  fierce  denunciation  on  his  head,  took  the  floor,  retracted 
i.is  words,  and  made  a  manly  apology.  Then  there  was  peace. 


HAMLIN   IN   THE  LEGISLATURE  57 

"  The  young  Carthaginian  routed  the  old  Roman,"  was  one  humor 
ous  comment  on  the  incident,  and  then  Hamlin  was  known  and  called 
the  Carthaginian  of  Maine,  a  name  that  stuck  to  him  throughout  life. 

But  the  encounter  with  John  Holmes  was  one  of  the  few  excep 
tions  to  the  general  attitude  Mr.  Hamlin  maintained  towards  his 
political  opponents  and  party  associates.  Elisha  H.  Allen,  the  leader 
of  the  Whigs,  became  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  best  personal  friends 
through  their  intercourse  in  the  legislature,  and  often  in  after  years 
attributed  much  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  success  to  courtesy,  kindness,  tact, 
and  unwillingness  to  allow  the  incidents  of  party  strife  to  interfere 
with  his  personal  relations.  Mr.  Allen  himself  was  a  high-bred  man, 
of  social  and  scholarly  inclinations.  He  had  a  polished  address  and  a 
bright  way  of  talking  that  made  him  a.  favorite  speaker  and  visitor  in 
political  and  social  circles  in  Maine  and  at  Washington,  where  he  lived 
many  years  as  the  dean  of  the  diplomatic  corps  at  the  national  Capi 
tol.  One  incident  Mr.  Allen  related  will  illustrate  his  ideas  of  Mr. 
Hamlin's  sense  of  courtesy  and  personal  obligations  to  his  friends  and 
associates.  At  the  request  of  a  Portland  editor  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote 
some  sketches  of  his  fellow-members  of  the  House.  Feeling  some 
delicacy  about  writing  up  Mr.  Allen,  who  was  his  political  rival  on  the 
floor  of  the  House,  Mr.  Hamlin  asked  another  member  to  do  it,  sup 
posing  that  he  had  the  right  ideas  of  the  courtesy  to  which  Mr.  Allen 
was  justly  entitled.  The  day  the  article  appeared  Mr.  Hamlin  did 
not  see  it  until  after  he  entered  the  House.  To  his  utter  amaze 
ment  Mr.  Allen  cut  him  with  a  freezing  look,  and  refused  to  return 
his  greeting. 

"Why,  Allen,"  exclaimed  Mr.  Hamlin,  "what  is  the  matter? 
Why  do  you  treat  me  like  this  ?  I  demand  to  know  the  reason  ;  it  is 
my  right  to  know  it." 

The  newspaper  that  contained  the  sketch  of  Mr.  Allen,  written  at 
Mr.  Hamlin's  request,  was  silently  handed  to  him,  and  to  his  great 
chagrin  and  displeasure  he  found  over  the  nom  de  plume  he  had  used 
in  writing,  a  virulent  and  utterly  unpardonable  attack  on  Mr.  Allen  as 
the  leader  of  the  Whigs. 

"  Good  heavens,  Allen  ! "  Mr.  Hamlin  ejaculated,  "  I  did  not  write 
this  awful  thing;  you  did  not  believe  that  I  did,  did  you  ?  " 

"Knowing  you,  Hamlin,"  Allen  replied  with  some  emotion,  "I 
could  not  believe  you  capable  of  such  a  thing ;  but  the  nom  de  plume 
misled  me.  Your  word,  however,  is  sufficient,  and  here  is  my  hand. 
I  am  glad,  very  glad,  that  you  acted  so  promptly,  and  prevented  any 
further  misunderstanding  where  another  man  might  have  allowed  my 
pardonable  error  to  have  gone  unexplained,  owing  to  my  natural 
resentment." 

A  hearty  handshake  followed.     Then  Mr.  Hamlin  insisted  on  ex- 


58  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

plaining  how  the  article  happened  to  be  written,  taking  upon  himself 
the  moral  responsibility  for  it.  In  the  mean  time  Whigs  and  Demo 
crats  in  the  House  were  reading  and  discussing  the  matter,  with  the 
result  that  the  Whigs  were  incensed,  while  some  of  the  bitter  parti 
sans  among  the  Democrats  were  inclined  to  chuckle  over  the  unmerci 
ful  lashing  Mr.  Allen  had  received.  Mr.  FJamlin  at  once  went  among 
the  members  of  the  House,  and,  without  naming  the  author  of  the 
article,  and  accepting  the  blame  attached,  strongly  condemned  it  as 
unmanly  and  totally  unjustified.  Both  Whigs  and  Democrats  were 
greatly  pleased  with  Mr.  Hamlin's  action,  and  the  affair  ended  there. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  session  Speaker  Cilley  appointed  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  to  several  of  the  most  important  committees  of  the  House.  They 
dealt  with  questions  that  were  looming  up  like  dark  clouds  on  the 
political  horizon,  and,  therefore,  absorbed  a  great  deal  of  the  legis 
lature's  attention.  Several  incidents  occurred  that  revealed  Mr. 
Hamlin's  character  while  meeting  new  experiences.  His  colleagues 
of  this  day  said  that  he  soon  earned  the  reputation  of  a  worker,  and 
never  refused  to  face  any  problem.  One  question  that  was  now  con 
stantly  coming  up  in  the  legislatures,  and  frightening  the  time-serving 
politicians  of  that  body,  was  slavery.  The  situation  was  interesting. 
There  was  a  growing  friction  between  the  Abolitionists  and  the  slave 
holders  that  threatened  to  produce  serious  trouble.  A  favorite  method 
the  Abolitionists  had  of  agitating  was  to  flood  Congress  and  Northern 
legislatures  with  petitions  for  the  abolition  of  the  peculiar  institution. 
The  slave  party  retaliated  by  passing  the  infamous  gag-law  in  Con 
gress,  which  prohibited  the  reception  of  anti-slavery  petitions  by  that 
body,  and  also  by  sending  remonstrances  to  Northern  legislatures 
against  abolition  agitation.  While  the  majority  of  people  in  Maine 
abhorred  slavery,  they  nevertheless  deplored  the  methods  of  the  Aboli 
tionists  as  likely  to  cause  trouble  without  affording  any  remedy  for 
the  evil.  There  was  also  a  small,  but  increasing  faction  in  the  Demo 
cratic  party  of  Maine,  composed  chiefly  of  Federal  office-holders,  who 
frowned  on  any  attack  on  slavery ;  in  fact,  in  their  eyes  criticism  of 
slavery  was  criticism  of  the  Constitution  itself.  For  did  not  the  Con 
stitution  guarantee  protection  to  the  institution  ?  Under  the  circum 
stances,  the  Abolitionists  had  but  little  encouragement  in  Maine,  and 
found  a  rather  chilly  atmosphere  at  Augusta. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  a  member  of  the  committee  that  received  the  peti 
tions  and  remonstrances  relating  to  slavery.  There  were  some  pretty 
stiff  pro-slavery  men  in  the  House,  and  they  insisted  that  the  aboli 
tion  memorials  should  be  rejected,  while  time-serving  members  insinu 
ated  that  it  would  be  easy  to  smother  them.  One  incident  of  interest 
in  connection  with  this  was  Mr.  Hamlin's  action  when  both  open  and 
covert  opposition  was  shown  to  the  abolition  petitions. 


HAMLIN   IN   THE  LEGISLATURE  59 

He  insisted  that  it  was  the  committee's  duty  to  receive  and  report 
the  petitions,  and  made  a  speech  when  the  matter  was  brought  before 
the  House.  He  did  not  believe  in  the  Abolitionists,  but  it  incensed 
him  to  find  that  the  gag-law  had  supporters  in  Maine.  He  spoke  out 
his  mind  freely,  and  enunciated  his  anti-slavery  principles  and  feelings 
about  the  Abolitionists,  and  adhered  to  these  principles  with  perfect 
consistency  to  the  end.  The  substance  of  the  speech  was  well  remem 
bered  by  those  who  heard  it,  and  was  noted  in  newspapers  of  the  day. 
It  was  on  precisely  the  same  lines  as  speeches  Mr.  Hamlin  made  sub 
sequently  on  the  stump  and  in  Congress.  He  said  :  — 

"  I  am  opposed  to  slavery,  and  I  will  fight  it  if  it  becomes  a  menace  to 
the  liberty  and  welfare  of  our  common  country.  I  hope  slavery  will  be 
abolished,  but  the  Constitution  could  not  be  adopted  without  the  recogni 
tion  of  slavery,  and  the  free  States  are  bound  to  maintain  their  sacred  con 
stitutional  obligations.  I  believe  slavery  to  be  an  evil  entailed  on  us  by  the 
mother  country,  and  we  must  do  the  best  with  it  we  can  under  the  circum 
stances.  In  the  words  of  Pinckney,  '  Slavery  blights  all  that  it  touches,' 
and  as  it  is  now  a  local  trouble,  we  should  try  to  confine  it  within  as  narrow 
a  compass  as  possible  to  prevent  it  from  spreading.  It  may  die  out,  but 
God  is  sure  in  his  own  good  way  and  time  to  put  an  end  to  it.  It  is  a  curse, 
a  moral  wrong,  and  hurts  those  who  support  it  more  than  it  benefits  them. 
But  the  Abolitionists  have  a  right  to  be  heard.  They  are  citizens  of  this 
country.  They  have  the  rights  of  free  speech  guaranteed  them  by  the 
Constitution." 

These  declarations  were  practically  the  platform  of  the  anti-slavery 
party  until  events  set  in  motion  by  the  slave  power  morally  relieved 
the  North  from  its  constitutional  obligations  to  tolerate  slavery  where 
it  had  originally  existed.  Yet  in  1836  they  were  interpreted  by  the 
pro-slavery  Democrats  of  Maine  as  an  assault  on  the  "  Divine  Institu 
tion."  This  speech  irritated  them,  and  they  looked  on  the  young 
Democrat  of  Hampden  with  disfavor.  They  were  not  numerous  or 
well  enough  organized  to  make  serious  trouble  at  that  time.  But  in 
their  councils  they  denounced  Hamlin,  and  began  to  oppose  him. 
Thus  the  lines  of  cleavage  were  then  faintly  indicated  in  Maine  which 
split  the  two  parties  asunder  twenty  years  later,  and  with  this  incident 
begins  the  long  and  close  struggle  Mr.  Hamlin  had  with  the  slave 
power,  which  is  the  most  important  service  he  rendered  the  country 
and  State,  and  the  most  picturesque  chapter  in  his  life. 

While  this  was  an  era  of  agitation,  it  was  also  an  age  of  reforms. 
A  movement  that  was  creating  widespread  interest  was  to  secure 
cheap  postage  and  better  government  mail  service.  The  postal  ser 
vice  was  in  its  infancy,  and  the  cost  of  correspondence  was  excessive. 
It  cost  even  twenty-five  cents  to  send  a  letter  of  only  one  sheet  over 
four  hundred  miles  through  the  mail ;  and  with  the  increased  service 


60  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

of  the  railroad  and  steamboat  lines  high  rates  of  postage  prevailed. 
Some  relief  was  afforded  in  different  parts  of  the  country  by  express 
companies,  which  did  a  thriving  business  by  carrying  mail  at  lower 
rates  than  the  government.  In  Maine,  the  mail  service,  necessarily  of 
limited  facilities,  was  accomplished  chiefly  by  the  old-fashioned  stage 
coach,  and  the  people,  therefore,  were  very  desirous  of  a  reform.  This 
movement  enlisted  Mr.  Hamlin's  sympathies.  He  offered  a  resolu 
tion  in  the  House  that  throws  further  light  on  the  means  for  trans 
porting  mail  within  the  State,  and  also  the  existing  difficulties.  It 
instructed  the  Committee  on  Railroads  to  inquire  into  the  expediency 
of  amending  the  general  laws  regulating  the  railroads  so  as  to  enable 
the  Postmaster-General  to  compel  a  railroad  to  carry  government  mail 
whenever  he  required  it  to  do  so.  The  resolution  was  adopted,  and 
from  this  time  on  Mr.  Hamlin  gave  a  great  deal  of  attention  to  postal 
reform.  Without  anticipating,  it  may  be  added,  he  took  his  seat  in 
the  House  at  Washington  the  year  the  movement  achieved  practical 
success. 

The  legislature  was  a  theatre  that  reflected  the  dark  side  of  life  as 
well  as  its  political  and  business  affairs.  A  touching  and  distressing 
circumstance,  revealed  to  the  legislature,  was  the  condition  of  some 
old  soldiers  of  the  war  of  independence.  Mr.  Hamlin  had  found 
them  living  in  poverty,  although  they  were  the  victims  of  accident 
rather  than  of  willful  neglect.  Maine  had  furnished  more  than  her 
quota  of  soldiers  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and  some  who  had 
suffered  wounds  had  become  dependent  on  the  bounty  of  the  State 
and  their  friends,  through  the  government's  inability  to  provide  prop 
erly  for  them  after  the  close  of  the  war.  They  were  independent 
old  patriots,  and  greatly  saddened  to  be  regarded  as  objects  of  charity 
or  pensioners.  Their  condition  demanded  relief,  and  Mr.  Hamlin 
induced  the  legislature  to  increase  their  bounties  to  fifty  dollars  a 
year,  which  was  the  limit  the  State  could  then  afford.  This  was  not 
much,  but  it  was  an  improvement,  and  a  step  in  the  right  direction, 
and  in  the  end  it  had  a  good  result.  The  legislature,  once  becoming 
interested  in  the  old  soldiers,  considered  further  measures  proposed 
for  their  relief.  At  the  next  session,  Mr.  Hamlin  offered  a  resolution 
increasing  the  land  grants  to  the  veterans  from  two  to  six  hundred 
acres,  and  exempted  them  from  taxation.  The  bill  was  adopted,  and 
the  veterans  passed  their  last  days  in  comparative  comfort. 

A  fight  then  broke  out  between  the  Whigs  and  Democrats  of 
Maine  that  is  now  historical,  and  which  also  served  to  push  Mr. 
Hamlin  more  prominently  before  the  people  as  a  leader  of  his  party. 
It  happened  to  be  a  period  of  extraordinary  expansion,  and  one  con 
sequence  was  that  there  was  a  strong  land  speculative  craze  in  vari 
ous  parts  of  the  country.  Some  States  made  a  reckless  use  of  public 


HAMLIN   IN   THE   LEGISLATURE  61 

money  in  building  railroads  along  routes  where  towns  did  not  yet 
exist.  Illinois  was,  perhaps,  the  worst  sufferer  of  all  in  this  respect. 
It  was  the  Whig  policy  to  favor  internal  improvements ;  and  at  this 
time  it  is  an  interesting  fact  that  Abraham  Lincoln,  then  a  Whig 
member  of  the  Illinois  legislature,  was  supporting  his  party.  Lin 
coln's  honesty  and  candor,  in  accepting  his  share  of  the  responsibility 
for  the  catastrophe  that  overtook  his  State,  were  characteristic  of  the 
man.  Maine  felt  the  trend  of  affairs,  and  the  Whigs  advocated  the 
building  of  a  railroad  from  Wiscasset  and  other  seaport  towns  to 
Quebec,  by  the  aid  of  state  money,  and  their  plan  stirred  up  a  great 
deal  of  excitement  at  the  time. 

The  general  policy  of  the  Democratic  party  was  to  oppose  the  use 
of  public  money  in  aid  of  any  enterprise  that  could  be  promoted 
through  individual  effort.  The  scheme  savored  of  paternal  legisla 
tion,  and  then,  again,  far-sighted  business  men  saw  that  a  reaction 
would  follow  the  abnormal  conditions  of  affairs  described.  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  attacked  the  Wiscasset  railroad  plan  in  several  speeches  before 
the  legislature.  His  reasons  briefly  stated  were,  that  his  party  prin 
ciples  were  opposed  to  the  scheme ;  that  Maine  was  a  poor  State  and 
could  not  afford  the  money ;  that  the  promotion  of  such  a  plan  might 
bring  on  a  fever  of  land  speculation,  such  as  was  raging  in  other 
States ;  that,  finally,  it  was  more  or  less  of  a  Whig  scheme,  which,  if 
realized,  might  become  in  their  hands  a  dangerous  piece  of  machinery 
that  would  enable  them  to  get  a  firm  grip  on  the  state  government. 
This  provoked  a  fierce  discussion,  but  in  the  end  the  Democrats  tri 
umphed  and  killed  the  bill.  Not  yet  feeling  quite  secure  against  the 
temptations  of  speculation  and  paternal  legislation,  Mr.  Hamlin,  at  a 
subsequent  session  of  the  legislature,  led  a  movement  that  secured 
the  adoption  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  Maine  prohibit 
ing  the  State  from  increasing  its  debt  over  $300,000. 

This  prudent  legislation  saved  Maine  to  the  Democrats  in  the  fall 
elections  of  1837.  This  was  a  year  of  disastrous  panics  and  depres 
sion  in  business.  As  a  consequence,  a  reaction  set  in  against  the 
National  Democratic  party  that  reached  high  tide  three  years  later 
in  the  election  of  Harrison  to  the  presidency.  In  Maine,  Governor 
Dunlap  was  reflected,  and  the  legislature  was  once  more  controlled 
by  the  Democrats.  Mr.  Hamlin's  leadership,  in  the  preceding  House, 
made  him  his  party's  logical  candidate  for  speaker,  and  he  was 
elected,  being  at  that  time  twenty-eight  years  old,  the  youngest  man 
yet  to  fill  the  speaker's  chair.  Elisha  H.  Allen,  still  the  Whig  leader, 
was  his  competitor.  Among  the  leading  members  of  this  House  were 
Rufus  K.  Goodenow,  a  Whig,  of  Paris,  and  a  member  of  Congress 
in  1849;  the  Rev.  Ebenezer  Knowlton,  of  Montville,  who  was  one 
of  Maine's  first  Republican  congressmen ;  Alfred  Reddington,  of 


62  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Augusta,  a  lifelong  friend  of  the  Speaker,  and  adjutant-general  of  the 
State  in  1849;  At  wood  Levensaler,  a  powerful  Democratic  leader  in 
the  shipbuilding  district  of  Thomaston,  and  always  Mr.  Hamlin's 
personal  friend  ;  Randolph  A.  L.  Codman,  a  promising  lawyer  of 
Portland ;  Ralph  C.  Johnson,  of  Belfast,  and  Joshua  Lowell,  of  East 
Machias.  Over  the  Senate  presided  N.  S|.  Littlefield,  a  Democrat  of 
Bridgton,  who  served  in  the  Twenty-seventh  and  Thirty-first  Con 
gresses.  In  the  governor's  council  was  another  lifelong  friend  of  Mr. 
Hamlin's,  General  Samuel  Veazie,  a  leading  banker  of  Maine,  and 
one  of  that  patriotic  group  of  financiers  who,  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
civil  war,  came  forward  and  offered  the  government  large  loans  to 
meet  its  immediate  needs  in  confronting  the  crisis. 

One  of  Speaker  Hamlin's  first  acts  was  to  give  a  hearing  to  a  num 
ber  of  students  at  Waterville  College,  who  had  started  a  movement 
to  abolish  capital  punishment  in  Maine,  and  wanted  an  opportunity  to 
present  their  arguments  to  the  legislature.  The  times  and  conditions 
were  hardly  favorable  for  such  a  movement,  but  the  young  men  were 
very  earnest,  and  determined  to  make  a  beginning  at  least.  The 
death  penalty  was  then  the  law  of  every  State  in  the  Union  and  of 
every  nation.  In  the  United  States  it  was  generally  upheld  as  a 
necessity,  and  supported  by  a  conservative  religious  elements  in  the 
belief  that  it  was  sanctioned  by  the  Bible.  One  of  the  students  was 
J.  Young  Scammon,  then  of  Bath,  who,  as  a  young  man,  was  giving 
promise  of  great  talents.  In  subsequent  years  he  ranked  among  the 
first  men  at  the  Chicago  bar,  and  was  a  Republican  leader  of  note  in 
Illinois.  Scammon  at  once  impressed  himself  on  Mr.  Hamlin  as  a 
sincere  and  able  young  man,  and  he  obtained  for  the  student  a  hear 
ing  before  the  Judiciary  Committee.  He  gave  close  attention  to  their 
arguments ;  it  was  the  first  time  the  subject  of  the  death  penalty  had 
ever  been  pressed  on  him  for  his  consideration  and  action.  His  incli 
nations  were  against  it,  and  now  that  he  gave  his  thoughts  to  it,  he 
saw  it  in  the  light  of  a  reproach  to  civilization.  To  the  great  pleasure 
of  the  college  boys  he  warmly  indorsed  their  views,  and  when  the 
Judiciary  Committee  agreed  to  report  favorably,  Mr.  Hamlin  promised 
that  he  would  present  the  bill  to  the  House  and  make  a  speech.  He 
told  Scammon  that  "he  had  enlisted  in  this  war  to  win."1  He  made 
a  speech  that  stirred  up  a  vigorous  discussion  throughout  the  State. 
He  never  lost  interest  in  the  matter.  He  wanted  to  see  the  death 
penalty  abolished  by  civilized  nations,  and  in  his  family  and  among 

1  It  is  an  interesting  coincidence  that,  practically,  Mr.  Hamlin's  first  act  as  the 
official  representative  of  his  party,  and  his  last  appearance  before  the  legislature 
of  Maine,  just  half  a  century  afterwards,  were  in  opposition  to  capital  punishment. 
The  law  was  repealed  in  1887  for  the  last  time,  after  a  short  revival,  as  a  result  of 
his  plea.  Thus  he  literally  fulfilled  his  promise  to  J.  Young  Scammon. 


HAMLIN   IN   THE   LEGISLATURE  63 

his  friends  spoke  with  a  good  deal  of  feeling  against  the  law  of  capital 
punishment.  He  adhered  to  the  same  views  he  presented  before  the 
legislature  in  1837.  His  general  argument  was  as  follows  :l- 

"I  am  opposed  to  capital  punishment  on  general  humane  prin 
ciples,  and  also  because  it  does  not  serve  as  a  deterrent ;  finally, 
because  it  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  great  and  fundamental  truths 
of  the  Sacred  Book.  The  world  has  become  more  merciful  and 
kinder  since  the  coming  of  Christ.  It  is  learning  to  prefer  his  teach 
ings,  '  Love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself '  and  *  Return  good  for  evil,'  to 
the  law  of  Moses,  'An  eye  for  an  eye,  a  tooth  for  a  tooth.'  The 
world,  also,  better  understands  the  frailties  of  mankind  and  the  laws 
of  heredity.  Capital  punishment  is  now  inflicted  chiefly  for  two 
offenses  against  God  and  man,  —  murder  and  treason.  But  death  was 
once  the  penalty  for  several  scores  of  offenses  in  England,  including 
even  petty  larceny.  It  is  on  record  that  a  woman  was  once  hanged 
in  London  for  stealing  bread  for  her  starving  children. 

"  That  was  truly  said  to  be  an  age  of  barbarism,  and  we  would  not 
sanction  these  barbarous  acts.  Capital  punishment  belongs  to  that 
age ;  it  is,  indeed,  a  relic  of  barbarism,  and  a  blot  on  our  progressive 
civilization.  It  ought  to  be  wiped  out.  It  is  not  a  deterrent  because 
it  does  not  deter.  The  lessons  of  history  teach  us  that  executions 
draw  crowds  of  morbid  curiosity-seekers,  and  act  as  an  incentive  to 
the  unfortunates  who  are  naturally  depraved  to  commit  crime.  It  is 
the  duty  of  society  to  protect  itself,  not  to  take  revenge.  Men  who 
have  taken  lives  should  be  immured  and  kept  apart  from  society. 
With  only  their  thoughts  for  company,  their  punishment  is  more  ter 
rible  than  death.  The  prospect  of  solitary  confinement,  without  hope 
of  pardon,  might  act  as  a  stronger  deterrent  on  habitual  criminals, 
who  see  in  their  execution  a  chance  to  glory  in  their  brutal  notoriety. 
But  the  history  of  criminal  jurisprudence  also  teaches  us  that  crim 
inals  do  not  always  consider  the  penalty  for  their  acts.  An  unfortu 
nate  man  may  lead  a  criminal  life  on  account  of  bad  associations  in 
his  youth.  Society  ought  to  consider  these  things,  and  give  him  the 
benefit  of  corrective  influences. 

"  The  argument  that  capital  punishment  is  sanctioned  by  the  Bible 
is  inconsistent  with  the  spirit  of  that  holy  book  and  the  teachings  of 
Christ.  The  thing  about  the  Bible  that  impresses  me  most  is  that  it 
teems  with  love  for  humanity.  Christ  is  the  one  great  and  divine 
figure  in  that  Book,  and  do  we  not  take  our  teachings  from  him?  He 
is  the  one  we  believe  in  all  things,  for  he  is  the  Son  of  God.  Moses 
was  not,  and  why  should  we  follow  his  commands  in  this  matter  ? 
Moses  said  God  commanded  him  to  kill  a  man  for  working  on  Sun- 

1  This  was  reproduced  from  memory,  but  is  believed  to  be  literally  correct.  — 
C.  H. 


64  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

day.  Does  mankind  believe  that  ?  The  Old  Testament  also  says : 
'  When  a  man  has  taken  a  wife,  and  it  comes  to  pass  that  she  finds  no 
favor  in  his  eyes,  then  let  him  give  her  a  bill  of  divorcement,  and  give 
it  into  her  hands  and  send  her  out  of  his  house.'  What  would  become 
of  our  modern  society  if  we  lived  up  to  that  ?  Suppose  we  lived  ver 
batim  up  to  the  command,  *  an  eye  for  an  eye,  a  tooth  for  a  tooth '  ? 
All  that  take  life,  whether  in  self-defense  or  in  the  heat  of  passion, 
would  come  under  that  penalty.  Moses  did  not  discriminate,  but 
society  does  discriminate,  for  it  draws  the  line  between  murder  and 
manslaughter.  Thus  it  rejects  the  exact  letter  of  Moses'  teachings, 
although  there  are  those  who  insist  that  in  inflicting  capital  punish 
ment  society  literally  interprets  the  Scriptures.  They  have  as  little 
authority  for  claiming  this  as  they  have  for  justifying  capital  punish 
ment  on  the  saying,  <  Whosoever  shall  shed  man's  blood,  by  man  shall 
his  blood  be  shed.'  That  saying  is  doubted  by  some  of  the  greatest 
students  of  the  Bible.  The  original  can  be  translated  a  dozen  differ 
ent  ways.  But,  to  my  way  of  thinking,  the  whole  question,  from  a 
Biblical  point  of  view,  is  that  it  is  more  Christian  to  follow  the  merci 
ful  Christ  than  the  revengeful  Moses.  Christ  never  justified  the  tak 
ing  of  life. 

"The  most  terrible  thing  society  can  do  is  to  hang  an  innocent 
man.  But  it  has  done  that  awful  thing  more  than  once.  Let  us 
remember  what  that  good  and  great  soldier  and  statesman,  Lafayette, 
said  :  '  Not  until  you  can  prove  the  infallibility  of  human  tribunals, 
will  I  approve  the  justice  of  capital  punishment.' ' 

The  result  of  the  agitation  of  capital  punishment  in  1837  was>  that 
a  moral  victory  was  won  by  the  passing  of  a  law  that  dated  the  execu 
tion  of  a  criminal  convicted  of  murder  one  year  after  his  sentence  had 
been  pronounced  on  him,  and  also  requiring  the  governor  to  issue 
the  death  warrant.  There  was  a  steady  growth  of  sentiment  after 
this  in  favor  of  repealing  the  statute,  and  the  law  was  subsequently 
abolished,  to  be  revived  by  a  small  majority  vote  in  the  legislature  in 
1883,  and  finally  revoked  four  years  afterwards. 

For  several  years  there  had  been  trouble  brewing  over  the  bound 
ary  line  between  Maine  and  New  Brunswick,  and  this  year  it  threat 
ened  to  bring  on  serious  consequences.  In  the  preceding  legislature, 
Mr.  Hamlin  served  on  the  committee  that  had  this  question  in  charge 
for  Maine,  and  by  familiarizing  himself  with  the  facts  of  the  case  at 
that  time  he  was  now  able  to  act  and  speak  with  authority.  There 
was  a  growing  friction  between  the  inhabitants  of  Maine  and  New 
Brunswick,  along  the  disputed  territory,  and  far-seeing  men  in  Maine 
believed  that,  unless  the  government  took  steps  to  settle  the  dispute, 
there  might  be  danger  of  national  complications.  One  of  the  first 
things  Mr.  Hamlin  did,  after  taking  the  speaker's  chair,  was  to  appoint 


HAMLIN   IN   THE   LEGISLATURE  65 

a  committee  to  investigate  the  situation  in  cooperation  with  a  com 
mittee  from  the  Senate.  The  two  parties  in  Maine  were  entirely  in 
accord  on  the  Northeastern  boundary  question,  and  passed  a  resolu 
tion  authorizing  Governor  Dunlap  to  call  on  President  Van  Buren  to 
have  the  boundary  line  explored  and  surveyed,  and  monuments 
erected  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  1783.  But 
the  national  administration  failed  to  see  the  necessity  of  acting.  In 
putting  the  matter  off,  the  government  allowed  Maine's  interests  to 
become  entangled  with  other  affairs,  which  were  bunched  together, 
so  to  speak,  and  settled  at  a  cost  to  the  State,  under  the  Ashburton 
treaty  of  1842,  of  1,200,000  acres  of  land. 

But,  not  to  anticipate  further,  although  the  government  was  sloth 
ful,  not  understanding  the  watchfulness  of  the  British  diplomat,  the 
legislature  of  Maine  was  on  the  alert.  Plans  were  discussed  and 
pushed  for  constructing  military  roads  through  the  County  of  Aroos- 
took  to  the  scene  of  contention,  and  for  providing  the  State  with 
adequate  coast  defense.  Mr.  Hamlin  enlisted  in  this  work  with  a 
great  deal  of  interest.  He  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  country 
needed  a  thorough  system  of  coast  defense,  and  when  he  entered 
the  United  States  Senate  strongly  urged  the  government  to  protect 
the  country  in  this  way.  But  nothing  came  from  the  military  prepa 
rations  the  government  made  this  year,  and  the  legislature  adjourned 
without  leaving  anything  else  to  be  recorded  of  public  or  personal 
interest. 

The  tide  was  still  running  against  the  Democracy  on  account  of 
the  panics  of  1837,  and  this  year  the  Whigs  elected  their  candidate 
for  governor,  Edward  Kent,  of  Bangor,  over  Gorham  Parks,  a  former 
Democratic  congressman  from  the  same  city,  by  a  plurality  of  less 
than  five  hundred  votes.  The  Whigs  also  carried  the  House  in 
Maine  by  a  substantial  majority.  This  campaign  became  historic, 
and  Governor  Kent  attained  a  national  prominence.  He  was  an 
able,  scholarly  man,  a  graduate  of  Harvard,  very  popular  personally, 
and  well  qualified  to  sit  in  the  Senate.  He  did  not  desire  a  national 
career,  however,  and  declined  a  post  in  President  Taylor's  Cabinet  in 
1848,  although  he  did  accept  the  consulship  at  Rio  Janeiro,  and  later 
in  life  was  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Maine.  Governor 
Kent,  on  taking  the  executive  chair,  at  once  applied  himself  with 
zeal  to  the  Northeastern  boundary  question,  to  bring  about  a  settle 
ment  if  possible.  To  quote  Israel  Washburn,  Jr.,  Maine's  war  gov 
ernor  :  "  Governor  Kent  knew  more  about  this  question  than  anybody 
else  in  the  country." 

The  Whigs  organized  the  House,  and  elected  Elisha  H.  Allen 
speaker  over  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  returned  to  the  floor  as  the  leader  of 
his  party.  In  this  legislature,  Mr.  Hamlin  made  some  strong  friends. 


66  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

In  the  House  was  John  Searle  Tenney,  then  a  Whig,  of  Norridge- 
wock,  who  subsequently  became  chief  justice  of  Maine.  Abner 
Coburn,  of  Skowhegan,  was  later  governor  of  the  State,  and  is 
remembered  also  for  his  substantial  and  practical  philanthropy. 
Ebenezer  Webster,  of  Orono,  was  one  of  the  leading  lumbermen  of 
Penobscot  County,  and  always  a  close  frienci  of  Mr.  Hamlin's.  George 
F.  Patten  was  a  large  shipbuilder  of  Bath.  John  West,  of  Franklin, 
was  one  of  the  first  men  President  Lincoln  appointed  to  office  under 
the  revenue  law.  At  Mr.  Hamlin's  request,  Mr.  Lincoln  made  Mr. 
West  collector  of  internal  revenue,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  entire 
Maine  congressional  delegation  had  united  in  support  of  another 
man.  Richard  H.  Vose  was  a  prominent  lawyer  of  Augusta.  Noah 
Barker,  of  Exeter,  was  afterward  state  land  agent.  N.  S.  Little- 
field  still  presided  over  the  Senate,  which  the  Democrats  controlled. 
Among  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  in  that  body  were  Daniel  Emery,  of 
Hampden,  and  Job  Prince,  of  Turner.  Timothy  Boutelle,  Thomas 
Robinson,  and  Benjamin  Randall,  leading  lawyers  of  that  period,  were 
other  prominent  members  of  the  Senate. 

The  depression  in  business  following  the  panic  caused  a  great  deal 
of  suffering  among  the  poor  people  in  the  country,  and  in  Maine  a 
peculiar  condition  of  affairs  existed  that  would  not  be  tolerated  to-day. 
The  poor-debtor  law  had  some  technical  features  that  enabled  shys 
ters  and  Shylocks  to  take  unfair  advantages  of  men  in  debt  at  a  cost 
of  unnecessary  suffering  and  expenditure  of  money.  There  were  some 
hard-hearted  men,  who  made  a  practice  of  issuing  a  writ,  arresting  a 
debtor  and  clapping  him  in  jail  before  he  could  take  advantage  of 
the  law  that  was  framed  for  the  poor  debtor's  benefit.  It  happened 
that  some  deserving  men,  who  would  have  paid  off  their  debts  in 
time,  were  thrown  into  prison  by  shysters  in  order  that  the  latter 
might  get  business.  A  great  deal  of  complaint  was  heard,  and  when 
some  distressing  cases  came  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  knowledge,  he 
went  to  work  to  prevent  this  gross  misuse  of  the  law.  He  incorpo 
rated  his  ideas  in  a  bill,  and  presented  them  in  a  speech,  sternly 
denouncing  the  causes  of  the  misery.  Legislatures  are  conservative 
bodies,  and  while  Mr.  Hamlin  made  a  good  beginning  in  this  House, 
he  did  not  wholly  accomplish  the  reform  he  desired  until  the  next 
legislature  met.  He  succeeded  then  to  his  satisfaction,  and  chapters 
366  and  412,  Statutes  of  1839,  and  chapter  58  of  the  Statutes  of  1840, 
embody  the  results  of  his  work. 

As  the  state  campaign  of  1838  approached,  the  Democratic  party 
resolved  to  make  a  supreme  effort  to  win.  Mr.  Hamlin  appears  to 
have  come  into  the  councils  of  his  party  soon  after  he  was  elected 
to  the  legislature.  One  of  the  men  talked  of  as  the  Democratic  can 
didate  for  governor  was  John  Fairfield,  of  Saco.  Mr.  Hamlin  knew 


HAMLIN   IN   THE  LEGISLATURE  67 

Mr.  Fairfield  well,  and  not  only  advocated  his  nomination,  but  organ 
ized  the  eastern  part  of  Maine  in  his  interests.  Mr.  Fairfield  had 
been  reporter  of  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Maine,  and  was 
now  serving  his  second  term  in  Congress.  He  was  able,  far-seeing, 
upright,  and  a  decided  power  in  his  party.  Mr.  Hamlin  believed  that 
Mr.  Fairfield  had  a  future  before  him,  and  might  have  a  national 
career.1  Mr.  Fairfield  was  nominated  by  the  Democracy,  and  in  an 
exciting  campaign  was  elected  over  Governor  Kent  by  about  three 
thousand  plurality.  The  Democrats  also  carried  the  legislature,  and 
reflected  Mr.  Hamlin  speaker  over  his  friend  Mr.  Allen.  In  this 
legislature  there  were  also  men  who  attained  some  distinction  in 
Maine.  Joseph  G.  Cole,  Mr.  Hamlin's  former  law  preceptor,  was  a 
leading  member  of  the  House.  A  man  of  promise  was  Charles 
Andrews,  of  Turner.  He  read  law  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  encour 
aged  him  to  enter  politics.  He  became  speaker  of  the  House  in 
1843,  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1850,  but  died  during  his  term. 
Ezra  B.  French,  of  Nobleboro,  was  a  member  of  the  Thirty- sixth 
Congress,  and  afterwards  second  auditor  of  the  United  States 
Treasury  Department.  Shepherd  Cary,  of  Houlton,  served  one  term 
in  Congress.  W.  B.  S.  Moor,  of  Waterville,  was  elected  attorney- 
general  of  Maine  in  1843,  and  was  a  member  of  the  United  States 
Senate  by  appointment  for  a  session.  Other  members,  well  known 
in  Maine  at  the  time,  and  among  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends,  were  Samuel 
Dyer,  of  Sebago,  and  Lyman  Rawson,  of  Rumford.  In  the  Senate 
were  Isaac  Reed,  of  Waldoboro,  Hiram  Belcher,  of  Farmington,  and 
Hezekiah  Williams,  of  Castine,  all  of  whom  were  subsequently  mem 
bers  of  Congress.  Job  Prince,  president  of  the  Senate,  and  Charles 
Holden,  an  able  journalist  of  Portland,  were  among  Mr.  Hamlin's 
closest  friends,  and  with  him  joined  the  Republican  party  in  1856. 

Party  lines  now  became  more  strongly  defined  in  Maine.  Governor 
Fairfield  led  off  at  the  opening  of  the  session  with  a  message  in  oppo 
sition  to  internal  improvements  as  a  national  measure,  and  taking  no 
less  strong  grounds  upon  the  boundary  question  than  did  Governor 
Kent.  He  said  in  part :  — 

"  The  general  government  must  soon  feel  it  to  be  its  unavoidable  duty 
to  insist  upon  a  termination  of  this  question  —  peaceably,  if  possible,  but 
at  all  events  and  at  all  hazards  to  see  it  terminated.  If,  however,  the  gen 
eral  government,  under  no  circumstances,  should  be  disposed  to  take  the 
lead  in  measures  less  pacific  than  those  hitherto  pursued,  yet,  I  trust,  we 
are  not  remediless.  If  Maine  should  take  possession  of  her  territory  up  to 

1  During  the  few  years  Mr.  Fairfield  was  in  the  Senate,  he  impressed  his  party 
as  a  strong  man.  He  received  a  large  vote  for  Vice-President  in  the  Democratic 
National  Convention  of  1844.  His  sudden  death  in  1848  cut  short  a  promising 
career. 


68  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  line  of  the  treaty  of  1783,  resolved  to  maintain  it  with  all  the  force  she 
is  capable  of  exerting,  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  British  government 
to  wrest  that  possession  from  her  must  bring  the  general  government  to 
her  aid  and  defense,  if  the  solemn  obligations  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  are  to  be  regarded  as  of  any  validity.  This  step,  however, 
is  only  to  be  taken  after  matured  deliberation.  Once  taken  it  should  never 
be  abandoned." 

Governor  Fairfield  was  warranted  in  taking  this  strong  tone  in  his 
message.  In  a  short  time  after  the  governor  had  denned  the  position 
of  Maine  towards  the  disputed  territory,  the  State  was  electrified  at 
the  news  that  a  large  body  of  Canadians  were  robbing  the  disputed 
land  of  its  timber.  The  governor  promptly  ordered  Sheriff  Hastings 
Strickland,  of  Penobscot  County,  to  organize  a  posse  of  men  and  drive 
out  the  intruders.  Great  excitement  prevailed,  and  an  unmistakable 
war  fever  arose.  With  two  hundred  men  the  sheriff  rapidly  proceeded 
to  the  scene  of  action  in  what  is  now  Aroostook  County.  The  Cana 
dians  heard  of  the  sheriff's  movements,  and  possessing  themselves 
of  arms  in  the  province  arsenal  in  Woodstock,  they  prepared,  three 
hundred  strong,  to  stand  their  ground.  But  when  the  Canadians 
heard  that  the  Americans  had  a  cannon  they  fled,  and,  as  luck  would 
have  it,  Land  Agent  Mclntire  went  after  them.  He  and  his  men 
captured  twenty  poachers,  but  the  same  night  a  body  of  Canadians 
dropped  down  on  Mr.  Mclntire,  and  carried  him  and  his  men  off  to 
Woodstock.  Maine  and  New  Brunswick  began  to  arm  themselves. 
The  legislature  appropriated  $800,000,  and  the  governor  ordered  a 
draft  of  10,000  men  to  protect  our  claims.  Congress  appropriated 
$10,000,000,  and  authorized  the  President  to  call  for  50,000  volunteers 
to  help  Maine.  General  Scott  came  to  Augusta  to  take  charge  of  the 
military  operations.  He  opened  up  diplomatic  negotiations  between 
Governor  Fairfield  and  Governor  John  Harvey,  of  New  Brunswick, 
with  the  result  that  each  promised  to  withdraw  his  forces  from  the 
disputed  territory,  and  leave  it  in  charge  of  a  peace  posse  until  a  set 
tlement  should  be  arrived  at  by  diplomatic  methods. 

Thus  ended  the  famous  Aroostook  war.  It  was  a  bloodless  affair, 
and  yet  it  was  a  narrow  escape  from  a  collision  between  the  two 
governments.  Both  sides  were  prepared  to  fight,  and  the  loss  of  a 
single  life  might  have  prevented  a  peaceful  settlement.  The  wonder 
is  that  no  harm  came  out  of  all  that  excitement  and  manoeuvring.  As 
a  major  on  Governor  Fairneld's  staff,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  ready  to  take 
the  field.  With  Lincoln  he  could  have  said  in  after  years  that  he, 
too,  had  a  military  record,  and  told  a  humorous  story  of  the  war  that 
was  never  fought. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  reflected  to  the  House  in  the  fall  of  1839,  and 
chosen  speaker  for  the  third  time.  In  this  House  were  some  new 


HAMLIN   IN  THE   LEGISLATURE  69 

members  who  were  among  Mr.  Hamlin's  closest  friends  and  political 
associates.  Among  them  were  General  John  J.  Perry,  of  Oxford,  a 
lawyer  and  afterwards  member  of  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress  ;  William 
C.  Hammatt,  of  Rowland,  a  man  of  uncommon  political  sagacity  for 
his  circumstances ;  Philip  A.  Eastman,  of  Strong,  and  a  judge  of  pro 
bate  of  Franklin  County ;  Joseph  W.  Eaton,  of  Plymouth ;  Dennis 
L.  Milliken,  of  Burnham ;  Aaron  P.  Emerson,  of  Orland ;  S.  R.  Ly- 
man,  of  Portland,  and  William  Delesdernier,  long  a  unique  character 
in  the  politics  of  Washington  County.  Samuel  Trafton,  of  Cornish, 
and  Joseph  Dane,  of  Hollis,  Mr.  Hamlin  always  remembered  as  faith 
ful  friends  and  legislators.  Ebenezer  Everett,  a  Whig,  of  Brunswick, 
was  a  sound  lawyer  and  a  member  of  the  State's  commission  to  revise 
its  statutes.  He  was  the  father  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Charles  Carroll 
Everett,  for  many  years  dean  of  the  Unitarian  Theological  School  of 
Harvard  University.  Edward  O'Brien,  one  of  Maine's  largest  ship 
builders,  was  a  member  of  this  House.  A  newcomer,  who  was  des 
tined  to  have  a  national  career  and  enduring  fame,  was  William  Pitt 
Fessenden,  then  a  young  Whig,  of  Portland.  Over  the  Senate  pre 
sided  Stephen  C.  Foster,  who,  with  two  of  his  colleagues,  Isaac  Reed, 
of  Waldoboro,  and  David  Hammons,  of  Oxford  County,  was  to  sit 
in  Congress  with  the  Speaker  of  the  House.  Samuel  H.  Blake,  of 
Bangor,  was  a  future  attorney-general  of  the  State.  Levi  Bradley, 
of  the  same  city,  was  a  leading  lumberman  of  the  State.  Franklin 
Smith,  of  Anson,  was  a  prominent  landowner.  A  coming  governor 
and  rival  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  for  senatorial  honors  was  John  W.  Dana, 
who  was  then  beginning  his  legislative  career  in  the  House.  Another 
future  associate  in  the  House,  at  Washington,  was  Elbridge  Gerry,  of 
Waterford,  who  was  clerk  of  this  House. 

During  this  session  of  the  legislature  an  effort  was  renewed  in  the 
United  States  Senate  to  repeal  the  fisheries  bounty  of  $250,000. 
This  was  a  movement  that  was  aimed  directly  at  one  of  Maine's  chief 
interests.  Mr.  Hamlin  gave  his  earnest  attention  to  the  subject. 
With  other  leading  members  of  the  legislature,  Mr.  Hamlin  met  this 
movement  with  a  prompt  remonstrance.  This  was  accomplished  by 
the  appointment  of  a  select  committee  chosen  from  both  Houses  at 
Mr.  Hamlin's  suggestion.  He  interested  himself  in  the  committee's 
work,  and  its  report  was  his  argument  in  favor  of  retaining  the  bounty. 
Briefly,  Mr.  Hamlin  demonstrated  that  the  fisheries  bounty  act  should 
be  maintained  because  the  fisheries  produced  brave  sailors  for  the 
navy  in  the  wars  of  1776  and  1812,  and  because  the  act  also  fostered 
the  shipbuilding  business.  Hence,  the  fisheries  bounty  was  national, 
not  entirely  sectional  in  its  workings,  and  hence  the  considerations  of 
national  interests  and  safety  demanded  its  maintenance.  This  was 
still  another  subject  with  which  Mr.  Hamlin  became  prominently 
identified  in  his  national  career. 


70  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Another  question  of  national  and  state  interest  that  obtained  Mr. 
Hamlin's  active  support  in  this  legislature,  and  throughout  his  whole 
term  of  public  service,  was  the  settlement  of  the  French  spoliation 
claims.  By  the  treaty  of  1831,  France  agreed  to  pay  the  United 
States  the  sum  of  $5,000,000  for  despoiling  our  navy  in  the  last 
Napoleonic  war.  The  payment  was  delayed  for  several  years,  and 
when  the  money  was  received  it  was  used  for  government  purposes. 
John  Quincy  Adams  ascertained  the  fact  of  the  government's  delin 
quency,  and  called  it  severely  to  account.  Senator  Ether  Shepley, 
afterwards  chief  justice  of  Maine,  declared  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  speaking  of  the  claims  :  "  Our  government  pocketed  the  con 
sideration  and  repudiated  the  debt."  Maine  had  suffered  severely 
from  the  depredation  France  and  England  had  made  on  her  ships, 
and  even  four  years  after  Senator  Shepley  had  urged  the  government 
to  satisfy  these  just  claims,  the  restitution  had  not  been  made.  On 
March  13,  1840,  Mr.  Hamlin  procured  the  passage  of  a  resolution 
through  the  legislature  admonishing  the  government  that  it  was 
"  bound  upon  every  principle  of  equity  to  make  provision  for  an 
indemnity  to  those  who  suffered  by  French  spoliation  upon  American 
commerce  prior  to  September,  1840;  that,  having  compromised  all 
claims  upon  the  French  government  for  such  spoliation,  and  received 
an  ample  indemnity  therefor,  a  longer  delay  on  the  part  of  the  gen 
eral  government  in  making  provision  for  those  individuals  whose 
property  has  been  appropriated  for  the  common  benefit  would  be 
neither  expedient  nor  just."  The  sequel  to  this  was  the  hard  and 
conscientious  work  Mr.  Hamlin  accomplished  at  Washington  on  many 
private  claims  which  the  government  had  ignored. 

This  was,  on  the  whole,  a  good  working  legislature,  but  unfortu 
nately  its  reputation  suffered  from  a  senseless  joke  some  one  played 
on  it  in  the  winter.  The  incident  was  the  most  trying  Mr.  Hamlin 
experienced  while  speaker.  There  was  great  rejoicing  among  Gov 
ernor  Fairfield's  friends  over  his  large  plurality.  One  of  his  admirers 
was  Mrs.  Longley,  the  wife  of  an  extensive  farmer  of  Greene.  Re 
membering  how  an  admirer  of  President  Jackson  had  presented  him 
with  a  mammoth  cheese,  she  bestowed  on  Governor  Fairfield  a  similar 
token  of  her  esteem.  It  weighed  fully  four  hundred  pounds,  and 
Governor  Fairfield  presented  a  large  portion  of  it  to  the  legislature 
for  luncheon  on  a  certain  day.  The  Whig  members  of  the  legisla 
ture  contributed  cider  and  brown  bread  to  the  feast.  A  recess  of 
half  an  hour  was  taken,  and  the  legislature  adjourned  to  the  room 
where  the  cheese,  cider,  and  brown  bread  had  been  set  forth.  The 
cider  was  in  a  large  keg.  Some  of  the  representatives  drank  freely, 
and  it  was  noticed  that  they  became  voluble  and  animated.  When 
the  Speaker  called  the  House  to  order,  these  members,  at  least  twenty 


HAMLIN   IN   THE  LEGISLATURE  71 

in  number,  jumped  to  their  feet  and  demanded  recognition.  He 
recognized  a  member,  and  a  yell  of  protest  from  the  others  arose. 
The  Speaker  saw  that  something  had  gone  wrong,  and  received  a 
motion  to  adjourn  the  House.  But  the  motion  was  voted  down  in 
a  storm  of  "  Noes  !  "  A  second  met  with  a  similar  fate,  and  when  a 
third  motion  was  introduced,  the  excited  members  rushed  to  the 
Speaker's  desk,  shouting  and  waving  their  arms.  Bedlam  reigned. 
Speaker  Hamlin  grasped  the  situation,  and  amidst  frantic  demonstra 
tions  and  efforts  to  secure  his  recognition,  declared  the  House  ad 
journed.  When  they  found  themselves  standing  on  the  floor  before 
an  empty  speaker's  chair,  the  sudden  change  of  situation  brought  the 
noisy  representatives  to  a  realizing  sense  of  their  conduct.  One  by 
one  the  representatives  slunk  out  of  the  House  into  the  luncheon 
room.  The  cider  keg  was  still  there.  Some  one,  who  had  not  drunk 
any  of  its  contents,  made  a  quiet  investigation.  Lo  !  brandy,  in  large 
quantities,  had  been  mixed  with  the  cider.  The  affair  created  a  great 
scandal,  but  it  was  never  found  out  who  had  perpetrated  the  trick, 
although  some  ardent  Democrats  called  it  a  Whig  joke.  It  is  hardly 
necessary  to  add  that  Speaker  Hamlin's  ruling  was  eventually  upheld. 
This  session  closed  Mr.  Hamlin's  terms  of  consecutive  service  in 
the  legislature.  He  often  referred  to  this  period  as  the  happiest  in 
his  public  career.  Undoubtedly,  the  experience  he  thus  gained  gave 
him  the  key  to  his  success  in  national  fields. 


%  CHAPTER   VII- 

ELECTED    TO    CONGRESS 

THE  presidential  election  of  1840  was  preceded  by  the  most  pic 
turesque  campaign  in  the  history  of  the  country.  The  Democrats 
renominated  President  Van  Buren,  and  the  Whigs  presented  General 
William  Henry  Harrison  as  their  candidate.  In  the  summer  of  this 
year  Mr.  Hamlin  entered  national  politics,  and  sought  his  party's 
nomination  for  Congress,  in  what  was  called  the  Penobscot  district. 
He  was  supported  by  the  same  elements  that  elected  him  to  the 
legislature  and  the  speakership  of  the  House ;  and  he  was  opposed 
by  the  party  leaders  of  Bangor,  because  they  thought  him  too  young, 
and  also  because  they  had  a  candidate  of  their  own,  A.  G.  Jewett, 
an  able  lawyer  and  a  leading  politician  of  Bangor.  The  convention 
was  held  at  Levant,  on  the  fourth  of  July.  Mr.  Hamlin  received 
ninety-six  votes,  and  Mr.  Jewett  seventy-six.  This  was  a  great  sur 
prise  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  opponents.  Two  of  the  Bangor  leaders  were 
John  S.  Chadwick  and  Jefferson  Chamberlain,  sheriff  and  register 
of  deeds  of  Penobscot  County.  When  the  result  of  the  ballot  was 
announced,  Chadwick  and  Chamberlain  held  a  short  consultation. 
Then  approaching  the  successful  nominee,  one  of  them  said  :  "  Mr. 
Hamlin,  we  did  not  know  you,  but  we  do  now.  Hereafter  we  pro 
pose  to  train  in  your  company."  The  nomination  was  made  unani 
mous,  and  the  convention  bestowed  an  additional  compliment  on 
Mr.  Hamlin  by  electing  him  a  delegate  to  the  Democratic  National 
Convention,  which  was  held  at  Baltimore.  After  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
renomination,  which  Mr.  Hamlin  favored,  he  returned  to  Maine  and 
took  part  in  the  closest  election  ever  held  in  the  State  during  his 
lifetime. 

For  a  year  or  more  there  had  been  signs  of  a  political  revolution. 
Times  were  hard  ;  the  people  were  in  a  state  of  unrest.  A  low  tariff 
had  done  its  work.  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  given  the  country  a  good 
administration,  but  he  was  doomed  to  go  down  before  a  whirlwind 
of  popular  wrath  that  followed  the  panic  of  1837.  He  became  the 
target  for  abuse  such  as  few  presidential  candidates  have  had  heaped 
on  them.  He  was  represented  as  an  unscrupulous  schemer  and  a 
thoroughly  insincere  man.  This  was  unjust  to  Mr.  Van  Buren.  He 
was  the  first  perfectly  polished  machine  politician  to  reach  the  presi- 


ELECTED   TO   CONGRESS  73 

dency,  and  was  more  of  a  politician  than  a  statesman ;  but  he  had 
statesmanlike  qualities,  and  having  been  governor  of  New  York,  United 
States  senator,  secretary  of  state,  vice-president,  and  president,  he  was 
better  equipped  by  experience  for  his  high  position  than  General 
Harrison  was.  If  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  too  suave  in  address  and 
manner  to  be  thought  sincere,  he  nevertheless  could  rise  above  popular 
clamor  and  partisanship.  He  stood  firm  for  the  adoption  of  his  sub- 
treasury  plan,  although  his  position  on  this  question  was  one  of  the 
causes  of  his  unpopularity.  Although  a  pro-slavery  man,  Mr.  Van 
Buren  believed  in  maintaining  the  status  of  affairs  as  established  by 
the  Constitution.  Hence,  he  was  not  a  willing  instrument  of  the  slave 
power.  His  opposition  to  the  annexation  of  Texas  proved  that.  But 
the  people  demanded  a  change.  The  Whigs  were  quick  to  see  their 
opportunity.  An  incautious  sneer  at  General  Harrison's  early  life  in 
a  log-cabin  gave  them  their  cue.  They  started  a  movement  to  elect 
Harrison,  the  like  of  which  has  never  been  seen  since  in  the  United 
States.  The  log-cabin  was  the  Whig  emblem.  Thousands  were 
erected  throughout  the  country,  and  miniature  representations  were 
carried  in  processions.  The  Whig  meetings  were  without  precedent  in 
size,  enthusiasm,  numbers,  attendance,  and  procedure.  Tom  Corwin, 
the  brilliant  Whig  orator,  addressed  audiences  in  Ohio,  some  of  which 
fully  numbered  20,000  people.  Hard  cider  was  liberally  dispensed. 
People  came  miles  on  horseback,  or  even  on  foot.  Huge  balls,  with 
campaign  mottoes  painted  on  them,  were  rolled  at  the  head  of  proces 
sions.  Some  balls  were  started  even  in  Maine,  and  rolled  through 
other  States.  Campaign  songs,  another  new  feature,  swept  over  the 
country,  glorifying  "  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler,  too." 

In  Maine  the  two  parties  contested  every  inch  of  the  ground.1  The 
Democrats  renominated  Governor  Fairfield,  and  the  Whigs  Mr.  Kent. 
By  an  interesting  coincidence,  Mr.  Hamlin's  opponent  was  his  com 
petitor  for  legislative  honors  and  his  personal  friend,  —  Elisha  H. 
Allen.  Governor  Fairfield  had  proved  himself  to  be  a  strong  man. 
He  would  have  achieved  a  conspicuous  national  career  had  not  death 
suddenly  cut  him  down  a  few  years  after  he  had  entered  the  United 
States  Senate.  Mr.  Kent  had  the  prestige  of  having  once  defeated 
a  Democrat  for  governor.  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Allen  "  stumped " 
their  district  together,  discussing  in  debate  the  political  questions  of 
the  day.  This  was  an  innovation  in  the  political  customs  of  Maine, 
and  the  two  candidates  spoke  to  large  audiences  from  the  same  plat 
form  nearly  every  night  for  the  greater  part  of  two  months.  Often 
Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Allen  had  to  room  together,  for  the  hotel  ac- 

1  W.  W.  Story,  the  sculptor-artist,  who  was  then  a  law  student  in  Boston,  and 
an  ardent  Jackson  Democrat,  stumped  Mr.  Hamlin's  district  for  him,  having  made 
his  acquaintance  on  his  professional  visits  to  Boston. 


74  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

commodations  in  the  country  districts  were  primitive.  The  times 
were  rather  boisterous,  and  the  two  candidates  had  some  trying  ex 
periences,  but  they  remained  good  friends,  and  in  subsequent  years 
had  many  a  laugh  over  their  experiences  in  this  campaign.  One 
incident  caused  some  merriment  at  Mr.  Allen's  expense.  He  had 
been  in  the  habit  of  opening  the  debate.  .  The  last  night  of  the  cam 
paign  the  candidates  were  to  speak  in  the  old  city  hall,  in  Bangor. 
Mr.  Hamlin  said :  "  Allen,  you  have  had  the  advantage  of  speaking 
first.  Now  let  me  fire  the  first  gun  to-night."  Mr.  Allen  assented. 
He  had  been  in  the  habit  of  beginning  the  debate  with  a  set  speech, 
in  which  he  told  some  capital  stories,  to  illustrate  his  position.  To 
Mr.  Allen's  utter  amazement,  he  heard  Hamlin  reel  off  his  stories 
with  original  applications  that  brought  out  peals  of  laughter.  His 
discomfiture  was  complete  when  Hamlin  closed  and  whispered  to  him 
in  the  suavest  manner  imaginable  :  "Allen,  old  fellow,  your  stories 
are  so  good  that  I  thought  they  ought  to  be  told  twice." 

But  Mr.  Allen  had  the  last  laugh.  In  the  election  he  had  200 
votes  more  than  his  opponent,  in  a  total  poll  of  1 5,000.  Mr.  Hamlin 
had  the  satisfaction  of  running  ahead  of  his  party's  ticket,  which  was 
beaten  in  the  State.  Out  of  91,000  votes,  Mr.  Kent  defeated  Gov 
ernor  Fairfield  by  a  bare  plurality  of  sixty-seven.  As  Maine  was  a 
pillar  of  the  Democratic  party,  Kent's  election  electrified  the  Whigs, 
and  in  wild  enthusiasm  they  expressed  their  joy  in  the  following 
famous  doggerel  verse  :  — 

"  Have  you  heard  the  glorious  news  from  Maine? 
Maine,  she 's  gone  hell-bent  for  Governor  Kent, 
And  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler,  too." 

In  the  opinion  of  their  opponents,  the  Whigs  in  Maine  exulted  a 
little  too  much  over  their  victory.  They  had  a  log-cabin  and  a  big 
gun  at  Hallowell.  Whenever  they  received  favorable  news  they  set 
the  gun  booming.  When  the  great  news  came  in  October  that  Ohio 
had  fallen  in  line,  the  Whigs  of  Hallowell  paraded  their  gun  all  over 
town ;  but  when  they  returned  to  fire  salutes,  lo  !  their  powder  had 
disappeared.  Some  Democrats  had  pitched  it  into  the  Kennebec. 
Thus  the  cider  trick  was  offset,  and  the  laugh  was  turned  on  the 
Whigs.  But  in  the  following  month  pandemonium  reigned  wherever 
there  were  Whigs.  They  had  carried  the  country  by  an  immense 
majority,  and  elected  Harrison  and  Tyler  President  and  Vice- Presi 
dent. 

For  the  next  three  years,  Mr.  Hamlin  remained  at  home,  practicing 
his  profession,  though  he  maintained  a  prominent  part  in  his  party's 
affairs.  The  Whigs'  jubilation  was  turned  into  grief,  by  the  death  of 
President  Harrison  within  a  month  after  his  inauguration,  and  their 
sorrow  into  bitterness  over  their  betrayal  by  Mr.  Tyler.  Out  of  their 


ELECTED   TO   CONGRESS  75 

great  victory  in  1840  the  Whigs  reaped  only  disappointment.  Tyler 
vetoed  a  bill  to  restore  the  United  States  Bank,  and  was  hostile  to 
Whig  tariff  ideas  and  other  legislation  proposed.  An  immediate  re 
sult  of  Tyler's  recreancy  was  the  recuperation  of  the  Democratic  party 
in  Maine,  in  1841.  Mr.  Fan-field  this  time  defeated  Governor  Kent 
by  10,000  plurality,  and  the  next  year  was  reflected  for  a  fourth  term 
by  more  than  14,000  plurality.  To  accommodate  the  new  apportion 
ment  under  the  census,  the  congressional  election  was  postponed  from 
1842  to  1843.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  renominated  for  Congress  in  the 
Penobscot  district,  and  this  time  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  1,000 
votes  over  Mr.  Allen. 

Traveling  facilities  were  decidedly  limited  when  Mr.  Hamlin  made 
his  first  journey  from  Hampden  to  Washington.  He  had  to  pass  over 
a  circuitous  route,  in  a  number  of  different  conveyances.  From 
Hampden  to  Portland,  he  proceeded  in  a  stage-coach,  and  thence  by 
boat  to  Boston.  From  that  city  he  traveled  by  railroad  to  Norwich, 
whence  he  crossed  the  Sound  to  Greenport.  There  he  took  the  Long 
Island  railroad  to  New  York,  and  thence  to  Philadelphia.  He  made 
his  way  to  Baltimore  by  boat  and  stage,  finishing  his  journey  by  rail. 
Washington  was  not  an  inspiring  spectacle  to  one  who  had  made  this 
long  journey.  It  was  a  small,  straggling,  overgrown,  and  ill-kept  city 
of  twenty  thousand  inhabitants.  The  streets  were  full  of  grass  and 
dirt.  Cows  were  even  pastured  in  some  of  the  principal  streets.  The 
houses  were  cheerless-looking.  Pennsylvania  Avenue  was  paved  with 
dust  or  mud,  according  to  the  weather  that  prevailed.  On  a  windy 
day  immense  clouds  of  dust  swept  over  the  street,  sometimes  making 
it  hard  for  pedestrians  to  see  their  way.  On  a  rainy  day  the  avenue 
was  a  bank  of  thick,  black  mud.  One  of  the  few  picturesque  sights 
was  the  old  Capitol.  The  Washington  of  that  period  was  a  disgrace. 
Few  congressmen  brought  their  families  to  live  with  them,  and  it  was 
the  custom  for  them  to  club  together,  hire  a  house,  and  contract  with 
the  landlord  or  a  caterer  to  provide  the  table.  These  clubs  were 
called  "  messes,"  and  they  were  more  important  and  exclusive  than  the 
name  would  seem  to  imply.  Many  famous  measures  were  planned  at 
"  messes,"  and  their  champions  appointed.  It  was  the  invariable  rule 
that  no  member  of  a  "  mess  "  should  invite  an  outsider  to  dinner  with 
out  having  obtained  the  permission  of  his  associates.  Strange  to  say 
refusal  rarely  gave  offense. 

Congress  was  a  more  demonstrative  and  talkative  body  than  the  one 
which  now  assembles  at  Washington.  Many  members  wore  the  old- 
fashioned  swallow-tailed  coat,  and  others  the  buff  waistcoat.  Mr. 
Hamlin  adopted  the  former  garment,  and  wore  it  all  the  rest  of  his 
life.  Although  there  was  not  that  brilliant  social  atmosphere  of  to-day, 
yet  in  their  polite  intercourse  the  members  of  Congress  were  very 


76  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

ceremonious.  The  speeches  were  ornate,  full  of  high-sounding  periods, 
and,  as  a  rule,  very  long.  It  was  the  closing  period  of  a  picturesque 
era  —  one  full  of  extravagant  talk  and  demonstration  that  preluded  an 
approach  of  a  time  of  violent  action.  There  were  still  orators  in 
Congress  who  regularly  announced  in  their  speeches  their  willingness 
to  shed  their  blood  on  their  country's  altar,  simply  to  gratify  a  weak 
fondness  for  playing  on  their  own  emotions.  Personal  habits  were  not 
as  good  as  now.  There  was  much  drinking  arid  card-playing.  Public 
altercations  were  not  infrequent.  Personal  allusions  in  debate  were 
frequent.  Dueling  was  still  practiced.  Party  feeling,  too,  was  intense, 
and  party  discipline  was  rigid.  There  could  not  be  much  intercourse 
between  the  people  of  the  various  parts  of  the  country,  on  account 
of  the  scant  and  expensive  facilities  of  travel.  Hence,  provincialism 
and  partisanship  of  a  narrow  kind  were  to  a  considerable  extent  the 
outcome  of  the  order  of  things. 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  took  his  seat  in  Congress,  slavery  was  looming 
up  as  a  political  issue,  and  events  were  soon  set  in  motion  that  formed 
a  momentous  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Republic.  It  was  not  gen 
erally  perceived  at  this  time  that  the  North  and  the  South  were  each 
fostering  a  civilization  of  its  own,  and  that  the  two  people  each  looked 
at  the  Union  from  a  totally  different  point  of  view.  The  North  had 
developed  its  civilization  through  free  institutions,  and  was  a  demo 
cracy  ;  the  South  had  developed  its  civilization  through  slavery,  and 
was  controlled  by  a  slaveholding  aristocracy.  Through  the  encour 
agement  of  free  labor  the  North  had  been  able  to  master  its  own 
resources,  and  had  become  a  community  that  was  self-supporting  and 
the  embodiment  of  progress.  Through  its  blind  attachment  to  slave 
labor,  the  South  had  narrowed  down  into  an  agricultural,  free-trade 
section,  whose  productive  capacity  was  practically  limited  to  that  of 
the  slave,  and  was  dependent  on  the  world  for  the  staples  of  life  in 
exchange  for  its  cotton,  tobacco,  rice,  and  indigo.  The  two  sections 
had  been  bound  together  by  the  possession  of  a  common  glorious 
heritage,  and  their  desire  to  remain  in  union  with  each  other  had  been 
cemented  by  various  acts  of  legislation,  such  as  the  recognition  of 
slavery  by  the  Constitution  and  the  Missouri  Compromise.  But 
slavery  had  proved  to  be  the  evil  genius  of  the  South ;  it  had  blinded 
a  generous  and  chivalrous  people  to  its  moral  evils  and  its  blighting 
effect.  It  had  become  so  thoroughly  the  basis  of  Southern  business, 
social,  and  political  life,  that  it  could  be  thrown  out  of  the  body  politic 
only  by  a  gigantic  convulsion.  But  this  was  not  realized  until  years 
later. 

Mr.  Hamlin  entered  Congress  when  the  slave  power,  not  content 
with  controlling  the  entire  South,  was  beginning  to  extend  the  insti 
tution  in  the  hope  that  it  might  control  the  entire  country.  But  this 


ELECTED   TO   CONGRESS  77 

was  developed  year  by  year,  and  the  part  he  played  in  frustrating 
this  conspiracy  is  the  role  of  his  life.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  his 
point  of  view  at  this  juncture.  One  of  the  anti-slavery  men  in  this 
Congress,  with  whom  he  was  associated,  was  Henry  Williams,  of 
Taunton,  Mass.  Mr.  Hamlin  told  Mr.  Williams  that,  before  leav 
ing  his  home,  he  had  made  up  his  mind  that  he  would  not  interfere 
with  slavery  in  the  Southern  States,  and  would  give  the  South  all 
its  constitutional  rights  ;  but  if  the  Democratic  party  went  farther 
than  this  and  made  the  extension  of  slavery  over  free  territory  its 
policy,  he  would  abandon  the  party.  In  other  words,  this  was  the 
position  taken  by  Northern  men,  such  as  Lincoln  and  Hamlin,  at  this 
stage.  They  regarded  slavery  as  an  evil  entailed  on  the  United  States 
by  the  mother  country,  and  they  also  believed  that  the  Constitution 
could  not  have  been  formed  and  the  Union  established  without  the 
recognition  of  the  peculiar  institution.  But  they  also  held  that  the 
Constitution  was  to  be  fairly  interpreted  when  it  gave  the  States  that 
right  to  regulate  their  own  affairs.  The  Northern  States  had  expelled 
slavery,  while  the  South  had  retained  it.  Under  the  Constitution, 
neither  had  a  right  to  interfere  with  the  other  in  the  matter  of  local 
affairs,  and  slavery  was  a  local  institution,  and  could  be  regulated  by 
the  individual  States  precisely  as  the  lottery  was. 

But  John  C.  Calhoun  and  his  school  of  statesmen,  who  saw  the 
North  outstripping  the  South,  hoped  to  maintain  the  political  prestige 
of  the  South  by  making  slavery  national.  These  protagonists  of  the 
drama  of  1860  are  now  to  be  regarded  as  products  of  slavery, — as 
examples  of  its  warping  and  narrowing  influence.  They  were  sincere 
and  personally  pure  men,  and  in  censuring  them  for  their  acts,  their 
birth,  circumstances,  and  environments  are  to  be  considered.  They 
are  to  be  judged  as  singularly  blind  to  the  debasing  effects  of  slavery, 
and  as  reckless  in  deluding  their  people  into  a  course  that  they  might 
not  have  followed  if  they  could  have  clearly  understood  the  progress 
the  North  made  under  free  institutions.  Yet,  in  the  case  of  Calhoun, 
it  is  to  be  remembered  that  he  was  not  in  advance  of  his  environ 
ments.  The  idea  that  the  government  was  a  compact,  and  that  each 
State  could  withdraw  when  it  desired,  was  evolved  to  give  slavery  pro 
tection,  a  last  refuge  to  insure  its  existence.  This  was  the  natural 
fruit  of  the  institution  itself.  But  Calhoun  cannot  escape  the  respon 
sibility  of  doing  more  than  any  other  man  of  his  day  to  implant  the 
doctrine  of  state  sovereignty  in  the  minds  of  his .  generation  as  the 
shibboleth  of  the  South,  and  to  initiate  the  gigantic  conspiracy  to  fasten 
slavery  on  Northern  soil.  When  Mr.  Hamlin  now  entered  public  life 
this  baneful  doctrine  had  thoroughly  impregnated  the  Southern  mind. 
The  Southern  statesmen  of  this  era  were  probably  abler  dialecticians 
and  orators  than  their  Northern  colleagues ;  but  in  reasoning  from 


V 
78  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

false  premises  they  reached  false  conclusions.  Hence,  believing  in 
slavery  and  thinking  that  they  still  lived  under  the  old  confederacy, 
they  held  the  Abolitionists,  protective  tariffs,  and  fishery  bounties  to 
be  the  cause  of  friction  between  the  two  sections.  The  North  was 
also  guilty  of  temporizing  with  its  conscience,  and  made  compromises 
in  the  delusive  hope  of  maintaining  peace.  •  This,  then,  was  the  situa 
tion  when  Mr.  Hamlin  became  a  member  of  the  House,  and  a  glance 
at  the  personnel  of  this  Congress  is  interesting. 

While  the  Twenty-eighth  Congress  did  not  rank  intellectually 
with  its  immediate  predecessors  and  successors,  it  was  one  of  the 
most  important  and  interesting  assemblages  that  ever  legislated  on 
issues  affecting  the  vital  welfare  of  this  nation.  Webster,  Clay,  and 
Calhoun  were  missed  in  the  Senate,  and  the  House  was  filled  with 
young  men  who  had  yet  to  make  themselves  felt  in  public  affairs ; 
still,  there  were  strong  men  in  either  branch,  and  future  leaders  were 
to  play  leading  roles  in  the  greatest  drama  of  the  American  people. 
Thomas  H.  Benton,  of  Missouri,  was  the  Roman  of  the  Senate.  He 
was  a  massive  defender  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  Democracy's 
ablest  expounder  of  the  pure  Jeffersonian  doctrine  of  government. 
He  was  honest  and  a  born  leader.  Hence,  he  was  often  a  rock  in  the 
way  of  the  slave  power.  In  contrast  to  Benton  was  his  colleague, 
David  R.  Atchison,  who  was  high  in  the  inner  councils  of  the  slave 
hierarchy,  as  was  proved  by  his  leadership  in  the  nefarious  effort  to 
force  slavery  into  Kansas.  He  is  also  remembered  as  the  "  one-day 
President,"  for  he  claimed  to  have  acted  as  President  the  Sunday  on 
which  General  Taylor  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  office.  Personally, 
Mr.  Atchison  was  well  liked.  The  divided  state  of  sentiment  at  the 
North  was  represented  in  Levi  Woodbury  and  Charles  G.  Atherton, 
the  one  a  strong  type  of  the  Jackson  school,  the  other  a  Northern 
man  of  Southern  principles,  who  figures  in  history  in  connection 
with  the  so-called  "Atherton  gag,"  an  infamous  rule  of  Congress 
which  forbade  the  introduction  of  any  petition  relating  to  slavery. 
Another  commanding  figure  of  the  Jackson  school  was  the  able  and 
upright  Silas  Wright,  of  New  York.  One  of  Pennsylvania's  senators 
was  the  unfortunate  Buchanan.  Prominent  among  the  Whigs  was 
Rufus  Choate,  the  greatest  of  all  American  advocates,  a  wizard  of 
oratory,  a  patriotic  but  unsuccessful  statesman.  Willie  P.  Mangum, 
of  North  Carolina,  and  John  M.  Berrien,  of  Georgia,  were  among  the 
ablest  statesmen  of  the  Whig  party,  and  worthy  representatives  of 
the  national  idea  of  government  formulated  by  the  South's  greatest 
men,  which  was  now  being  undermined  by  the  insidious  state-rights 
doctrine  of  Calhoun.  George  McDuffie  was  the  typical  South  Caro 
lina  state-rights  man.  Robert  J.  Walker,  of  Mississippi,  was  another 
Northern  man  of  Southern  ideas,  for  he  was  Mr.  Calhoun's  most 


ELECTED   TO   CONGRESS  79 

active  agent  in  popularizing  the  Texas  scheme  among  the  Northern 
States,  though  in  all  justice  to  Mr.  Walker  it  must  be  added  that  he 
was  sincere,  and  in  1861,  after  hostilities  had  begun,  won  the  respect 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  administration  for  his  valuable  services  to  the  gov 
ernment  in  upholding  our  credit  in  Europe.  William  R.  King,  who 
was  Vice-President  under  Mr.  Pierce,  was  the  other  senator  from 
Alabama,  an  amiable  man,  —  a  gentleman  of  the  old  school  of  deport 
ment.  From  Ohio  came  William  Allen,  a  plain,  blunt-spoken  man  of 
the  people.  William  C.  Rives,  of  Virginia,  may  be  regarded  as  one 
of  many  Southern  men  who  honestly  regretted  the  secession  move 
ment,  and  yet  allowed  their  course  to  be  shaped  by  their  respective 
States.  R.  H.  Bayard  represented  the  powerful  Bayard  following  of 
Delaware.  William  L.  Dayton,  who  was  the  first  candidate  of  the 
Republican  party  for  Vice-President,  and  Benjamin  Tappan,  of  Ohio, 
were  among  the  scant  number  of  anti-slavery  leaders  this  Senate  was 
to  produce. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  sixth  President  of  the  United  States,  was 
the  most  commanding  figure  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  He 
was  now  in  his  final  battles  for  the  rights  of  free  speech  and  petition. 
Fortunate  it  was  for  the  republic  that  he  was  not  reflected  to  the 
presidency,  for  he  sought  a  vindication  by  entering  the  House. 
There  he  achieved  that  career  which  is  one  of  the  inspiring  pages 
in  the  annals  of  the  nation.  In  this  Congress  he  was  blazing  the 
way  for  the  coming  of  the  Republican  party,  and  some  of  its  future 
pioneers  were  already  assembling  by  his  side.  The  most  active  repre 
sentative  of  the  Calhoun  doctrine  in  the  House  was  Henry  A.  Wise, 
of  Virginia.  The  most  conspicuous  opponent  of  slavery  on  the  floor 
was  the  towering  Abolitionist  of  Ohio,  Joshua  R.  Giddings.  George 
C.  Dromgoole,  of  Virginia,  a  clever  parliamentarian,  was  the  leader  of 
the  Southern  Democrats.  Samuel  F.  Vinton,  of  Ohio,  a  man  of  pro 
nounced  ability  and  high  character,  was  prominent  among  the  Whig 
members.  Another  leading  Whig  was  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  a  man  of  fine  scholarship,  who  afterwards  became  speaker 
of  the  House,  though  he  did  not  retain  his  prominence,  owing  to  his 
conservative  tendencies  on  the  slavery  issue.  Still  another  coming 
speaker  was  Linn  Boyd,  of  Kentucky.  R.  Barnwell  Rhett,  of  South 
Carolina,  Howell  Cobb  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  Jacob 
Thompson,  of  Mississippi,  John  Slidell,  of  Louisiana,  Thomas  L.  Cling- 
man,  of  North  Carolina,  with  Wise,  of  Virginia,  formed  a  group  of 
imperishable  memory,  both  in  the  inception  of  the  plot  to  break  up 
the  Union  and  its  attempted  execution.  In  contrast  was  a  group  of 
anti-slavery  Democrats  and  Whigs.  Chief  among  them  was  John  P. 
Hale,  one  of  the  few  avowed  Abolitionists  of  that  period,  —  a  man 
whose  witty  and  caustic  tongue  the  slavery  men  feared,  while  they 


8o  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

could  not  help  liking  the  frankness,  honesty,  and  geniality  of  the  man. 
Robert  Dale  Owen,  of  Indiana,  was  another  vigorous  and  fearlessly 
outspoken  advocate  of  abolition.  A  distinguished  member  of  the 
New  York  delegation  was  Preston  King,  short  and  stocky  in  body, 
weighty  in  argument,  and,  to  use  Mr.  Hamlin's  estimate  of  King,  "  as 
true  as  steel  to  his  convictions."  George  Rathbun,  of  New  York, 
Robert  C.  Schenck  and  Jacob  Brinkerhoff,  of  Ohio,  Solomon  Foot 
and  Jacob  Collamer,  of  Vermont,  and  Daniel  Putnam  King,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  were  also  members  of  this  group  with  which  Mr.  Hamlin 
acted  on  questions  relating  to  slavery.  There  were  also  among  Mr. 
Hamlin's  colleagues  several  men  who  were  to  attain  greater  distinc 
tion.  Andrew  Johnson  was  a  coming  President.  Stephen  A.  Douglas 
was  already  a  rising  leader  of  his  party,  and  ambitious  for  its  greatest 
honors.  Hamilton  Fish  was  destined  to  leave  an  enviable  record  as 
secretary  of  state  in  President  Grant's  Cabinet.  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of 
Indiana,  was  to  be  Mr.  Lincoln's  secretary  of  the  interior.  Wash 
ington  Hunt  was  a  future  governor  of  New  York.  Alexander  Ram 
say,  then  of  Pennsylvania,  was  to  represent  Minnesota  in  the  Senate, 
and  to  be  secretary  of  war  in  Mr.  Hayes's  Cabinet.  Cave  Johnson, 
of  Tennessee,  was  to  leave  this  House  to  become  postmaster-general 
under  Mr.  Folk's  administration.  In  marked  contrast  to  each  other 
were  Kenneth  Raynor,  of  North  Carolina,  who  was  a  loyal  Union 
man  during  the  civil  war,  and  Thomas  H.  Seymour,  of  Connecticut, 
who  was  a  leader  of  the  so-called  copperhead  element. 

The  House  was  not  wanting  in  quaint  personal  characteristics.  It 
had  probably  the  largest  man  and  the  smallest  man  that  ever  were 
members  of  the  House.  The  first  was  Dixon  H.  Lewis,  of  Alabama, 
who  was  a  mountain  of  flesh,  and  had  to  have  a  chair  made  for  him. 
But  he  was  a  giant  in  intellect  as  well.  The  other  was  Alexander  H. 
Stephens,  who  was  so  small  and  frail  in  appearance  that  he  seemed  a 
youth  in  the  last  stages  of  consumption.  But  he,  too,  belied  his 
appearance.  An  exceedingly  eccentric  character,  the  court  jester  of 
the*  House,  was  Felix  Grundy  McConnell,  of  Alabama.  He  was  a 
man  of  brilliant  mental  qualities,  but  his  habits  were  responsible  for 
his  grotesque  performances.  At  a  fashionable  concert  given  by  Ole 
Bull,  the  Norwegian  violinist,  who  was  then  the  reigning  musical 
favorite,  McConnell  interrupted  the  violinist  in  the  midst  of  a  deli 
cate  passage  by  shouting  out  :  "  None  of  your  highfalutin'  fiddling  ; 
give  us  '  Hail  Columbia,'  and  bear  hard  on  the  treble."  A  sensation 
followed.  The  audience  called  for  the  police,  and  the  officers  had  to 
use  their  clubs  to  eject  the  unruly  congressman  from  the  hall. 

The  new  members  of  Congress  rapidly  formed  their  associations. 
In  the  words  of  another  writer  :  "  Naturally  enough,  in  what  was  then 
the  small  and  contracted  political  and  social  circle  of  Washington,  a 


REPRESENTATIVE  HAMLIN.     AET.  36. 


ELECTED   TO   CONGRESS  81 

man  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  striking  appearance  and  many  attainments  was 
not  long  in  making  his  mark.  Tall  and  graceful  in  figure,  with  black 
and  piercing  eyes,  a  skin  almost  olive-colored,  hair  smooth,  thick, 
and  jetty,  a  manner  always  courteous  and  affable,  the  new  member 
soon  found  his  way  into  the  best  society  of  the  capital.  His  advance 
ment  to  a  commanding  position  in  the  political  world  was  quite  as 
rapid."  1  Mr.  Hamlin  was  soon  associated  with  Preston  King,  Jacob 
Brinkerhoff,  George  Rathbun,  and  other  members  of  his  party  who 
eventually  constituted  a  notable  group  of  anti-slavery  Democrats  in 
the  House.  In  their  councils  they  both  formulated  practical  and 
important  measures  and  appointed  their  champions.  Mr.  Hamlin 
made  'many  pleasant  acquaintances  outside  of  his  political  circle.  •  A 
Unitarian  church  had  been  founded  at  Washington,  and  as  the  new 
faith  it  upheld  was  not  popular,  it  had  to  struggle  for  its  existence. 
Mr.  Hamlin  naturally  inclined  towards  an  independent  religious 
belief.  Among  the  small  congregation  were  a  few  congressmen. 
One  was  Daniel  Putnam  King,  a  man  of  high  character  and  fine  fibre, 
a  graduate  of  Harvard.  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  King  worked  together 
to  build  up  this  little  church.  They  became  greatly  interested  in  the 
church  through  its  pastor,  Edward  Everett  Hale,  who  had  come  from 
Boston  to  begin  his  ministerial  duties  at  Washington.  Mr.  Hale  was 
already  manifesting  those  noble  qualities  of  character  and  mind  that 
have  made  him  one  of  the  most  widely  beloved  citizens  of  his  country 
and  the  foremost  Unitarian  of  the  land  in  his  day.  A  strong  personal 
affection  grew  up  between  the  young  congressman  and  his  pastor, 
which  developed  into  a  firm  and  lasting  friendship.  In  a  personal 
letter  to  the  author  under  the  date  of  February  27,  1896,  Dr.  Hale 
wrote  :  "  I  supplied  the  pulpit  at  Washington  for  one  winter.  My 
memory  of  him  (Mr.  Hamlin)  is  as  one  of  the  pillars  on  whom  the  little 
church  relied  with  absolute  confidence.  The  support  of  members  of 
Congress  meant  more  than  it  does  now  to  such  a  church.  The 
whole  attendance  at  the  Unitarian  church,  of  all  the  worshipers, 
seldom  amounted  to  two  hundred  persons,  and  we  knew  very  well 
that  the  presence  among  them  of  eleven  or  twelve  congressmen  was 
a  matter  of  great  importance  in  the  prestige  of  the  church.  Of  these 
eleven  or  twelve  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  King  were  two  —  absolutely 
reliable.  There  were,  alas  !  gentlemen  who  were  sound  Unitarians 
in  New  England,  who  were  never  in  our  little  church.  But  we  were 
sure  of  the  two  I  have  named.  I  am  not  speaking  simply  of  the  win 
ter  when  I  lived  in  Washington,  but  of  many  years  after,  when  I 
maintained  my  interest  in  the  church  and  its  affairs.  As  you  know,  I 
renewed  my  personal  acquaintance  with  your  father  in  Spain,  where 
I  owed  much  to  his  constant  kindness  and  to  that  of  Mrs.  Hamlin. 
1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans. 


82  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

I  trust  that  you  will  understand  how  high  was  the  esteem  in  which 
they  were  held  there,  and  how  important  he  made  his  place  by  the 
cordiality  of  his  intercourse  with  all  travelers  and  with  the  diplomatic 
circle.  I  was  disappointed  when  I  found  no  memoranda  from  his  own 
pen  which  would  show  his  interest  in  the  affairs  of  our  Washington 
church.  But  you  know  how  active  he  could  be  without  saying  any 
thing  of  what  he  was  doing." 


CHAPTER   VIII 

WORK    OF    THE    TWENTY-EIGHTH    CONGRESS 

WHEN  the  House  was  being  organized  a  parliamentary  snarl 
ensued  that  is  of  both  personal  and  political  interest.  The  preceding 
Congress  had  enacted  a  law  directing  the  States,  that  elected  repre 
sentatives  to  Congress  on  a  general  ticket,  to  follow  the  more  popular 
method  of  electing  by  districts.  This  was  regarded  as  a  Whig  law, 
and  several  Democratic  States,  in  the  election  of  1843,  flatly  disre 
garded  the  act  on  the  ground  that  it  was  unconstitutional,  because 
it  interfered  with  the  rights  of  the  States.  The  Whig  members  of 
this  House  were  determined  to  enforce  the  law  if  possible,  and  accord 
ingly  drew  up  a  protest  against  the  seating  of  Democratic  representa 
tives  from  New  Hampshire,  Georgia,  Mississippi,  and  Missouri,  which 
were  the  States  in  question,  in  order  to  prevent  these  representatives 
from  voting  in  the  election  of  a  speaker.  When  the  clerk  called 
the  House  to  order,  that  it  might  proceed  to  effect  a  permanent 
organization,  John  Campbell,  a  Democrat,  of  South  Carolina,  ques 
tioned  the  right  of  the  members  of  New  Hampshire  to  take  their 
seats  until  the  House  had  inquired  into  the  mode  of  their  election, 
and  he  submitted  a  resolution  to  take  proceedings  accordingly.  But 
the  clerk,  believing  that  he  was  clothed  only  with  authority  to  act  in 
the  capacity  of  an  initiatory  officer,  refused  to  accept  Mr.  Campbell's 
resolution.  The  House  was  in  a  predicament,  and  David  D.  Barnard, 
a  tenacious  Whig,  of  New  York,  tried  to  read  the  Whigs'  protest.  In 
the  unorganized  condition  of  the  House,  the  majority  members  re 
fused  to  hear  him,  and  proceeded  to  elect  John  W.  Jones,  a  Democrat, 
of  Virginia,  speaker  by  a  vote  of  128  to  59  for  John  White,  of  Ken 
tucky,  the  Whig  candidate. 

The  members  whose  seats  were  disputed  took  part  in  the  election 
of  speaker,  but  this  did  not  close  the  affair.  The  next  day  the  Whigs 
were  greatly  exercised  to  find  that  the  clerk  had  not  incorporated 
their  protest  in  the  journal  of  the  House,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  it 
had  not  been  read.  A  violent  wrangle  followed,  lasting  two  days. 
The  Whigs  tried  to  have  the  journal  amended  so  as  to  have  their  pro 
test  appear  in  the  records  of  the  first  day.  The  issue  was  on  the 
duties  of  the  clerk,  and  yet  the  debate,  after  eddying  around  this  point, 
drifted  off  on  to  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  minority  and  majority 


84  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

members  of  the  House,  and  discussions  of  abstract  principles  that 
were  supposed  to  be  involved.  The  Whigs  did  succeed  in  having 
their  protest  entered  in  the  journal  on  the  second  day  in  the  form  of 
a  resolution,  but  this  did  not  satisfy  them.  The  House  became  con 
fused  on  the  question  as  to  what  constituted  a  House.  Finally,  on 
the  third  day,  Mr.  Hamlin  offered  a  resolution  directing  the  clerk  not 
to  print  the  protest.  Robert  C.  Winthrop  vehemently  protested,  and 
asked  if  there  was  a  single  precedent  in  the  whole  history  of  Con 
gress  directing  the  clerk  as  to  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  As  he 
understood,  the  clerk  was  sworn  by  a  solemn  oath  to  God  to  dis 
charge  his  duties  to  the  House,  and  was  responsible  for  the  journal. 

Mr.  Hamlin  quietly  pointed  out  the  forgotten  fact  that  the  protest 
had  not  yet  been  read  in  the  House,  and  that  there  was  no  legislative 
evidence  that  the  document  at  issue  was  the  same  one  which  was 
offered  on  the  opening  day  of  the  session,  although  members  would 
be  willing  to  take  Mr.  Barnard's  personal  word  for  it.1  This  put  a 
new  aspect  on  the  debate,  and  in  the  end  the  House  upheld  Mr. 
Hamlin's  position  by  striking  the  protest  in  the  form  of  a  resolution 
out  of  the  record. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Elec 
tions,2  and  was  thus  immediately  thrown  in  contact  with  the  extreme 
Southern  members  of  the  House.  Among  his  associates  on  the  Com 
mittee  on  Elections  were  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Robert  C.  Schenck, 
and  Garrett  Davis.  Speaker  Jones's  seat  was  contested  by  John 
Minor  Botts,  who  won  distinction  by  his  loyalty  to  the  Union,  when 
Virginia  was  the  seat  of  war.  The  contest  between  Mr.  Jones  and 
Mr.  Botts  was  admittedly  close,  and  the  session  of  the  Committee  on 
Elections  aroused  great  excitement  in  Congress  and  interest  through 
out  the  country.  Garrett  Davis,  the  leading  Whig  member  of  the 
committee,  was  of  that  peculiar  hot-headed,  argumentative  type  of 
Southern  politicians  who  seem  to  rely  on  the  act  of  speech  to  en 
able  them  to  come  to  a  decision,  and  as  Davis  rarely  knew  his  own 
mind,  Mr.  Hamlin's  patience  was  more  than  once  exhausted  over 
Davis's  waste  of  time.  Finally,  Davis  and  some  of  his  sympathizers 
thought  they  could  intimidate  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Douglas.  The 
result  was  not  satisfactory  to  Davis,  and  some  fire-eaters  indulged  in 
wild  threats  about  shooting  Douglas  and  that  "  black  Penobscot  In 
dian,"  as  Davis  stigmatized  Mr.  Hamlin.  The  details  of  this  affair 
were  not  then  fully  revealed,  but  the  fact  is  apparent  that  Mr.  Ham 
lin  and  Mr.  Douglas  believed  that  they  had  good  reason  to  remember 
the  old  proverb  that  "to  be  forewarned  is  to  be  forearmed."  As 
dueling  was  still  in  vogue,  Southern  fire-eaters  carried  pistols,  and 

1  Congressional  Globe,  December  11,  1843,  P-  24°- 

2  Ibid.,  December  14,  1843,  p.  36. 


WORK   OF  THE   TWENTY-EIGHTH   CONGRESS  85 

drunken  brawls  among  quick-tempered  congressmen  were  not  infre 
quent.  For  the  first  and  only  time  in  his  life,  Mr.  Hamlin  armed 
himself.  Mr.  Douglas  also  put  a  pistol  in  his  pocket,  and  a  signal 
was  agreed  upon  in  case  Davis  or  his  friends  should  attempt  to  shoot 
Mr.  Hamlin  or  Mr.  Douglas. 

At  the  next  session  of  the  committee,  Davis  once  more  endeavored 
to  intimidate  Mr.  Hamlin,  thinking  that  his  threats  might  have  had 
•an  effect.  But  he  met  with  an  emphatic  resistance  that  completely 
threw  him  off  his  balance. 

"  You  shan't  speak  so,  sir ;  you  shan't !  "  Davis  fairly  screamed  in 
his  rage. 

"  Well,  no  matter  how  I  may  speak,  I  will  think  as  I  please,"  re 
plied  Mr.  Hamlin. 

"  No,  sir  ;  no,  sir ;  dam'me  if  you  will.  I  '11  be  damned  if  you  will 
think  as  you  please.  You  have  no  right  to  think  at  all,  sir,"  Davis 
howled. 

The  shout  of  laughter  that  came  from  Mr.  Hamlin  and  the  other 
committeemen  covered  Davis  with  mortification  at  his  absurd  blun 
der  ;  but  when  he  cooled  off  the  session  ended  without  further  efforts 
to  override  Mr.  Hamlin. 

General  Schenck,  who  was  an  amused  spectator  of  Davis's  per 
formance,  subsequently  encountered  the  same  fiery  element  in  a  dra 
matic  scene  on  the  floor,  in  which  Davis  also  figured,  strange  to  say, 
as  a  friend  of  the  sturdy  Ohioan.  Joshua  R.  Giddings  had  been 
accused  by  Southern  slaveholders  of  stealing  slaves  and  secretly 
sending  them  out  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  he  had  been  vio 
lently  abused  on  the  floor  of  the  House  in  connection  with  this  charge. 
Mr.  Giddings  determined  to  make  a  personal  explanation,  but  when 
he  rose  to  speak  there  came  cries  from  all  over  the  House :  "  Don't 
hear  him.  Don't  hear  him.  We  object.  We  object."  Great  con 
fusion  prevailed,  but  finally  General  Schenck  got  the  floor  and  insisted 
that,  in  the  interests  of  justice,  Mr.  Giddings  should  be  heard.  He 
closed  his  argument  by  saying  :  "  I  repeat,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  under 
the  circumstances,  no  gentleman  would  object,"  with  emphasis  on  the 
word  "  gentleman."  Mr.  Giddings  was  then  allowed  to  have  the  floor. 
But  this  was  not  the  end  of  the  matter.  Jacob  Thompson  told  Mr. 
Schenck  that  the  impression  was  that  he  had  reference  to  Slide!!,  of 
Louisiana,  when  he  insisted  that  "no  gentleman  would  object." 
Schenck  denied  that  he  had  Slidell  in  mind  when  making  this  state 
ment,  but  Thompson,  who  was  curious  to  know  who  the  man  was 
whom  Schenck  indirectly  reproved,  managed  to  badger  him  into  mak 
ing  a  public  disavowal  the  next  day  that  Slidell  was  the  one.  But 
Slidell  was  not  satisfied  with  this,  and  proceeded  to  ask  Schenck  so 
many  annoying  questions  that  Mr.  Schenck  lost  his  patience.  In 


86  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

spite  of  the  efforts  of  his  friend,  Governor  Vance,  of  Ohio,  to  restrain 
him,  Mr.  Schenck  took  the  floor  and  said  :  — 

"  It  is  evident  that  what  the  member  from  Louisiana  desires  to 
know  is  to  whom  I  referred  yesterday,  when  I  said  that  no  gentleman 
would  object  to  the  explanation  of  my  colleague.  Lest  there  should 
be  any  further  doubt  upon  this  subject,  I»will  say  here  and  now  that 
I  meant  and  referred  to  the  drunken  member  from  Alabama,  Felix 
G.  McConnell." 

A  wild  uproar  immediately  arose.  McConnell  rushed  down  the 
aisle  to  Schenck's  seat,  shaking  his  fist,  and  threatening  dire  revenge 
on  the  blunt  member  from  Ohio.  But  an  encounter  was  averted,  and 
order  finally  restored.  After  the  House  had  adjourned,  Garrett  Davis 
approached  General  Schenck,  and  asked  him  if  he  carried  a  pistol. 
Learning  that  he  did  not,  Davis  said  :  — 

"  You  had  better  carry  one  to-day ;  McConnell  is  swearing  that  he 
will  shoot  you  on  sight." 

"  Still,  I  have  n't  one,"  replied  Schenck,  "  and  I  don't  know  where 
to  get  one." 

"Take  mine  —  take  mine,"  said  Davis,  pushing  his  weapon  into 
Schenck's  hand. 

For  three  days  General  Schenck  kept  Davis' s  pistol,  but  when  he 
met  McConnell  face  to  face,  the  fiery  Alabamian  made  no  demon 
stration,  and  Mr.  Davis  received  his  pistol  unused.1 

Another  incident  that  characterized  the  temper  of  the  House  was 
a  personal  encounter  between  George  Rathbun  and  John  White.2 
Rathbun  was  a  high-spirited  Democrat  and  one  of  the  Northern  rep 
resentatives  who  heartily  despised  the  so-called  "dough-faces  "  and 
"fire-eaters."  White  was  a  talented  man,  but  of  a  passionate  disposi 
tion,  and  had  an  unruly  tongue.  As  speaker  of  the  preceding  House 
he  had  offended  many  Democrats  by  his  alleged  partisan  conduct. 
In  the  latter  part  of  this  session,  when  the  House  had  one  day  re 
solved  itself  into  the  committee  of  the  whole,  some  discussion  arose 
as  to  the  language  that  Henry  Clay  used  in  regard  to  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  which  is  immaterial.  White  contradicted  a  member 
who  alluded  to  Mr.  Clay's  alleged  words,  and  Mr.  Rathbun  spoke  up, 
and  said  that  the  truth  of  Clay's  statement  was  known  throughout 
the  House.  White  leaned  over  towards  Rathbun,  and  in  a  low  tone 
of  voice  cursed  him,  and  applied  an  opprobrious  epithet.  According 
to  Mr.  Rathbun,  White  at  the  same  time  raised  his  hand  to  strike. 
Rathbun  was  too  quick,  and  dealt  White  a  blow.  Bystanders,  how 
ever,  grasped  the  two  men,  and  the  general  struggle  threw  the  House 
into  an  uproar.  At  this  moment  an  outsider  named  William  S.  Moor, 

1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans. 

2  Congressional  Globe,  April  23,  1844,  p.  578. 


WORK  OF  THE   TWENTY-EIGHTH   CONGRESS  87 

who  evidently  wanted  to  take  a  hand  in  the  fray,  rushed  into  the 
House,  and  installed  himself  behind  the  railing  in  front  of  the 
Speaker's  desk.  The  sergeant-at-arms  ejected  Moor,  but  in  Moor's 
efforts  to  escape  he  drew  a  pistol  and  shot  an  officer  in  the  leg.  This 
brought  the  House  to  its  senses.  Messrs.  Rathbun  and  White  apolo 
gized  and  shook  hands.  Nevertheless  an  investigation  was  ordered, 
and  when  the  report  was  made,  Mr.  White  took  exceptions  because, 
forsooth,  the  report  neglected  to  state  that  he  had  sworn  at  Mr.  Rath- 
bun  in  a  low  tone  of  voice.  John  P.  Hale  saw  the  Pickwickian  trend 
of  the  affair,  and  with  some  sarcasm  observed  that  if  Mr.  White  did 
whisper  his  insult  to  Mr.  Rathbun,  it  magnified  the  offense,  because 
White  must  have  been  calm  and  cool  at  that  moment.  The  usual 
motion  to  expel  was  made  with  the  usual  result,  —  the  report  was 
tabled.  White  left  Congress  at  the  end  of  the  term,  and  the  next 
year  died  by  his  own  hand. 

A  true  index  of  the  attitude  of  public  men  of  the  day  towards 
slavery  is  to  be  found  in  the  records  of  this  House  on  the  question 
of  retaining  or  abolishing  the  twenty-first  rule,  which  is  better  known 
as  the  "infamous  gag-law."  From  the  beginning  of  the  government, 
Congress  had  received  petitions  in  opposition  to  slavery,  and  in  1836 
the  slave  power  passed  a  rule  in  Congress  to  table  without  discussion 
any  petition  relating  to  slavery.  The  immediate  result  was  that  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  at  the  North  was  increased,  and  feeling  between  the 
two  sections  of  the  country  became  more  embittered.  It  was  even 
charged  by  John  Minor  Botts  that  the  slave  power  conceived  the 
gag-law  with  this  very  object  in  view,  in  order  to  help  bring  about 
a  separation.  But  whether  this  claim  was  correct  or  not,  the  adoption 
of  the  obnoxious  measure  had  that  effect.  The  debates  that  the 
gag-law  gave  rise  to  in  Congress  were  widely  circulated  throughout 
the  country,  and  the  Southern  leaders  of  the  slave  party  eventually 
systematically  deceived  the  Southern  people  as  to  the  sentiments, 
intentions,  and  character  of  the  Northern  people.  But  in  the  end 
the  gag-law  became  a  mighty  engine  in  the  hands  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  for  the  destruction  of  its  own  creator.  As  a  natural  cham 
pion  of  free  speech  and  the  right  of  petition,  this  measure  aroused 
his  sense  of  justice  and  his  pugnacious  nature.  Certainly  no  more 
despotic  rule  was  ever  passed  by  a  body  of  men  calling  themselves  the 
representatives  of  a  self-governing  people  than  this  gag-law.  Under 
its  provisions  a  complaisant  speaker  would  refuse  to  allow  a  petition 
to  be  presented  that  seemed  to  him  to  reflect  on  slavery,  no  matter 
what  its  language  might  be.  The  House  of  Representatives  then  did 
have  a  "  czar." 

Mr.  Adams  had  been  waging  unremitting  warfare  on  the  twenty- 
first  rule  since  its  adoption,  and  now  victory  seemed  nearly  within  his 


88  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

grasp.  It  was  in  the  preceding  House  that  the  effort  was  made  to 
censure  him.  In  this  House  Mr.  Adams  knew  there  were  new  mem 
bers  on  whom  he  could  count,  and  he  was  desirous  of  getting  them 
into  action  against  the  tyrannical  rule.  Mr.  Adams  was  now  seventy- 
seven  years  of  age,  and  yet  his  mind  was  as  clear,  his  will  as  inflexible, 
and  his  heart  as  stout  as  ever.  He  was  bath  hated  and  feared  by  the 
slave  representatives,  and  still  they  were  forced  to  acknowledge  his 
superior  ability  even  to  their  cost.  The  old  Puritan  undoubtedly  en 
joyed  a  savage  delight  in  fighting  the  slave  party  in  the  House  single- 
handed.  One  day,  when  Adams  was  laying  round  him  with  terrific 
effect,  and  opponent  after  opponent  had  gone  down  under  his  deadly 
fire  of  facts  and  withering  sarcasm,  a  despairing  Southern  member 
turned  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  said  :  "  It  is  useless  to  debate  with  Adams. 
He  knows  so  much  that,  one  way  or  another,  and  despite  the  devil,  he 
can,  when  he  will,  make  the  greatest  wrong  appear  the  greatest  right." 
The  respect  in  which  Mr.  Adams's  ability  was  held  was  shown  in  the 
fact  that  although  Speaker  Jones  knew  that  the  veteran  intended  to 
reopen  his  batteries  on  the  twenty-first  rule,  he  nevertheless  appointed 
Mr.  Adams  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Rules,  the  very  body  that 
would  first  act  upon  the  question  of  retaining  or  abolishing  his 
bete  noire  —  the  gag-law. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  House  had  been  organized,  the  committee 
was  ready  to  make  its  report,  when  a  story  was  circulated  that  Mr. 
Adams  had  induced  the  latter  to  omit  the  twenty-first  rule.  Mem 
bers  poured  out  of  the  cloak  rooms  on  to  the  floor,  and  great  ex 
citement  prevailed.  Mr.  Dromgoole,  the  skillful  Democratic  leader 
and  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Rules,  practically  confirmed  the 
story  by  saying  that  his  colleagues  had  made  material  changes  in  the 
rules,  and  that  he  would  like  to  have  the  report  recommitted,  because 
their  important  sessions  had  not  been  fully  attended.  By  admitting 
in  the  next  breath  that  he  had  absented  himself  from  the  meetings 
of  the  committee,  Mr.  Dromgoole  unwittingly  revealed  the  fact  that 
there  had  been  perfect  confidence  that  the  old  rules  would  not  be 
changed,  and  that  he  and  the  other  slavery  representatives  had  been 
beaten  through  inattention  to  their  duties. 

But  the  incautious  E.  J.  Black,  of  Georgia,  at  once  put  the  anti- 
slavery  men  on  their  guard  by  boldly  charging  that  the  committee 
had  dropped  the  twenty-first  rule,  and  he  announced  with  vehemence 
his  intention  of  defying  any  committee,  or  House,  that  would  allow 
his  constituents  to  be  assailed  by  "  incendiaries  and  Abolitionists  "  by 
abolishing  the  twenty-first  rule.  "Talk  to  me,"  he  exclaimed,  "about 
Whigs  and  Democrats  when  abolition  is  the  question  before  the 
House  ! "  Motion  after  motion  followed  Black's  outbreak  in  rapid 
succession,  and  another  parliamentary  snarl  threatened  to  ensue.  Mr. 


WORK   OF   THE   TWENTY-EIGHTH   CONGRESS  89 

Hamlin  made  up  his  mind  that  it  would  be  best  to  declare  his  con 
victions  on  the  gag-law,  and  try  to  bring  matters  to  a  crisis.  He 
took  the  floor,  and  in  a  few  words  pointed  out  that  the  question  before 
the  House  was  on  the  motion  to  recommit  the  rules  with  instructions 
to  the  committee.  He  said  he  was  opposed  to  both  recommitting 
and  instructing,  because  the  real  question  involved,  which  was  the 
retention  or  the  rejection  of  the  twenty-first  rule,  must  be  decided  in 
the  House,  and  there  was  no  use  in  a  recommitment.  Mr.  Hamlin 
next  proceeded  to  enter  an  impersonal  and  yet  emphatic  protest  on 
behalf  of  the  anti-slavery  men  in  the  House  against  the  intimidating 
tactics  of  Black,  in  these  words  :  — 

"  The  time  has  gone  by,  if  it  ever  existed,  when  the  galvanic  starts  of 
any  member  can  produce  an  impression  on  this  House.  I  for  one  shall 
vote  on  every  question  according  to  the  dictates  of  my  judgment.  I  shall 
vote  against  the  motion  to  recommit  and  instruct,  .  .  .  because  this  ques 
tion  can  be  determined  in  the  ordinary  way  of  doing  business.  If  the  rules 
should  be  reported  again  without  the  twenty-first  rule,  it  will  involve  the 
decision  of  the  question  of  restoring  it ;  if  they  should  be  reported  with  it, 
this  would  involve  the  decision  of  the  question  of  abolishing  it.  ...  A 
word  as  to  the  position  in  which  I  am  placed.  I  do  not  wish  to  have  my 
views  on  this  important  subject  mistaken,  nor  my  votes  misconstrued  by 
giving  them  on  mere  collateral  issues.  I  shall  vote  against  this  twenty-first 
rule,  because  I  believe  the  right  of  petition  to  be  a  constitutional  one,  and 
not  dependent  on  the  judgment  of  any  member  of  the  House,  or  any  other 
body.  When  this  House  declares  in  advance  that  it  will  not  receive  peti 
tions  of  a  certain  class,  it  prejudges  the  matter  and  comes  in  conflict  with 
a  constitutional  right.  I  know  that  any  action  on  these  petitions  must 
proceed  from  the  votes  of  a  majority ;  and,  therefore,  it  is  inferred  that  a 
majority  must  decide  against  them  in  advance.  But  if  a  constitutional 
right  can  be  taken  away  in  the  judgment  of  a  majority  on  this  question, 
the  same  thing  may  be  done  on  any  other  question.  I  am  in  favor  of 
rejecting  the  twenty-first  rule,  and  in  favor  of  receiving  all  petitions  that 
may  be  offered ;  and  I  am  for  referring  them  to  committees  in  favor  of  the 
objects  embraced.  Let  this  committee  report  to  us  what  are  the  duties  we 
owe  —  not  to  the  South,  but  to  the  Union,  the  whole  Union,  and  nothing 
but  the  Union.  Then  it  will  be  seen  if  we  do  not  come  up  to  the  mark; 
and  we  will  stand  by  the  Union  and  those  institutions  reared  by  the  wis 
dom  of  our  forefathers  and  cemented  by  their  blood.  We  will  stand  by 
the  Union  at  the  expense  of  our  lives  and  the  desolation  of  our  firesides. 
All  we  ask,  then,  is  that  our  friends  of  the  South  will  not  mistake  us ;  that 
they  will  not  subject  us  to  misconstruction  on  mere  collateral  issues.  Give 
us  but  an  opportunity  to  spread  on  your  journal  the  obligations  we  owe 
to  our  fathers  and  ourselves,  to  perpetuate  the  blessings  conferred  by  the 
glorious  Constitution  they  have  bequeathed  us.  Then  it  shall  be  seen  how 
we  shall  perform  our  duty,  not  to  the  South,  but  to  the  whole  Union."  * 

1  Congressional  Globe,  January  5,  1844,  p.  no.     Stenographic  reporting  had  not 


90  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN 

John  Quincy  Adams  paid  Mr.  Hamlin  marked  attention  during  his 
speech,  and  when  the  latter  had  closed  his  remarks,  Mr.  Adams  rose 
in  his  seat,  and  with  a  pleased  smile  on  his  face  walked  across  the 
floor  towards  him,  holding  out  his  hand.  With  unusual  cordiality  of 
manner  Mr.  Adams  grasped  Mr.  Hamlin's  hand,  and  said :  "  Light 
dawneth  in  the  East,  sir;  light  dawneth  ifi  the  East."  Mr.  Hamlin's 
attack  on  the  gag-law  won  for  him  Mr.  Adams's  interest,  and  he 
always  held  Mr.  Adams  in  reverence  as  the  father  of  the  Republican 
party. 

The  battle  against  the  twenty-first  rule  was  continued  in  the  House, 
and  ultimately  Mr.  Hamlin  and  his  friends  were  defeated  by  a  small 
vote.  But  they  had  won  a  victory  even  in  defeat ;  Northern  Demo 
crats,  like  Mr.  Hamlin,  Preston  King,  John  P.  Hale,  Jacob  Brinker- 
hoff,  Robert  Dale  Owen,  George  Rathbun,  and  John.Wentworth  rose 
above  party  affiliations  when  the  slavery  issue  arose,  and  associated 
themselves  with  Whigs  like  Mr.  Adams,  Robert  C.  Schenck,  Daniel 
Putnam  King,  Solomon  Foot,  Jacob  Collamer,  Caleb  B.  Smith,  and 
others,  many  of  whom  are  now  remembered  as  among  the  founders 
of  the  party  that  abolished  slavery.  The  next  Congress  saw  Mr. 
Adams  victorious.  But  it  must  be  understood  that  the  majority  of 
these  men  were  not  Abolitionists  in  the  sense  the  word  was  then 
used.  They  hoped  slavery  would  cease  to  exist ;  they  saw  that  the 
unawakened  public  conscience  would  not  yet  sanction  direct  warfare 
on  the  institution  itself.  They  realized,  therefore,  that  it  was  their 
duty  to  resist  the  encroachments  of  the  slave  power.  Mr.  Adams 
expressed  the  feelings  of  this  group  of  men  towards  the  Abolitionists 
when  he  said  in  a  speech  that,  although  they  were  a  noble-minded 
people,  they  were  not  practical.  The  Abolitionists  were  required  to 
agitate  and  educate  the  conscience  of  the  masses,  and  practical  men 
like  Mr.  Adams  and  his  followers  were  needed  in  congressmen  who 
were  wise  in  the  ways  of  a  work-a-day  world,  who  could  detect  a  plot 
of  the  slave  power  when  in  its  incipient  stages  in  the  committee  room, 
check  it  resolutely  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  —  men,  in  short,  who 
could  successfully  cope  with  a  foe  that  could  be  as  "  bold  as  a  roaring 
lion  or  as  wise  as  a  serpent." 

been  introduced  in  Congress,  as  this  imperfect  record  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  speech 
demonstrates. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  LEADERS  IN  CONGRESS  OF  1845. 


CHAPTER   IX 

MR.    HAMLIN    AS    A    REFORMER 

THE  debate  on  the  "gag-law"  brought  Mr.  Hamlin  conspicuously 
before  the  House  as  a  determined  opponent  of  slavery,  and  yet  events 
followed  that  tended  to  win  for  him  the  respect  of  his  Southern  col 
leagues,  even  though  they  did  not  like  his  views  of  slavery.  It  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  while  slavery  was  as  yet  an  intermittent  issue, 
and  did  not  wholly  dominate  legislation  at  Washington,  it  was  never 
theless  a  sacrilege  in  the  eyes  of  the  slave  party  to  denounce  the  in 
stitution.  Hence,  if  a  congressman  publicly  attacked  slavery,  as  Mr. 
Hamlin  did  in  one  of  his  first  speeches  in  the  House,  he  prejudiced 
the  Southern  members  against  him,  unless,  of  course,  he  had  strong 
qualities  that  would  compel  respect.  In  this  Congress  the  Southern 
men  were  an  abler  body  than  their  Northern  associates.  They  were 
the  elite  of  the  South,  and  trained  to  politics  as  a  profession.  The 
presence  of  Northern  men  in  Congress  of  inferior  ability  and  charac 
ter  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  best  minds  of  the  North  were  required 
at  home  to  develop  the  professions,  the  educational  institutions,  the 
material  resources  of  the  nation,  to  foster  invention,  further  manufac 
turing  and  the  building  of  railroads,  which  would  unite  the  country, 
and  for  the  launching  of  other  large  enterprises.  This  inferior  type 
of  men  who  misrepresented  Northern  character  represented  indeed  a 
sycophantic  pro-slavery  element  which  fawned  before  the  slave  power, 
and  intrenched  itself  in  power  with  the  patronage  it  obtained.  Men 
of  this  kind  did  much  to  blind  the  eyes  of  the  South  to  the  real  char 
acter  of  the  Northern  people.  They  themselves  were  stigmatized  as 
"dough-faces"  by  that  picturesque  individual  known  as  "the  South 
ern  fire-eater."  The  epithet  was  not  elegant,  but  it  was  truthful,  it 
was  appropriate  and  merited.  It  may  be  needless  to  add  that  the 
honesty,  sincerity,  independence,  and  ability  of  the  group  of  anti- 
slavery  men  with  whom  Mr.  Hamlin  was  identified  placed  them  as 
individuals  in  the  right  light  before  the  best  of  their  Southern  col 
leagues. 

The  breeze  that  John  Quincy  Adams's  opening  attack  on  the  gag- 
law  raised  soon  subsided,  and  the  House  returned  to  its  regular 
routine.  There  were  other  important  things  for  the  House  to  con 
sider  ;  the  business  of  the  nation  had  to  be  transacted.  Mr.  Hamlin's 


92  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

business  capacity  had  been  developed  by  his  experience  in  the  legis 
lature  of  Maine.  He  devoted  himself  to  his  duties,  and  was  soon 
regarded  as  an  absolutely  reliable,  conscientious,  and  practical  worker. 
In  debate  he  was  recognized  as  an  effective  speaker  ;  indeed,  he  was 
often  selected  to  champion  measures.  He  had  the  inherent  editorial 
faculty  of  speaking  to  the  point,  and  presenting  his  case  briefly  in  his 
opening  remarks.  He  never  spoke  for  rhetorical  effect,  he  rarely 
prepared  a  speech,  and  never  revised  one  for  publication.  He  was 
modest  and  indifferent.  But  his  most  conspicuous  characteristic  was 
brought  out  when  the  House  was  forming  its  estimate  of  the  new 
members.  An  incident  occurred  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  related 
to  illustrate  his  conception  of  the  duties  a  public  man  owed  his  coun 
try  and  constituents,  and  also  his  idea  of  honor. 

One  McNulty  was  clerk  of  the  House.  He  was  charged  with  im 
proper  practices,  and  had  the  effrontery  to  call  the  yeas  and  nays  on  a 
resolution  ordering  his  dismissal.  He  was  discharged,  and  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  was  instrumental  in  securing  the  election  of  Major  Ben  B.  French, 
at  one  time  a  famous  politician,  as  McNulty's  successor.  For  this 
service  Major  French  was  ever  afterward  most  grateful.  One  day, 
full  of  feeling,  he  came  to  Mr.  Hamlin  in  the  House  and  said  :  — 

"  At  last,  Mr.  Hamlin,  I  have  an  opportunity  of  repaying  you  for 
your  kindness  to  me.  Three  squares  of  the  District  of  Columbia  are 
to  be  sold,  —  the  one  for  seven  mills  a  foot,  the  second  for  five,  and 
the  third  for  three.  We  can  secure  this  property  quietly,  and  I  know 
of  public  improvements,  shortly  to  take  place  near  it,  which  will  so 
increase  its  value  as  to  make  our  fortunes." 

"That 's  all  very  well,"  said  Hamlin,  "but  if  the  property  were  to 
be  sold  for  one  mill  I  have  no  money  to  buy  it." 

"  In  that  case,"  replied  French,  after  consideration,  "  I  '11  tell  you 
what  I  will  do.  I  will  raise  the  money,  and  buy  a  portion  of  the 
property  in  your  name.  When  the  improvements  I  know  of  are  made, 
and  the  great  increase  in  value  comes,  —  as  it  must  come,  —  you  can 
sell  a  small  portion  of  the  land  and  pay  me  what  I  have  advanced." 

"  You  are  very  kind,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin,  fully  grateful  for  the  offer, 
"  but  the  fact  is,  while  there  is  no  actual  wrong  in  your  proposition,  I 
do  not  think  that  it  would  be  right  for  me  to  use  information  which 
I  secure  as  a  public  servant  to  advance  my  private  fortune."  So  the 
matter  was  dropped.  The  principles  implied  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  answer 
to  French  he  lived  up  to  all  his  life.  The  property  which  he  might 
have  bought  for  five  mills  a  foot,  as  described,  is  now  in  the  heart  of 
Washington,  just  back  of  the  Interior  and  Post-office  departments, 
and  readily  sells  for  three  dollars  a  foot.1 

One  of  the  first  reform  movements  which  engaged  the  attention  of 
1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans. 


MR.   HAMLIN   AS   A   REFORMER  93 

this  House  was  one  that  strongly  interested  Mr.  Hamlin,  because  it 
touched  the  honor  of  the  nation.  This  was  a  movement  to  keep  the 
franchise  pure,  and  was  an  outcome  of  the  presidential  election  of 
1840.  An  anomalous  condition  of  affairs  prevailed  which  rendered 
corruption  easy  in  the  elections.  The  election  for  President  was  not 
held  on  the  same  day  throughout  the  Union.  In  some  States  the  bal 
lot-box  was  kept  open  for  several  days,  to  accommodate  voters  who 
were  unable  to  be  present  on  election  day.  In  many  country  districts 
people  went  to  bed  even  without  locking  their  doors.  Mr.  Hamlin, 
for  one,  rarely  fastened  up  his  house  in  Hampden,  before  retiring. 
But  the  ballot-box  stuff er,  the  burglar  and  tramp,  were  to  work  a 
change.  There  were  signs  of  danger  threatening  the  franchise,  and 
practical  statesmen  were  agreed  that  the  elective  methods  in  vogue 
were  in  need  of  reform.  The  real  difficulty  presented  was  how  to 
handle  the  question  without  stirring  up  party  feeling.  Alexander 
Duncan,  a  Democrat,  of  Ohio,  had  the  right  idea  of  how  to  remedy 
the  evils,  but  he  did  not  go  about  it  in  the  right  way.  He  offered  a 
bill  in  the  House,  making  it  compulsory  on  all  the  States  to  choose 
their  presidential  electors  on  the  same  day ;  but  he  made  a  violent 
attack  on  the  Whigs,  and  charged  them  with  carrying  Ohio  in  1840 
by  importing  Kentuckians  across  the  borders,  after  they  had  given 
their  own  State  to  Harrison.  This  angered  the  Whigs  in  the  House, 
and  tended  to  alienate  strict  state-rights  Democrats,  who  were  natu 
rally  opposed  to  measures  strengthening  the  power  of  the  general  gov 
ernment,  and  would  thus  regard  the  bill  in  the  light  of  a  bludgeon  to 
be  used  on  the  heads  of  the  Whigs  for  mere  party  effect. 

With  the  spirit  of  partisanship  inflamed,  and  the  fears  of  the  strict 
interpreters  of  the  Constitution  aroused,  the  Duncan  bill  had  poor 
prospects  of  success.  Several  times  the  bill  was  brought  up  in  the 
House  and  failed  to  reach  a  vote.  The  debate  on  the  measure  dragged 
on  for  weeks.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  earnestly  in  favor  of  the  bill,  and  it 
appears  from  the  records  that  he  was  ultimately  appointed  its  cham 
pion  on  the  floor  of  the  House.  After  the  discussion  had  developed 
into  an  unusually  acrimonious  wrangle  one7  day,  the  bill  was  brought 
up,  and  a  great  effort  was  made  to  secure  a  vote.  Mr.  Hamlin  took 
the  floor  and  made  a  speech  that  illustrates  his  clear  and  concise  style 
of  argument.  A  little  tact  was  needed  to  soothe  the  ruffled  feelings 
of  the  disputing  members.  In  his  opening  remarks,  Mr.  Hamlin 
quietly  referred  to  the  unfortunate  partisan  discussion  which  attended 
the  introduction  of  the  bill,  and  said  that  while  he  had  once  desired 
to  make  a  reply  to  charges  against  his  party,  he  had  changed  his  mind 
and  would  confine  himself  exclusively  to  the  bill  and  its  merits. 

"  This  bill,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin,  "  is  intended  to  prevent  —  and  I  believe  it 
will,  if  it  has  favorable  action  —  frauds  that  have  hitherto  been  perpetrated 


94  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

in  our  elections.  I  have  no  accusations  to  bring  against  any  political  par 
ties  ;  I  have  no  criminations  or  recriminations  to  make  ;  I  have  simply  to 
say  that  I  believe  the  bill  will  prevent  frauds  and  preserve,  as  far  as  is 
possible,  the  great  and  fundamental  principles  of  the  elective  franchise  in 
their  purity.  If  there  is  a  principle  that  addresses  itself  with  greater  force 
than  any  other  to  American  statesmen,  it  is  the  principle  involved  in  this 
question.  If  we  can  by  any  legislative  action  preserve  and  protect  the 
rights  of  electors,  it  is  our  duty  to  take  such  action.  The  question,  then, 
arises,  Can  we  adopt  a  measure  regulating  the  time  for  holding  elections  ? 
Have  we  the  constitutional  right  ?  By  reference  to  the  fourth  clause  of  the 
first  section  of  the  second  article  of  the  Constitution,  it  will  be  found  that 
the  States  gave  Congress  the  clear  and  undoubted  right  to  determine  the 
time  when  the  elections  shall  be  held.  I  will  read  the  clause  :  — 

"  '  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors  and 
the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes,  which  day  shall  be  the  same 
throughout  the  United  States.' 

"  There  is  a  variety  of  causes  and  circumstances  that  might  induce  a 
State  to  be  in  favor  of  holding  the  presidential  election  at  the  same  time 
as  the  state  elections  ;  and  other  periods  might  be  selected  by  other  States 
for  good  and  sufficient  reasons  ;  but  by  the  law  now  in  existence  all  the 
States  are  compelled  to  hold  their  elections  for  presidential  electors  within 
a  period  of  thirty  days  from  the  first  Monday  of  December.  Now,  by 
changing  the  period  of  the  elections  for  President,  it  would  not  affect  the 
State  elections.  We  do  not  ask  the  States  to  alter  the  manner  and  place 
of  holding  their  elections,  but  only  to  fix  on  a  particular  day.  Another 
objection  has  been  offered ;  that  it  would  compel,  in  certain  cases,  two 
elections,  inasmuch  as  some  of  the  States  elect  their  presidential  electors 
and  state  officers  on  the  same  day.  Having  taken  some  pains  to  inform 
myself  on  this  matter,  I  have  ascertained  that  there  are  only  two  States  in 
which  two  elections  are  held  on  one  day.  I  am  opposed  to  the  amend 
ment  of  the  gentleman  from  New  Jersey  (Mr.  Elmer),  because  it  is  unne 
cessary.  The  bill  reported  by  the  Committee  on  Elections  is  sufficient 
without  the  aid  of  any  additional  regulation.  The  Constitution  gives  Con 
gress  the  power  to  prescribe  the  day  for  holding  the  presidential  election, 
and  no  other  power  on  that  subject.  Congress  can  fix  on  the  time,  but 
not  on  the  place  and  manner.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  passage  of 
this  act  would  require  a  convention  of  the  legislatures  of  several  of  the 
States  to  carry  it  into  effect.  This  I  do  not  believe  to  be  the  case  ;  but 
even  if  it  were  so,  I  should  vote  for  the  bill."  l 

This  speech  brought  the  House  to  a  vote.  The  bill  was  passed  by 
a  large  majority,  and  sent  to  the  Senate;  but  the  Whigs  were  still  in 
control  of  that  body,  and  although  approving  the  purposes  of  the 
measure,  they  laid  it  on  the  table  by  a  strict  party  vote,  because 
they  did  not  desire  their  opponents  to  obtain  the  credit  that  would 
come  from  the  passage  of  a  bill  which  would  in  its  enactment  work 
1  Congressional  Globe,  May  15,  1844,  p.  634. 


MR.   HAMLIN   AS   A   REFORMER  95 

salutary  reforms,  and  create  capital  for  its  Democratic  sponsors. 
Nevertheless,  the  friends  of  the  bill  were  not  discouraged,  and  pre 
pared  themselves  to  renew  the  fight  for  a  pure  ballot  at  the  next 
session  of  Congress,  when  they  were  successful. 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  came  to  Washington  he  heard  loud  complaints 
from  old  soldiers  of  the  war  of  1812,  and  also  from  heirs  of  veterans, 
over  the  difficulties  they  had  in  obtaining  bounty  lands  from  the  gov 
ernment  to  which  they  were  entitled.  Mr.  Hamlin's  experience  while 
a  member  of  the  legislature  of  Maine  with  this  subject  determined 
him  to  probe  it,  and  try  to  remove  the  obstacles  of  which  the  vet 
erans  complained.  In  Mr.  Hamlin's  opinion  the  government  was  pur 
suing  a  mistaken  policy  in  withholding  from  the  public  the  names  of 
those  who  deserved  the  lands.  The  explanation  furnished  by  the 
government  authorities  for  this  course  was  that  the  Pension  Depart 
ment  was  infested  with  unscrupulous  claim  agents  who  made  a  busi 
ness  of  hunting  up  claimants  and  cheating  them,  often  getting  fully 
one  half  of  the  land  involved  in  payment  for  their  alleged  services. 
But  to  a  broad-minded  man  it  was  evident  that  while  the  government 
might  save  some  claimants  from  dishonest  agents  in  the  end,  it  would 
prevent  by  this  course  many  heirs  from  learning  that  they  were  enti 
tled  to  government  land.  Thus,  between  the  government's  over- 
caution,  departmental  red  tape,  the  cunning  of  the  claim  agents,  and 
the  ignorance  or  feebleness  of  claimants  or  their  heirs,  many  found 
themselves  unable  to  obtain  bounty  land  which  they  were  morally 
certain  belonged  to  them. 

One  of  the  first  things  Mr.  Hamlin  did  after  taking  his  seat  in  the 
House  was  to  strike  at  the  root  of  this  evil  by  offering  a  resolution 
calling  upon  the  Secretary  of  War  to  furnish  the  House  with  a  list 
of  the  names  of  those  who  were  entitled  to  bounty  lands,  of  those 
who  had  not  received  warrants,  and  also  those  who  had  obtained 
patents  but  had  not  procured  warrants.  This  resolution  aroused  the 
conservative  spirit  of  the  House.  Cave  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  was 
a  good  example  of  the  honest  but  narrow  class  of  congressmen  who 
instinctively  clung  to  precedent  and  feared  departure  from  beaten 
tracks.  Mr.  Johnson  opposed  Mr.  Hamlin's  resolution  on  the  grounds 
that  the  publication  of  names  of  those  deserving  bounty  lands  would 
not  benefit  the  widows  and  orphans,  but  speculators  and  agents. 
William  P.  Thomasson,1  of  Kentucky,  supported  Mr.  Johnson,  and 
told  the  House  that  he  himself  had  called  at  the  War  Department  to 
obtain  information  about  a  claim,  and  that  it  was  refused,  though  he 
gave  the  name  of  the  claimant ;  that  Mr.  Johnson  had  informed  him 
that  this  was  the  practice  of  the  department,  because  making  public 

1  Thomasson  was  one  of  the  few  Southern  anti-slavery  members  of  Congress. 
He  became  a  Republican,  and  was  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  friends. 


96  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

information  about  the  claims  would  help  the  agents  and  speculators, 
who  were  constantly  on  watch  for  their  chance  to  prey  on  applicants 
for  bounties.  For  these  reasons  Mr.  Thomasson  said  he  was  unwill 
ing  to  depart  from  the  government's  custom. 

Mr.  Hamlin  replied  by  showing  that  the  fact  that  Mr.  Thomasson, 
a  member  of  the  House,  could  not  obtain  information  at  the  War 
Department  about  a  just  claim  for  bounty  lands,  that  he  could  not 
learn  from  the  government's  books  the  names  of  the  people  he  knew 
to  be  interested  in  land  claims,  was  a  convincing  reason  in  itself  why 
the  House  should  adopt  the  resolution  he,  Mr.  Hamlin,  had  offered. 
Addressing  himself  to  Mr.  Johnson,  Mr.  Hamlin  asked,  if  the  gov 
ernment  expressed  a  willingness  through  its  laws  to  reward  those  who 
had  imperiled  their  lives  for  it,  was  it  proper  to  withhold  evidence 
that  would  show  to  whom  reward  was  due  ?  "  Would  the  gentle 
man  from  Tennessee,"  Mr.  Hamlin  continued,  "  stand  like  a  miser 
over  his  gold,  and  refuse  the  relief  offered  ?  .  .  .  But  is  it  to  be  the 
policy  of  this  government  to  say  to  meritorious  citizens, '  We  will  give 
you  this  bounty  land,'  and  the  same  moment  turn  and  say  in  the 
same  breath,  *  We  will  withhold  from  you  the  very  information  which 
will  enable  you  to  enjoy  the  benefits  we  offer'  ?  Is  this  not  'to  keep 
the  word  of  promise  to  the  ear  and  break  it  to  our  hope  '  "  ? 1 

John  P.  Hale  supported  Mr.  Hamlin's  resolution,  and  asserted  that 
the  publication  of  the  information  desired  would  tend  to  defeat  the 
speculators.  Mr.  Hopkins,  of  Virginia,  strengthened  the  argument  in 
favor  of  the  resolution  by  pointing  out  that  concealment  alone  would 
aid  unscrupulous  agents  in  their  designs  on  worthy  land  claimants. 
In  fact,  under  the  present  system  they  had  managed  to  bribe  clerks 
to  give  them  data  that  placed  claimants  in  their  hands.  The  House 
came  to  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  right,  and  that  it  was  better 
to  transact  public  business  in  the  open  light.  The  resolution  was 
passed  by  a  vote  of  two  to  one,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  soon  enjoyed  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  many  a  veteran  of  1812  rewarded  for  his  ser 
vices.  It  may  be  added,  without  anticipating,  that  this  was  the  begin 
ning  of  a  long  service  to  the  country's  old  soldiers  which  earned  Mr. 
Hamlin  the  lasting  gratitude  of  many  a  home. 

While  Mr.  Hamlin  was  endeavoring  to  work  a  reform  in  the  pen 
sion  office,  he  was  also  lending  his  aid  to  the  movement  to  obtain 
cheaper  postage.  During  the  first  few  days  of  his  membership  in  the 
House,  he  introduced  a  petition  praying  for  lower  postal  rates,  and 
then  joined  with  prominent  members  of  the  House  in  an  effort  to 
pass  a  bill  to  accomplish  the  desired  reform.  This  was  one  of  the 
many  topics  which  Mr.  Hamlin  and  his  "mess"  associates  considered, 
and  one  outcome  of  their  deliberations  was  a  bill  that  was  offered 
1  Congressional  Globe,  December  27,  1843,  P-  7& 


MR.    HAMLIN   AS   A   REFORMER  97 

by  Preston  King  making  uniform  reduction  in  the  cost  of  transport 
ing  mail.  The  public  was  strongly  in  favor  of  the  reform.  In  a 
speech  by  Charles  H.  Carroll,  of  New  York,  a  circumstance  was 
brought  out  that  in  these  days  seems  amazing.  Mr.  Carroll  said  that 
it  cost  one  cent  and  three  quarters  more  to  transport  a  letter  from 
Geneva,  N.  Y.,  to  New  York  city,  than  it  did  to  transport  a  barrel  of 
flour  between  the  same  places.  The  timidity  and  conservatism  of 
the  government  were  the  real  obstacles  to  the  success  of  this  reform 
movement.  It  was  feared  that  a  reduction  in  postage  rates  would 
make  the  Post-office  Department  a  burden  to  the  government.  A 
general  understanding  was  arrived  at  in  the  House,  that  action  should 
be  deferred  until  the  petition  in  circulation  throughout  the  country 
had  been  laid  before  the  House. 

In  the  mean  time  the  desire  for  postal  reform  increased  among  the 
progressive  people  of  the  country,  and  when  Congress  reconvened  a 
determined  effort  was  made  to  reduce  the  postal  rates  from  an  exces 
sive  average  of  fifteen  and  one  half  cents  to  a  uniform  rate  of  five 
cents  a  letter ;  at  the  same  time  it  was  planned  to  make  an  attempt 
to  abolish  the  franking  privilege,  which  had  become  a  great  abuse. 
Opposition  to  the  reform  was  strong,  and  was  chiefly  based  on  the  plea 
that  a  sweeping  reduction  of  postage  rates  would  decrease  the  reve 
nues  of  the  Post-office  Department  to  so  low  a  figure  that  the  service 
would  become  a  burden  on  the  national  treasury.  A  reading  of 
the  debates  on  this  question  discloses  the  different  points  of  view  the 
Northern  and  Southern  congressmen  held  on  economic  questions. 
In  this  instance,  the  Southern  members  were  influenced  to  a  consider 
able  extent  by  their  ideas  of  state  rights,  which  seemed  sometimes  to 
act  on  them  with  the  force  of  a  religion,  and  to  be  the  conscious  or 
unconscious  motive  of  their  acts.  Sectional  considerations  also  oper 
ated  among  them.  Mr.  Hamlin  favored  the  bill,  and  he  made  several 
speeches  in  which  he  embodied  the  Northern  argument  in  favor  of  it.1 
The  main  idea  was  that  as  cheap  postage  had  increased  the  business 
of  the  Post-office  Department  in  England,  and  tended  to  spread  intelli 
gence  throughout  the  masses,  the  same  measures  ought  to  bring  about 
the  same  results  in  the  United  States.  As  a  simpler  illustration  he 
showed  that  the  reduction  of  postal  rates,  like  the  reduction  of  railroad 
and  steamboat  fares,  would  also  increase  the  business  and  revenue  of 
the  Post-office  Department. 

These  views,  however,  were  not  accepted  by  the  Southern  members 
as  a  rule.  Howell  Cobb  feared  that  the  contemplated  reduction  was 
too  radical,  and,  moreover,  would  lodge  too  much  power  in  the  Post- 
office  Department.  William  L.  Yancey  supported  Mr.  Cobb's  argu 
ment,  and  claimed  that  only  the  large  cities  favored  the  reform.  It 
1  Principal  speech,  February  24,  1845,  Congressional  Globe,  p.  339. 


98  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

was  his  belief  that  this  would  be  taxing  the  many  for  the  benefit  of 
the  few.  Mr.  Hopkins,  of  Virginia,  asserted  that  the  government 
could  never  compete  with  the  private  expresses  that  now  transacted 
a  large  amount  of  the  postal  business.  But  the  reductio  ad  absurdum 
was  a  speech  by  William  W.  Payne.  In  reply  to  Mr.  Hamlin  he  said 
that  the  postal  bill  was  a  New  York  and  Jiew  England  measure,  and 
that  the  letter  writers  who  paid  the  cost  of  postage  were  merchants, 
business  men,  love-sick  swains,  and  city  belles.  They  should  be 
made  to  pay  it. 

But  without  going  into  the  subject  further,  it  may  be  added  that 
although  the  five-cent  bill  passed  the  Senate,  it  did  not  triumph  in 
the  House.  An  amendment  was  added  establishing  five  cents  as 
the  rate  for  letters  under  300  miles,  and  ten  cents  over  that  dis 
tance.  The  progressive  and  unprogressive  elements  in  the  House 
divided  on  this  bill  almost  identically  as  they  did  on  the  slavery  ques 
tion.  Eighty-five  members,  including  Mr.  Hamlin,  John  P.  Hale, 
Preston  King,  Jacob  Collamer,  Daniel  Putnam  King,  Hamilton  Fish, 
Caleb  B.  Smith,  Robert  C.  Schenck,  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  George 
Rathbun,  Freeman  H.  Morse,  Alexander  Ramsay,  and  others  who 
generally  affiliated  on  progressive  matters  voted  against  this  amend 
ment  ;  but  no  voted  for  it,  and  the  Senate  concurred  on  the  princi 
ple  that  "half  a  loaf  was  better  than  no  bread."  The  franking  privi 
lege  remained  unchanged.  The  beginning  of  postal  reform  has  thus 
been  briefly  described  in  order  to  show  Mr.  Hamlin's  interest  in  it. 
He  accomplished  more  work  in  the  committee  room  than  in  debate. 
He  retained  his  interest  in  this  reform  movement  when  he  entered 
the  Senate,  and  when  more  important  results  were  attained.  From 
the  first  he  opposed  the  franking  privilege.  But  this  is  anticipating, 
and  the  narrative  returns  to  the  chronological  order  of  events  —  be 
ginning  with  the  annexation  of  Texas. 


CHAPTER   X 

THE    ANNEXATION    OF    TEXAS 

MR.  HAMLIN  accepted  an  invitation  to  join  President  Tyler  and  a 
party  in  a  trip  down  the  Potomac  River,  on  the  man-of-war  Princeton, 
of  the  United  States  Navy,  on  February  28,  1844,  when  a  new  gun 
that  had  been  added  to  the  Princeton's  armament  was  to  be  tested. 
As  he  was  about  to  proceed  to  the  ship,  Mr.  Hamlin  unexpectedly 
found  that  his  presence  was  required  in  the  House,  and  to  his  regret 
he  was  compelled  to  forego  what  he  had  expected  would  be  a  very 
pleasant  outing.  But  it  proved  to  be  a  day  of  tragic  and  portentous 
significance  for  the  entire  nation.  The  gun  exploded,  killed  Mr. 
Upshur,  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Gilmer,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  and  nine  others,  and  also  wounded  nine  sailors.  It  happened 
that  President  Tyler  had  stepped  into  the  cabin  just  before  the  gun 
was  fired,  and  so  escaped  injury.  The  death  of  Mr.  Upshur  had  a 
momentous  effect  on  this  administration.  Mr.  Tyler  had  schemed 
to  annex  Texas  in  order  to  give  lustre  to  his  administration,  and  also 
in  the  hope  that  he  would  be  enabled  to  force  the  Democratic  party 
to  nominate  him  for  President.  To  this  end  Mr.  Tyler  had  nego 
tiated  a  treaty  with  Texas,  looking  to  the  annexation  of  the  young 
republic  with  the  Union,  when  Mr.  Upshur' s  tragic  death  interrupted 
the  proceedings.  The  Democratic  party  took  the  practical  view  of 
the  situation,  and  favored  the  annexation  of  Texas ;  the  Whigs  op 
posed  the  project  on  the  ground  that  it  might  involve  the  United 
States  in  a  war  with  Mexico.  Like  an  inspiration,  the  thought  came 
to  Henry  A.  Wise  that  the  master-hand  of  John  C.  Calhoun  could 
guide  the  Democratic  party  to  success  in  the  emergency  now  pre 
sented,  and  he  induced  Mr.  Tyler,  against  his  personal  preference,  to 
make  Mr.  Calhoun  the  successor  to  Mr.  Upshur.  Here  was  a  young 
nation  on  our  borders  asking  to  be  taken  into  our  Union  as  a  sister 
State,  and  increase  our  domain  and  power.  The  fact  was  that  Texas 
was  able  to  separate  itself  from  Mexico,  and  maintain  itself  as  an 
independent  community  by  its  own  efforts.  Now,  if  the  United  States 
did  not  accept  its  offer,  there  was  manifest  danger  that  Texas  might 
remain  an  isolated  power,  and  become  a  prey  for  adventurous  Euro 
pean  governments,  a  danger  that  was  well  exemplified  only  twenty 
years  afterwards,  when  Louis  Napoleon  attempted  to  seat  Maximilian 
in  Mexico  on  a  throne  propped  up  by  bayonets. 


ioo  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Mr.  Calhoun  emerged  from  the  retirement  into  which  Jackson  had 
driven  him,  and  became  the  Secretary  of  State.  He  favored  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  and,  moreover,  his  comprehensive  mind  grasped 
the  great  possibilities  of  party  success  in  a  joint  Northern  and  South 
ern  movement  to  acquire  more  land  for  the  Union.  The  Texas  ques 
tion  also  suggested  the  advisability  of  adjusting  the  boundary  line  of 
Oregon  with  Great  Britain.  Thus,  before  the  National  Democratic 
Convention  met  at  Baltimore,  in  May,  Mr.  Calhoun  had  already  pro 
vided  it  with  winning  issues.  The  proposal  to  increase  the  nation's 
territory  fired  the  Democratic  party  with  zeal  and  enthusiasm ;  but  it 
must  be  added  that  Mr.  Calhoun  had  an  ulterior  motive  in  raising 
these  issues  besides  seeking  party  success.  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr. 
Clay  had  both  written  letters  opposing  the  annexation  of  Texas. 
Mr.  Calhoun,  believing  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  robbed  him  of  the 
presidency  by  poisoning  Jackson's  mind  against  him,  was  naturally 
desirous  of  avenging  himself  upon  him.  JMr.  Calhoun  seized  on 
Mr.  Van  Buren' s  opposition  to  the  annexation  of  Texas  as  a  means 
of  defeating  his  aspirations  for  renomination.  Mr.  Calhoun  welded 
/  the  slave  States  into  a  compact  body  against  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and 
accomplished  his  defeat  in  the  convention  by  enforcing  the  two 
thirds  rule.  When  a  deadlock  seemed  imminent,  James  K,  Polk  was 
brought  forward  as  a  compromise  candidate,  and  nominated  amidst 
enthusiasm.  Silas  Wright  was  named  for  Vice-President,  but  de 
clined,  and  in  five  minutes  sent  a  dispatch  to  Baltimore  to  that  effect.1 
He  was  Mr.  Van  Buren's  confidential  friend.  George  M.  Dallas,  of 
Pennsylvania,  was  substituted.  The  Whigs  having  nominated  Mr. 
Clay  and  Theodore  Frelinghuysen  as  their  leaders,  this  session  of 
Congress  closed  amidst  preparations  for  one  of  the  most  important 
and  exciting  presidential  elections  in  the  history  of  the  country. 

Mr.  Hamlin  returned  to  Maine  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress, 
and  was  renominated  for  another  term.  Although  he  preferred  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  he  accepted  Folk's  nomination,  and  supported  him  loy 
ally.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  a  strong  party  man,  and  believed  that  the 
right  would  prevail  in  the  end.  No  man  had  yet  arrived  who  pos 
sessed  the  power  of  prophecy  or  divination;  the  truth  was  but 
half  suspected,  —  that  Mr.  Polk  had  been  secretly  selected  by  the 
slave  power  weeks  before  the  convention  nominated  him.  Mr.  Polk 
was  a  man  of  irreproachable  private  character,  and  his  candidacy 
was  received  by  his  party  with  great  favor,  except  among  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  intimate  friends,  although  Mr.  Wright,  for  the  sake  of  the 
party,  waived  his  own  feelings,  and  became  the  Democratic  candidate 

1  The  telegraph  had  just  been  established,  and  the  convention  did  not  know 
whether  to  believe  Wright's  dispatch  of  declination.  A  committee  was  sent  to 
Washington  to  ascertain  the  truth. 


THE  ANNEXATION   OF  TEXAS  101 

for  governor  of  New  York.  It  was  his  influence  that  decided  the 
result  of  the  campaign,  for  New  York  elected  Mr.  Polk.  Mr.  Clay 
soon  perceived  that  the  Democratic  party  was  making  great  progress 
with  the  slogan,  "  Annex  Texas  ;  54°  40'  or  fight."  The  South  would 
naturally  look  with  favor  on  a  plan  to  increase  its  slave  territory,  and 
as  the  feeling  against  Great  Britain,  on  account  of  the  war  of  1812, 
had  not  yet  died  out,  the  cry,  "  54°  40'  or  fight,"  roused  a  spirit  of 
enthusiasm  that  nearly  threatened  to  bring  on  another  war  with  that 
nation.  To  his  great  mortification,  Mr.  Clay  found  himself  for  the 
first  time  on  the  defensive  in  a  political  campaign.  To  stem  the  turn 
ing  of  the  tide,  Mr.  Clay  wrote  a  letter  denying  that  he  was  opposed 
to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  adding  that  he  would  be  glad  to  have 
Texas  brought  into  the  Union  under  honorable  conditions.  This 
so-called  Alabama  letter  was  Mr.  Clay's  death  warrant.  It  drove  a 
sufficient  number  of  anti-slavery  Whigs  of  New  York  into  the  ranks 
of  the  Abolition  party  to  give  that  State  to  Mr.  Polk.  It  weakened 
Mr.  Clay  even  in  Kentucky.  In  the  gubernatorial  election  in  Ken 
tucky  that  occurred  in  the  month  of  August,  William  O.  Butler,  the 
Democratic  candidate,  cut  down  the  Whig  majority  from  28,000  votes 
to  less  than  5000.  This  reduction  of  strength  in  Mr.  Clay's  own 
home  created  consternation  among  his  friends  and  proportionate 
jubilation  among  the  Democrats.  Before  this,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  but 
little  known  outside  of  Maine  as  a  campaign  speaker.  After  the 
Kentucky  election,  Mr.  Hamlin  made  a  speech  that  attracted  con 
siderable  attention  to  him  beyond  the  borders  of  his  own  State.  In 
characterizing  Mr.  Clay's  attitude  towards  Texas,  which  was  called 
"facing  two  ways,"  Mr.  Hamlin  said  that  Clay,  after  the  Kentucky 
election,  reminded  him  of  the  old  woman  who  went  to  sleep  on  the 
highway,  to  wake  up  and  find  that  her  petticoats  had  been  cut  off 
about  her  knees.  She  lamented  :  — 

"  '  If  this  be  I  as  I  hope  it  be, 

I  have  a  little  dog  at  home  and  he  knows  me. 
If  it  be  I  he  will  wag  his  little  tail ; 
If  it  be  not  I  he  will  loudly  bark  and  loudly  wail.* 
Forth  went  the  little  woman  all  in  the  dark, 
Up  jumped  the  little  dog  and  began  to  bark. 
Up  jumped  the  little  woman  and  began  to  cry, 
'  Lawk  a  mercy  on  us,  this  is  none  of  I.' 

"Kentucky,  my  friends,"  observed  Mr.  Hamlin,  "does  not  know 
her  old  woman."  Campaign  oratory,  it  need  not  be  added,  was  then 
noted  for  vigor,  sarcasm,  and  its  personal  nature.  This  rude  shaft 
proved  exceedingly  effective  and  was  widely  used  as  an  apt,  if  homely, 
illustration  of  Mr.  Clay's  unfortunate  predicament.1 

1  Mr.  Hamlin  made  his  first  speech  in  New  York  city  in  this  campaign.  He 
addressed  a  large  audience  at  Castle  Garden. 


102  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

In  the  Maine  election,  the  total  poll  was  over  90,000  votes,  a  gain 
of  more  than  30,000  over  the  previous  year,  which  indicated  the  great 
interest  the  campaign  commanded  in  the  Pine  Tree  State.  The 
Democrats  reflected  Governor  Anderson,  a  popular  and  able  man, 
by  10,000  majority.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  reflected  by  a  large  majority 
over  Abraham  Sanborn,  a  Whig  of  ability  as  a  campaign  orator  and 
a  leading  lawyer  of  Bangor.  For  several  weeks  after  the  presidential 
election  in  November  the  result  was  not  generally  known,  owing  to 
the  delay  of  getting  the  returns  from  New  York,  and  the  lack  of 
facilities  for  spreading  the  news.  Democrats  and  Whigs  alike  passed 
through  agonies  of  uncertainties.  Mr.  Hamlin  awaited  the  result  at 
his  home  in  Hampden.  One  day  a  group  of  Democrats  gathered 
before  the  little  village  post-office  to  wait  for  the  news,  when  a 
horseman  was  seen  in  the  dim  distance  on  the  old  Boston  highway, 
galloping  towards  Hampden  like  mad.  In  his  hand  he  held  a  long 
shining  thing,  and  there  was  curious  speculation  as  to  what  it  was 
and  what  the  man  was  doing.  When  he  came  a  little  nearer  he  lifted 
the  shining  object  to  his  mouth  ;  it  was  a  speaking-trumpet,  and 
the  impatient  Democrats  were  transported  with  almost  uncontainable 
joy  when  they  heard  these  words:  "Polk  elected;  New  York  goes 
for  him  by  5000  majority."  In  a  cloud  of  dust  the  jubilant  and 
smiling  messenger  dashed  on  to  carry  the  glad  tidings  of  Folk's  elec 
tion  to  Bangor.  In  this  way  the  news  of  Folk's  victory  was  spread 
throughout  Maine.  Polk  had  a  popular  majority  of  about  a  quarter 
of  a  million  of  votes  and  an  emphatic  majority  in  the  electoral  col 
lege.  The  significance  of  the  election  was  that  the  people  favored 
the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  reoccupation  of  Oregon. 

An  incident  that  followed  the  election  of  Polk  indicates  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  position  as  a  leader  in  the  House.  Shortly  before  the  adjourn 
ment  of  Congress  some  members  of  the  House  asked  him  to  be  a 
candidate  for  speaker  at  the  next  session,  when  a  new  House  would 
come  into  existence.  He  said  nothing  about  this,  however,  at  the 
time  to  his  colleagues  from  Maine.  But  after  the  presidential  elec 
tion  he  received  a  letter  from  Major  French,  clerk  of  the  House, 
who  wrote  that,  judging  from  what  the  incoming  members  of  the 
next  House  were  saying,  Mr.  Hamlin  stood  as  good  a  chance  as  any 
body  to  succeed  to  the  speaker's  chair.  Mr.  Hamlin,  however,  made 
no  effort,  so  far  as  is  known,  to  become  speaker.  He  never  men 
tioned  the  affair  to  his  family.  All  he  did  that  is  a  matter  of 
record  was  to  lay  the  facts  in  a  letter  before  Robert  P.  Dunlap, 
who  had  been  governor  of  Maine,  and  was  then  in  the  House  and 
a  personal  friend.  In  this  letter  he  expressed  no  desire  for  the 
speaker's  chair,  but  asked  Mr.  Dunlap's  opinion.  Oldtime  politicians 
of  Maine  remembered  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  name  was  freely  used  in 


THE   ANNEXATION   OF  TEXAS  103 

connection  with  the  speakership,  which  appears  to  have  been  the 
beginning  and  the  end  of  the  affair.  His  name  was  not  presented. 
The  tone  of  his  letter  to  Governor  Dunlap  indicated  that  he  had 
doubts  whether  it  would  be  worth  while  to  make  a  contest.  He 
knew  that  the  slave  party  was  in  control,  and  would  probably  choose 
a  man  of  its  own.  This  was  the  case.  But  the  incident  was  a  com 
pliment  worth  noting. 

Congress  reconvened  in  another  month,  and  the  Democratic  mem 
bers  returned  to  Washington  rejoicing  over  the  brilliant  victory  their 
party  had  achieved.  But  when  the  Texas  affair  began  rapidly  to 
develop  its  real  aspect,  the  happiness  of  the  anti-slavery  Democrats 
changed  to  apprehension.  The  fact  was  the  North  had  only  dimly 
realized  the  danger  to  free  institutions  involved  in  the  admission  of 
Texas  into  the  Union.  The  North  had,  indeed,  good  reasons  for 
believing  that  a  part,  if  not  half,  of  Texas  would  be  free.  Up  to  this 
time  it  had  been  a  part  of  the  unwritten  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  to  preserve  the  balance  between  the  free  and  slave  States  of 
the  Union  by  admitting  new  States  in  pairs,  —  one  free,  the  other 
slave.  Texas  had  enough  land  for  five  States,  and  if  the  anti-slavery 
voters  of  the  North  had  grasped  the  purpose  of  the  slave  power  to 
seize  that  immense  territory  for  slavery,  Mr.  Polk  would  never  have 
been  elected  President.  In  the  presidential  campaign  there  were  de 
velopments  that  disturbed  far-seeing  men  ;  a  frenzy  seemed  to  pos 
sess  the  slave  party  in  several  Southern  States.  The  cry  of  "  Texas 
with  or  without  the  Union  "  was  often  heard.  Declarations  of  this 
kind  were  regarded  by  the  great  masses  of  loyal  people  in  all  parts 
of  the  country  as  utterances  of  superheated,  irresponsible  fire-eaters. 
This  belief  had  some  truth  for  its  foundation,  and  yet  the  excited 
condition  of  the  South  over  the  issue  of  annexation  was  the  result 
of  a  systematic  agitation  which  was  begun  in  order  to  create  a  demand 
in  the  South  for  the  admission  of  Texas  into  the  Union  as  a  slave 
State. 

When  Mr.  Calhoun  became  secretary  of  state  he  perceived  that 
the  plans  of  the  slave  power  could  not  succeed  without  the  aid  of 
Southern  Whigs.  Personally,  Mr.  Calhoun  was  a  pure  and  honor 
able  man,  but  his  failure  to  reach  the  presidency  had  embittered  him 
probably  more  than  he  realized.  He  believed  in  slavery  as  a  patri 
archal  institution  ;  he  defended  it  with  the  intensity  of  a  fanatic, 
and  saw  its  opponents  with  a  distorted  vision.  Just  prior  to  Mr. 
Calhoun' s  entrance  into  President  Tyler's  Cabinet,  some  Abolitionists 
conceived  a  plan  to  purchase  the  slaves  of  Texas  and  set  them  free. 
They  visited  London  in  the  hope  of  inducing  the  English  govern 
ment  to  help  them  raise  the  money  needed,  —  $10,000,000.  It  had 
been  England's  policy  to  encourage  emancipation,  since  she  had  freed 


104  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  last  of  her  slaves  ten  years  before  this  ;  but  in  this  instance  Great 
Britain  could  not  act  without  incurring  the  danger  of  bringing  on  a 
war  with  the  United  States  and  Texas  too.  Assistance  was  refused 
the  Abolitionists,  and  the  British  government,  through  Lord  Aber 
deen,  informed  Secretary  Upshur,  ten  days  before  the  latter's  tragic 
death,  that  while  it  was  England's  policy  t®  encourage  emancipation 
throughout  the  world,  it  would  neither  secretly  nor  openly  resort  to 
any  measure  that  would  tend  to  disturb  the  domestic  tranquillity  of 
the  slaveholding  States.  This  was  an  explicit  and  honorable  declara 
tion,  and  yet  Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  cooperators  saw  in  it  only  a  revela 
tion  of  a  Machiavelian  policy,  —  an  intention  on  England's  part  to 
thwart  the  annexation  of  Texas.  When  Mr.  Calhoun  became  secre 
tary  of  state  he  made  effective  use  of  the  Abolition  incident  to  elect 
Mr.  Polk  and  to  intensify  Southern  sentiment  in  favor  of  annexation, 
by  charging  England  with  hostility  to  the  slaveholding  policy  of  the 
country.  Thus  Mr.  Calhoun  stirred  Southern  hatred  of  the  aboli 
tionist,  and  national  dislike  for  the  English  government.  In  a  letter 
of  instructions  to  William  R.  King,  the  American  minister  to  France, 
Mr.  Calhoun  said  that  England  regarded  the  defeat  of  annexation 
"as  indispensable  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  Texas,"  that  "Eng 
land  was  too  sagacious  not  to  see  what  a  fatal  blow  abolition  in  Texas 
would  give  to  slavery  in  the  United  States,"  and  finally,  that  the 
effect  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  "  to  this  continent  would  be  calami 
tous  beyond  description." 

Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  faction  continued  to  harp  on  these  themes 
even  after  the  election  of  Mr.  Polk,  and  their  object  is  easy  to  under 
stand.  When  Congress  resumed  its  session,  and  the  purpose  of  the 
slave  power  to  grab  all  of  Texas  was  revealed,  there  were  signs  of  a 
defection  of  the  anti-slavery  Democrats  from  their  party.  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  and  his  associates  were  justly  indignant,  and  vehemently  in  private 
and  in  public  denounced  their  Southern  party  colleagues  for  their 
practical  breach  of  faith  and  abandonment  of  custom.  The  anger  of 
the  Northern  anti-slavery  men  in  Congress  was  after  all  only  an  episode 
in  the  eyes  of  the  crafty  slave  power.  The  next  thing  to  do  was  to 
win  over  the  men  needed,  and  to  do  that  the  Calhoun  party  kept 
Southern  excitement  up  to  the  fever  pitch  as  long  as  they  could,  in 
hopes  the  requisite  number  of  Southern  Whigs  would  yield  under  the 
pressure  of  public  sentiment,  and  deliver  Texas  over  to  slavery.  The 
final  step  Mr.  Calhoun  arranged  was  to  rush  Texas  into  the  Union  by 
forcing  through  Congress  joint  resolutions  framed  by  his  adroit  brain. 
Senator  Robert  J.  Walker,  of  Mississippi,  was  chosen  to  manage  the 
resolutions.  On  December  12,  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  of  Pennsylvania, 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  and  a  Northern 
man  with  Southern  principles,  introduced  the  resolutions  into  the 


THE   ANNEXATION   OF  TEXAS  105 

House,  and   the  battle  was   begun  that   closed  two  decades   after 
wards. 

The  measure  presented  by  Mr.  Ingersoll  only  "  cleared  the  deck  for 
action."  In  general  terms  it  provided  for  the  admission  of  Texas  into 
the  Union,  the  appointment  of  a  commission  to  investigate  questions 
that  needed  settlement,  and  other  details  which  do  not  require  reca 
pitulation.  But  not  one  word  was  said  about  slavery ;  no  intimation 
was  given. of  the  slave  power's  intention  to  make  five  States  out  of 
T^exas  in  order  that  they  could  send  ten  senators  and  at  least  twice 
as  many  representatives  to  Congress  in  the  interests  of  the  slave  oli 
garchy.  The  debate  that  opened  a  few  days  later  was  not  an  oratorical 
contest  of  note,  but  an  exposition  of  the  diametrically  opposite  views 
the  North  and  the  South  held  on  slavery,  and  another  proof  that 
there  could  no  longer  be  any  compromise  on  that  issue,  because  it  had 
become  a  political  factor  which  was  to  be  settled  only  in  the  last  court, 
—  the  field  of  war.  But  prophets  had  not  yet  arrived  who  were  to 
be  believed  in  their  day,  and  the  battle  over  Texas  was  regarded  as 
a  great  political  contest,  although  the  nation's  degradation  was  keenly 
felt  at  the  North,  and  fears  for  the  country's  future  aroused  over  the 
display  of  the  slave  party's  power  and  arrogance. 

In  another  respect  the  debate  was  interesting  and  important  as  an 
exposition  of  the  Southern  belief  in  slavery  as  a  useful  and  beneficent 
institution,  and  also  that  the  North  made  war  on  the  South  through 
tariffs,  laws,  and  bounties.  As  the  slave  party  controlled  the  situa 
tion  far  more  surely  than  its  opponents  knew,  the  leaders  did  not  favor 
the  making  of  speeches  that  would  tend  to  inflame  the  Northern  con 
gressmen  ;  but  they  could  not  hold  some  of  their  own  number  in 
check,  and  there  were  a  few  outbursts  of  more  than  ordinary  interest 
in  the  course  of  the  debate.  William  L.  Yancey,  of  Alabama,  was 
one  of  the  most  eloquent  and  extreme  representatives  in  the  House' 
of  the  selfish,  sectional  spirit  of  the  slave  party.  He  was  a  man  of 
great  ability,  though  of  a  vindictive  nature.  He  hated  the  anti-slavery 
men,  and  was  not  unwilling  to  stoop  to  the  tactics  of  the  demagogue 
to  "fire  the  Southern  heart"  against  them.  Mr.  Yancey  was  one  of 
the  first  to  lead  off  in  the  debate  on  Texas,  and  his  speech  is  one  of 
peculiar  interest,  because  he  made  a  base  attack  on  New  England,  to 
which  Mr.  Hamlin  replied,  and  an  onslaught  on  Thomas  L.  Clingman, 
a  Whig,  of  North  Carolina,  who  was  opposed  to  annexation,  which 
brought  on  a  duel.  WTith  extreme  Southern  men  like  Mr.  Yancey 
it  was  a  favorite  practice  to  slur  New  England  as  a  centre  of  dis 
union  on  account  of  the  Hartford  convention  and  the  ideas  of  the 
Abolitionists,  for  both  of  which  New  England  could  not  be  held 
responsible.  Two  brief  extracts  from  Yancey's  speech  will  suffice  to 
illustrate.  "Looking  at  New  England,"  said  he,  "I  see  her  plains 


106  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

made  fertile  and  her  villages  springing  up  by  the  bounties  wrung 
from  the  South."  "  Men  are  now  there,"  he  continued,  "  who,  forget 
ful  of  their  fathers,  are  seeking  to  weaken  the  bonds  of  the  Union, 
and  are  content  to  live  on  the  bounty  wrung  from  the  sweat  of 
Southern  brows."  But  of  more  importance  was  Mr.  Yancey's  decla 
ration,  bold  and  unqualified,  that  "the  slaveholding  States  were  losing 
their  relative  strength  in  the  representative  branch  of  the  govern 
ment,"  that  "  they  had  compromised  away  all  possibility  of  retaining 
an  equality  in  the  Senate  by  the  fatal  Missouri  Compromise,"  and 
finally,  that  "  the  highest  considerations  of  individual,  sectional,  and 
national  interests  urged  the  South  on  to  annexation." 

Several  other  speeches  were  made  following  the  lead  of  Mr.  Yan 
cey's  remarks,  although  not  so  severe  in  their  reflections  on  New 
England.  Isaac  E.  Holmes,  of  South  Carolina,  a  man  of  generous 
disposition  and  honorable  nature,  but  who  was  naturally  imbued 
with  the  Southern  idea  of  New  England,  claimed  that  that  section 
opposed  annexation  for  purely  commercial  reasons,  and  in  further 
allusion  to  the  anti-slavery  movement  said  that  a  tremendous  whirl 
wind  was  gathering  in  blackness  and  fury  to  drink  up  all  that  was 
estimable  in  Southern  institutions.  "Men,"  he  continued,  "have 
talked  of  dividing  this  country  in  two  parts,  from  one  of  which  slavery 
is  to  be  excluded.  A  Southerner  who  would  agree  to  this  —  a  South 
erner  who  would  manacle  and  fetter  the  energies  of  his  children  —  must 
be  either  a  knave  or  a  fool.  Admit  Texas  and  give  us  but  two  slave 
States,  what  will  our  condition  be  ?  With  our  exhausted  soil,  a  dense 
population  which  without  a  field  for  industry  and  enterprise  must 
grow  idle,  let  gentlemen  figure  the  consequences  for  themselves." 

It  is  not  necessary  to  pursue  this  line  of  Southern  argument  fur 
ther.  Anti-slavery  men  met  and  refuted  it  when  it  was  advance'.-. 
The  development  of  the  manufacturing  interests  of  the  South  subse 
quent  to  1865  completely  upset  this  theory.  But  at  this  time  something 
else  claimed  the  attention  of  the  anti-slavery  men  in  Congress,  and 
that  was  the  avowal  of  the  extreme  pro-slavery  leaders  that  they  would 
not  restrict  their  ambitions  for  extending  slavery  with  the  annexation 
of  Texas.  Another  thing  was  becoming  clearer,  and  that  was  the 
fact  that  the  slave  party  was  growing  more  confident  with  the  pro 
gress  of  the  debate  of  its  ability  to  force  the  joint  resolutions  through 
the  House.  There  were  reports  that  the  slave  leaders  had  been 
promising  the  patronage  of  the  incoming  administration  to  unscru 
pulous  and  dough-face  Northern  Democrats,  which  were  unhappily 
verified.  Realizing  the  tremendous  efforts  the  slave  party  was  mak 
ing  to  push  the  joint  resolutions  through  Congress,  and  that  the 
chances  of  success  were  favorable,  and  having  a  clear  idea  of  the  prac 
tical  difficulties  before  the  anti-slavery  men,  Mr.  Hamlin  resolved  to 


THE  ANNEXATION   OF  TEXAS  107 

present  a  dispassionate  view  of  the  annexation  issue  in  the  hope,  faint 
though  it  was,  that  the  South  might  yet  be  brought  to  see  that  a 
compromise  ought  to  be  effected  which  would  satisfy  the  North. 
On  January  23,  1845,  ne  made  a  speech  on  Texas  that  was  concilia 
tory  in  tone,  though  firm  in  its  denunciation  of  slavery.  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  then  thirty-four  years  old.  This  speech  was  inadequately  reported 
in  the  "Congressional  Record,"  the  eulogy  on  New -England  was 
even  omitted  entirely.  His  poetic  tribute  to  New  England  was  saved 
by  the  newspaper  correspondents,  who  sent  it  out  over  the  country. 
The  speech  was  in  part  as  follows  :  — 

"  We  have  a  country  stretching  from  the  frozen  regions  of  the  North  to 
the  tropical  climate  of  the  South.  We  have  a  seacoast  extending  from  the 
rocky  shores  of  New  England,  washed  by  the  Atlantic,  to  our  western  bound 
ary,  bathed  by  the  peaceful  waters  of  the  Pacific,  vast  in  extent,  and  embra 
cing  in  its  circuit  almost  every  climate  and  almost  every  industrial  pursuit 
known  to  the  world.  It  must  occur  to  every  thinking  mind  that  a  govern 
ment  stretching  its  powers  over  such  a  vast  domain  must  be  one  of  com 
promise.  On  compromise  our  Republican  form  of  government  was  based. 
Viewing  the  question  of  the  annexation  of  Texas  in  such  a  light,  let  us 
come  to  the  consideration  of  it  with  feelings  and  purposes  equal  to  its  im 
portance.  Gentlemen  who  have  preceded  me  in  this  debate  have  so  ably 
discussed  the  constitutional  question  involved  that  I  shall  not  enter  upon 
it.  I  shall  content  myself  with  simply  saying  on  this  point  .  .  .  that  I 
will  give  my  sanction  to  the  annexation  of  Texas  upon  conditions  and 
restrictions  which  will  make  it  what  I  claim  it  to  be,  a  national  question. 
Moreover,  I  am  for  immediate  annexation,  although  I  had  indulged  the 
hope  that  the  consummation  of  this  measure  would  have  been  left  to  the 
coming  administration,  which  will  have,  as  I  trust  and  believe  it  will,  the 
confidence  of  the  people.  The  present  administration  possesses  the  respect 
and  confidence  of  no  party  and  no  man.  .  .  . 

"  I  first  propose  to  show  that  this  question  has  not  been  presented  to  the 
House  in  a  national  aspect,  and  I  shall  then  proceed  to  show  in  what  man 
ner  it  ought  to  be  presented.  .  .  . 

"  I  regret  that  this  great  and  important  national  question  has  been 
dragged  down,  down,  down  from  its  proper  sphere  to  a  wretched,  con 
temptible,  and  groveling  position.  Let  us  trace  the  development  of  this 
question  from  its  first  appearance  in  this  hall  to  its  present  aspect.  I 
know  that  the  acquisition  of  Texas  has  been  the  desideratum  of  several 
administrations  for  national  purposes,  purposes  which  I  approve.  But 
what  is  the  origin  of  the  measure  of  the  annexation  of  a  foreign  power  to 
this  Union?  A  mere  rumor  reported  in  a  letter  .  .  .  that  the  British 
government  designed  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  republic  of  Texas.  .  .  .  This 
was  the  basis  on  which  the  authorities  of  Texas  were  invited  to  open  nego 
tiations  with  this  country.  Yes,  an  idle  rumor  had  force  enough  to  engage 
the  attention  of  our  government. 

"  This  is  an  attempt  to  strengthen  the  slave  power.     Let  us  examine  the 


io8  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

correspondence  of  the  Tyler  administration  on  this  subject,  which  shows 
that  the  object  of  annexing  Texas  is  to  uphold  and  extend  slavery,  and  the 
alleged  design  of  the  British  government  to  abolish  slavery  in  Texas  has 
been  brought  to  bear  upon  the  annexation  issue.  I  quote  from  Mr.  Cal- 
houn's  elaborate  argument  defending  slavery  and  urging  the  annexation  of 
Texas  as  a  means  of  maintaining  the  institution.  .  .  . 

"  What !  is  it  true  that  the  slave  institution  in  this  country  is  the  great 
upholder  of  the  power  in  this  Republic  ?  Is  it  the  means  of  spreading 
civilization  over  the  world  ?  ...  If  we  should  return  home  and  tell  our 
constituents  that  we  voted  for  annexation  on  such  principles  and  with  such 
a  name,  we  should  be  pronounced  recreant  to  our  duty,  traitors  to  our 
country.  I  deny  Mr.  Calhoun's  reasonings  and  conclusions.  If  the  gov 
ernment  should  extend  its  domain  for  such  as  he  sets  forth,  it  would  give 
national  power,  importance,  and  dignity  to  a  purely  local  affair. 

"  The  general  government  has  no  right  to  interfere  with  slavery.  But  if 
the  government  can  extend  the  institution  for  an  alleged  beneficial  purpose, 
it  can  restrict  it.  ...  This  is  an  attempt  to  make  a  national  question  of  a 
purely  state  issue,  and  those  who  are  endeavoring  to  give  it  a  national 
character  would  be  swift  indeed  to  prevent  Congress  from  taking  a  restric 
tive  action.  The  question  of  annexation  is  fully  and  clearly  national,  not 
one  where  the  government  should  act  for  a  cause  over  which  it.  has  no 
right  to  interfere.  ...  I  myself  am  in  favor  of  the  abstract  proposition  of 
annexation,  and  I  am  willing  to  leave  the  details  for  the  future  if  they 
could  be  fairly  settled.  .  .  .  That  the  people  decided  in  favor  of  annexa 
tion  in  the  last  election,  I  believe  ;  that  they  prescribed  and  settled  the 
details,  I  do  not  believe.  ...  In  my  State  we  took  the  ground  that 
recourse  must  be  had  to  compromise,  but  we  concluded  that  it  would  be 
the  means  of  admitting  more  free  States  than  slave  States.  I  refer  you 
also  to  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the  legislature  of  New  Hampshire  —  I 
also  refer  you  to  the  bill  introduced  into  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Hayward,  the 
senator  from  North  Carolina,  a  bill  which  speaks  much  for  his  heart,  but 
more  for  his  head. 

"  Of  slavery  I  do  not  intend  to  speak.  The  eloquent  Pinckney  spoke  for 
me  when  he  declared  that  slavery's  footsteps  were  marked  with  blight 
wherever  it  had  touched  the  earth ;  but  again  I  say,  I  am  willing  to  enter 
into  compromise,  because  I  believe  that  annexation  is  of  national  impor 
tance.  It  will  promote  Northern  commerce,  agriculture,  and  industrial 
pursuits  ;  it  will  also  benefit  the  South  in  giving  the  monopoly  of  the  cotton- 
growing  industry  for  the  supply  of  foreign  markets.  ...  I  am  desirous 
that  a  portion  of  this  territory  should  be  left  free  for  the  industry  of  North 
ern  people.  When  they  shall  have  established  themselves,  leveled  the  for 
ests,  cultivated  the  earth,  built  up  their  industries,  I  would  leave  it  to  them 
whether  they  would  admit  slavery.  There  would  be  no  fear  of  that. 

"  I  recall  the  jeers  and  taunts  that  have  been  thrown  out  in  the  progress 
of  this  debate,  and  when  I  heard  them,  my  heart  impelled  me  to  hurl  them 
back.  Reflection,  however,  has  softened  my  indignation.  It  does  not 
become  public  men  in  discussing  great  national  questions  to  descend  to 


THE  ANNEXATION   OF  TEXAS  109 

taunts  and  to  provoke  sectional  feelings  and  prejudices.  If  there  are  any 
here  who  can  find  consolation  in  this  kind  of  debate,  they  are  welcome  to 
it.  I  protest  against  the  reproaches  that  have  been  heaped  upon  the 
North.  If  the  North  has  acted  wickedly,  I  offer  for  her  no  apologies  — 
that  wickedness  was  not  the  crime  of  her  people;  it  belonged  to  her  politi 
cians  alone.  .  .  .  The  hardy  sons  of  the  ice-bound  regions  of  New  Eng 
land  have  poured  out  their  blood  without  stint  to  protect  the  shores  of  the 
South,  and  to  avenge  her  wrongs.  Their  bones  are  even  now  bleaching 
beneath  the  sun  on  many  a  Southern  hill ;  and  the  monuments  of  their 
brave  devotion  may  still  be  traced  wherever  their  country's  flag  has  floated 
on  the  battlefield  or  in  the  breeze,  upon  the  lakes,  the  ocean,  and  the  land. 

"  '  New  England's  dead  !     New  England's  dead  ! 

On  every  field  they  lie, 
On  every  field  of  strife  made  red 

With  bloody  victory. 
Their  bones  are  on  our  Northern  hills, 

And  on  the  Southern  plain; 
By  brooks  and  river,  mount  and  rills, 

And  in  the  sounding  main.' 

"  I  glory  in  New  England  and  New  England's  institutions.  There  she 
stands  with  her  free  schools  and  her  free  labor,  her  fearless  enterprise, 
her  indomitable  energy !  With  her  rocky  hills,  her  torrent  streams,  her 
green  valleys,  her  heavenward-pointed  spires,  there  she  stands  a  moral 
monument  around  which  the  gratitude  of  her  country  binds  the  wreath  of 
fame,  while  protected  freedom  shall  repose  forever  at  its  base. 

"While  I  thus  glory  in  New  England,  however,  I  meet  not  my  Southern 
brethren  with  any  brand  of  discord,  but  with  the  olive  branch  of  peace.  I 
meet  them  in  the  spirit  of  harmony  ;  still,  I  desire  above  other  considera 
tions  to  meet  them  on  even  ground,  —  a  ground  alike  respectful  to  the 
North  and  the  South,  — and  I  invoke  them  to  perform  this  great  national 
act,  —  the  annexation  of  Texas  —  that  Southern  and  Northern  hearts  may 
rejoice  to  behold  the  stars  and  stripes  floating  together  over  the  rich  and 
fertile  Texan  plains.  I  ask,  will  not  the  gentlemen  of  the  South  meet  us 
here  ?  Will  they  not  rescue  this  measure  alike  from  danger  and  reproach 
and  put  it  in  a  form  which  will  gratify  us  all  ?  I  entreat  them  to  look 
at  the  question  in  all  the  lights  of  cool  reflection  before  they  finally  reject 
the  compromise  which,  while  it  secures  them  an  inestimable  benefit,  does 
equal  justice  to  all  sections  and  all  interests  of  the  Union." 

The  resolutions  to  annex  Texas  were  now  to  be  read  for  the  last 
time  before  a  vote  was  taken,  when  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  whose  presi 
dential  ambition  had  not  then  eaten  away  his  sagacity,  offered  an  amend 
ment  providing  that  the  States  to  be  formed  out  of  Texas  be  admitted 
to  the  Union  with  or  without  slavery  as  their  people  should  desire. 
This  was  rejected  by  a  majority  of  only  eleven  votes.  Mr.  Hamlin 
promptly  presented  another  amendment  providing  that  the  terms  on 
which  the  new  States  should  be  admitted  to  the  Union  should  be  de- 


no  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

termined  by  Congress  at  the  time  of  admission  and  in  accordance  with 
the  Constitution.  But  this  was  rej  ected,  and  so  were  other  amendments 
presented  or  framed  to  secure  some  recognition  of  the  anti-slavery  sen 
timent  of  the  North.  The  result  of  all  these  efforts  was  to  secure  the 
adoption  of  an  amendment  offered  by  Stephen  A.  Douglas  providing 
that  there  should  be  no  slavery  in  any  territory  of  the  States  to  be 
formed  out  of  Texas  that  laid  north  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line. 
This  was  practically  a  reaffirmation  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
The  only  honorable  course  left  for  all  members  of  the  House  who 
favored  annexation,  but  who  were  opposed  to  it  as  a  means  of  extend 
ing  slavery,  was  to  vote  against  the  joint  resolutions.  The  resolutions 
were  passed  by  a  vote  of  120  to  98.  An  analysis  of  the  vote  shows 
that  nearly  thirty  Northern  Democrats  braved  the  slave  power  on  this 
occasion  and  that  some  eight  Southern  Whigs  yielded  to  it.  A  few 
changes  of  votes  would  obviously  have  defeated  the  joint  resolutions 
and  thus  compelled  the  framing  of  a  fairer  measure.  Among  the 
Democrats  who  put  their  country  before  their  party  in  this  struggle 
were :  Preston  King,  George  Rathbun,  J.  E.  Cary,  Joseph  H.  Ander 
son,  Charles  S.  Benton,  Amasa  Dana,  Richard  D.  Davis,  Byram  Green, 
Horace  Wheaton,  Orville  Robinson,  David  L.  Seymour,  Lemuel  B. 
Stetson,  and  S.  M.  Purdy,  all  of  New  York ;  Edward  S.  Hamlin  and 
Jacob  Brinkerhoff,  of  Ohio;  John  P.  Hale  and  John  R.  Reding,  of 
New  Hampshire;  George  S.  Catlin  and  John  Stewart,  of  Connecticut ; 
Joshua  Herrick,  Robert  P.  Dunlap,  and  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine; 
Henry  Williams,  of  Massachusetts  ;  Paul  Dillingham,  Jr.,  of  Vermont, 
and  James  B.  Hunt  and  Robert  McClelland,  of  Michigan.  Prominent 
among  the  Whigs  who  were  actuated  by  high  moral  reasons  rather 
than  political  were  John  Quincy  Adams,  Daniel  Putnam  King,  Joshua 
R.  Giddings,  Robert  C.  Schenck,  Samuel  F.  Vinton,  Washington 
Hunt,  Hamilton  Fish,  Caleb  B.  Smith,  Freeman  H.  Morse  and  Luther 
Severance,  of  Maine,  Solomon  Foot,  and  Jacob  Collamer.  The  old 
proverb,  "  Politics  makes  strange  bedfellows,"  is  illustrated  in  finding 
Thomas  L.  Clingman  in  company  with  these  Whigs,  —  a  man  whose 
principles  and  friendship  for  Clay  held  him  against  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  but  whose  attachment  to  his  State  led  him  to  favor  disunion  in 
1860.  In  this  portentous  division  on  the  slave  issue,  it  is  significant 
to  find  Alexander  H.  Stephens  as  the  leader  of  the  small  handful  of 
Whigs  who  deserted  their  party  to  serve  the  interests  of  the  slave 
power.  John  B.  Ashe,  Milton  Brown,  James  H.  Payton  and  William 
T.  Senter,  of  Tennessee,  A.  H.  Chappell,  of  Georgia,  and  James 
Dellet,  of  Alabama,  were  the  other  Whigs  who  followed  the  lead  of 
the  coming  Vice-President  of  the  Confederacy  in  this  issue.  They 
worked  hand  in  hand  with  Democrats  who  became  conspicuous  dis- 
unionists,  —  Howell  Cobb,  Jacob  Thompson,  John  Slidell,  William  L. 


THE  ANNEXATION   OF   TEXAS  in 

Yancey,  Thomas  L.  Seymour,  and  R.  Barnwell  Rhett.  The  strength 
of  the  slave  party  is  better  appreciated  when  the  fact  is  recorded 
that  others  who  supported  this  measure  were  John  W.  Davis,  of  In 
diana,  who  was  speaker  of  the  next  House ;  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  of 
Pennsylvania,  an  influential  member  of  Northern  birth  and  Southern 
principles  ;  Aaron  V.  Brown,  Mr.  Folk's  law  partner  and  postmaster- 
general  under  Buchanan ;  Cave  Johnson,  who  held  the  same  office 
under  Polk ;  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  whose  presidential  aspirations  split 
the  Democratic  party  in  1860,  and  Andrew  Johnson,  who  was  then  a 
consistent  defender  of  slavery. 

The  last  chapter  in  the  story  of  the  joint  resolutions  of  annexation 
is  of  personal  interest.  In  the  Senate  there  was  a  small  group  of 
Democrats  who  opposed  the  House  resolutions  for  fear  that  the  an 
nexation  of  Texas,  accomplished  by  their  adoption,  would  bring  on 
a  war  with  Mexico.  Thomas  H.  Benton  was  the  leader  of  these  men, 
and  he  succeeded  in  inducing  the  Senate  to  pass  an  amendment  to  the 
House  bill  providing  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  by  negotiation  with 
Mexico.  President-elect  Polk,  who  was  now  in  Washington  in  confer 
ence  with  President  Tyler  in  regard  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  gave 
his  assurance  to  several  senators,  that  if  Colonel  Benton's  amendment 
was  passed  by  Congress,  he  would  act  within  its  lines  and  appoint  a 
commission,  composed  of  men  of  the  highest  character,  to  acquire 
Texas  on  terms  honorable  to  the  United  States  and  satisfactory  to 
Mexico.  The  Senate  then  rejected  the  House  joint  resolutions  and 
passed  Colonel  Benton's  amendment.  This  measure  was  next  intro 
duced  into  the  House,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  and  all  the  anti-slavery  Demo 
crats  except  three  or  four,  trusting  in  Mr.  Folk's  assurances,  voted  for 
the  Senate  amendment,  which  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  more  than 
fifty.  The  parliamentary  phase  of  these  proceedings  confused  some 
good  Free-Soilers  of  Maine,  and  they  thought  that  men  who  supported 
the  Senate  amendment  had  withdrawn  their  opposition  to  the  Texas 
grab  scheme.  There  were  also  others  who  misunderstood  the  votes 
of  anti-slavery  members  of  the  House  in  this  latter  incident.  The 
following  extract  from  a  private  letter  which  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  to 
a  friend  in  Maine  makes  his  position  clear :  — 

"  The  resolutions  were  offered  in  the  House  for  annexing  Texas. 
They  passed  the  House  and  went  to  the  Senate.  I  voted  against  those 
resolutions  in  the  House.  They  passed  the  Senate  with  an  amend 
ment  prepared  by  Colonel  Benton.  The  amendment  left  the  manner 
and  terms  to  be  fixed  by  negotiation.  By  that  course  (I  mean  Colonel 
Benton's)  we  believed,  if  annexation  took  place,  we  could  prevent  a 
war  and  secure  at  least  half  of  the  territory  as  free.  Well,  the  amend 
ment  of  Colonel  Benton's  was  carried  in  the  Senate,  and  the  resolu 
tions  so  passed  the  Senate.  The  amendment  only  was  sent  to  the 


ii2  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

House,  and  I  voted  for  it,  as  making  the  resolutions  better.  Bear  in 
mind  that  the  original  resolutions  were  never  sent  back  to  the  House. 
Nothing  but  the  amendment  came  back  there.  That  is  the  way  of 
proceedings  here.  It  is  different  in  our  state  legislature.  Hence,  I 
did  not  vote  for  the  original  resolutions  at  any  time." 

But  the  country  was  to  be  deprived  of  the  fruits  of  the  patriotism 
and  wisdom  of  the  honorable  members  of  Congress.  Zealous  to  snatch 
the  credit  of  annexing  Texas  for  his  administration,  President  Tyler's 
last  important  official  act  was  to  sign  the  Texas  bill,  and  send  a  mes 
senger  off  to  Texas  post  haste  with  the  legislative  clause  without  the 
Senate's  peace-bearing  amendment,  to  announce  to  the  impatient  re 
public  that  it  had  been  incorporated  into  the  Union.  It  was  the  most 
perfidious  act  of  a  perfidious  administration.  Mr.  Tyler  usurped  the 
rights  of  the  incoming  President,  who  in  a  few  days  was  to  take  the 
oath  of  office.  Senator  Benton  vehemently  denounced  this  conduct 
of  Tyler  and  Calhoun,  and  asserted  that  at  least  five  Senators  would 
have  voted  against  the  resolutions,  had  they  known  Mr.  Tyler  con 
templated  this  act.  Their  votes  would  have  blocked  the  annexation 
scheme  of  the  slave  power  at  that  juncture,  and  possibly  averted  what 
John  Tyler  was  justly  responsible  for, — the  precipitation  of  a  cruel 
and  unjust  war  with  Mexico.  In  the  words  of  Senator  Benton :  "  The 
flight  of  the  winged  messenger  from  this  capital  on  the  Sunday  night 
before  the  3d  of  March,  dispatched  by  the  then  Secretary  of  State,  in 
the  expiring  moment  of  his  power,  and  bearing  his  fatal  choice  to  the 
capital  of  Texas,  was  the  direct  cause  of  the  war  with  Mexico.  It 
broke  up  all  the  plans  of  peaceable  men,  slammed  the  door  upon  nego 
tiations,  put  an  end  to  all  chance  for  accommodations,  broke  up  the 
camp  on  the  Sabine,  sent  the  troops  to  Mexico,  and  lit  up  the  war." 

The  danger  of  misunderstandings  that  every  honest  public  man 
must  meet  was  exemplified  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  experience  in  the  Texas 
issue.  His  speech  so  incensed  the  slavery  members  of  the  House 
that  they  seriously  considered  the  advisability  of  passing  a  vote  of 
censure.  At  the  same  time  there  were  anti-slavery  Whigs  in  Maine 
who,  not  understanding  the  purport  of  the  Benton  amendment,  failed 
to  understand  Mr.  Hamlin's  votes.  Some  historians,  moreover,  have 
failed  to  grasp  the  significance  of  the  Benton  amendment.  Anti-sla 
very  Democrats  like  Mr.  Hamlin  opposed  the  joint  resolutions  for  fear 
that  Texas  would  be  annexed  as  a  slave  State,  and  also  for  fear  that 
these  resolutions  would  precipitate  a  war  with  Mexico.  The  adoption 
of  the  resolutions  of  annexation  created  a  dangerous  situation.  The 
duty  was  devolved  on  the  anti-slavery  men  of  modifying  the  situation. 
They  tried  to  do  this  by  voting  for  the  Benton  amendment,  which 
sought  to  accomplish  annexation  by  negotiation,  now  that  annexation 
had  been  decreed  by  an  arbitrary  slave  power. 


CHAPTER   XI 

MR.    HAMLIN    ON    DUELING 

NATIONAL  feeling  against  the  practice  of  dueling  had  been  greatly 
intensified  by  the  death  of  Jonathan  Cilley  in  a  meeting  with  William 
J.  Graves,  of  Kentucky,  on  February  24,  1838,  to  which  brief  allusion 
has  already  been  made.  This  was  one  of  the  least  justifiable  "  affairs 
of  honor  "  —  if  the  word  justifiable  may  be  used  —  which  ever  occurred 
in  this  country.  Mr.  Cilley  was  a  man  of  great  courage  and  spirit. 
On  entering  Congress  he  encountered  the  fire-eating  element,  and 
when  he  heard  their  braggadocio  and  sneers  at  Yankees,  he  unfortu 
nately  allowed  his  temper  to  show  itself.  He  returned  Southern 
sneers  at  Northern  men,  and  asserted  that  he  would  fight  if  chal 
lenged.  From  the  day  Mr.  Cilley  gave  way  to  his  anger  he  was  a 
marked  man.  In  a  short  time  he  made  a  speech  in  which  he  criti 
cised  an  article  that  appeared  in  a  newspaper,  edited  and  published 
by  General  James  Watson  Webb,  in  the  city  of  New  York.  General 
Webb  was  a  duelist ;  he  had  fought  the  year  before  with  Thomas  F. 
Marshall,  of  Kentucky.  Thinking  that  Mr.  Cilley 's  remarks  were 
intended  as  a  reflection  on  him,  General  Webb  sent  Mr.  Cilley  a  chal 
lenge  through  Mr.  Graves.  Mr.  Cilley,  however,  disclaimed  any  in 
tention  of  reflecting  on  General  Webb,  and  declined  to  meet  him. 
There  the  affair  should  have  ended,  but  it  did  not ;  it  was  even  cur 
rently  reported  that  Graves  consulted  Henry  Clay,  Henry  A.  Wise, 
and  other  Southern  duelists,  who  urged  him  to  challenge  Mr.  Cilley. 
Mr.  Hamlin,  who  knew  much  about  the  affair,  openly  charged  Clay 
with  being  morally  responsible  for  Jonathan  Cilley's  death.  Graves 
made  Webb's  alleged  grievances  a  personal  affair,  and  Cilley,  finding 
his  courage  questioned,  and  although  unfamiliar  with  firearms,  and 
near-sighted,  designated  hair-trigger  rifles  as  the  weapons. 

The  duel  took  place  at  Bladensburg,  Md.  Henry  A.  Wise  was 
second  for  Graves,  and  George  W.  Jones,  then  a  representative  from 
Wisconsin,  and  afterwards  a  senator  from  Iowa,  acted  for  Mr.  Cilley. 
One  shot  was  exchanged  without  effect,  and  then,  according  to  the 
"code"  as  practiced  by  Southern  experts,  the  affair  should,  have 
stopped.  Mr.  Jones  took  that  ground,  but  Cilley's  murder  was  in 
tended.  Wise  asserted  that  Graves's  honor  was  not  yet  vindicated. 
A  second  shot  was  fired  also  without  effect,  and  once  more  Mr.  Jones 


n4  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

insisted  that  honor  was  satisfied  and  that  the  duel  should  end.  Not 
so  with  Wise ;  he  demanded  that  the  unequal  contest  should  go  on. 
A  third  shot  was  fired,  and  Cilley  fell,  mortally  wounded.  This  foul 
murder  created  a  tremendous  feeling  against  dueling  at  the  North 
and  in  some  parts  of  the  South.  Graves  and  Wise  fell  under  the  ban 
of  public  censure;  the  former  was  peremptorily  retired  from  Con 
gress  by  his  constituents,  and  died  from  remorse.  It  was  the  fate  of 
Wise  to  receive  one  of  the  most  awful  excoriations  ever  heaped  in 
public  on  the  head  of  a  wrong-doer.  A  few  years  afterwards,  when 
Thomas  F.  Marshall,  of  Kentucky,  Wise,  and  their  fellow  conspirators 
had  John  Quincy  Adams  at  bay,  and  were  trying  to  prevent  him  from 
exercising  the  rights  of  a  freeman  in  presenting  a  petition  to  the 
House,  the  grand  old  Puritan  roused  himself  like  a  lion.  Pointing 
his  trembling  finger  at  Wise,  he  uttered  these  words  in  his  shrill  voice 
with  all  the  power  he  could  command  :  "  Four  years  ago  there  came 
into  this  House  a  man  with  his  han'ds  and  face  dripping  with  the 
blood  of  murder,  and  the  blotches  of  which  are  yet  hanging  upon 
him."  Before  leaving  the  incident  it  should  be  added  that  Mr. 
Adams's  denunciation  of  Wise  caused  him  to  be  feared  more  than 
ever  by  the  fire-eaters  of  the  House,  and  yet  respected  by  the  best  of 
Southern  representatives.  When  another  attempt  was  set  on  foot 
to  expel  Joshua  R.  Giddings  for  his  anti-slavery  sentiments,  Tom 
Marshall  was  asked  to  lead.  Marshall  had  some  splendid  qualities. 
"No,"  said  he,  with  a  look  of  disgust ;  "  when  I  had  the  old  lion,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  at  bay,  and  he  turned  on  me,  you  people  deserted  me. 
Now,  damn  you,  skin  your  own  skunks." 

The  duel  between  Yancey  and  General  Clingman  was  fought  right 
after  Yancey's  speech.  It  was  one  of  those  curious  meetings  which 
were  termed  complimentary  affairs,  —  that  is  to  say,  the  participants 
would  fire  one  shot  without  intending  to  hit  each  other,  after  which 
their  seconds  would  go  through  the  farce  of  declaring  honor  satisfied. 
Emotion  having  been  relieved,  reconciliation  followed,  and  the  great 
men  basked  in  the  sunshine  of  each  other's  praise  of  his  courage 
and  willingness  to  vindicate  his  honor.  But  there  was  some  mystery 
about  the  duel  between  Yancey  and  General  Clingman,  and  garbled 
reports  were  soon  flying  around  Washington.  Probably  to  clear  the 
matter  up,  the  "  National  Intelligencer,"  a  Washington  newspaper, 
was  authorized  to  state  that  a  duel  had  taken  place,  and  that  after  one 
shot  had  been  fired  friends  intervened,  and  a  reconciliation  effected. 
This  duel  revived  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  mind  the  circumstances  of  Mr. 
Cilley 'e  death,  and  he  saw  that  a  fitting  opportunity  had  come  for  him 
to  try  to  induce  the  House  to  adopt  more  stringent  measures  against 
dueling.  Mr.  Hamlin  never  lacked  the  moral  courage  to  do  what  he 
believed  to  be  his  duty.  One  of  his  first  declarations  of  principle 


MR.    HAMLIN   ON   DUELING  115 

was  this  :  "  I  believe  that  nothing  is  ended  until  it  is  ended  rightly." 
With  this  feeling  he  approached  the  Yancey-Clingman  duel.  For 
General  Clingman,  Mr.  Hamlin  always  entertained  a  high  personal 
regard ;  for  Yancey  he  had  no  regard  whatever  ;  but  the  duel  was  in 
his  mind  a  moral  wrong,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  pursue  the  course 
his  conscience  dictated,  no  matter  what  personal  danger  he  might 
encounter. 

Mr.  Hamlin  took  action  in  the  midst  of  the  Texas  debate  when 
attacks  on  slavery  had  inflamed  the  extreme  Southern  members  to  a 
high  degree  against  their  Northern  colleagues.  The  morning  the 
"Intelligencer"  published  the  news  of  the  duel,  January  16,  1845, 
Mr.  Hamlin  prepared  a  resolution,  and  asked  Preston  King  to  offer 
it.  The  reading  of  the  resolution  fell  on  the  apologists  of  dueling 
like  a  clap  of  thunder  from  a  clear  sky.  It  called  for  the  appointment 
of  a  committee  to  investigate  the  story  in  the  "  Intelligencer,"  with 
power  to  recommend  the  expulsion  of  Yancey  and  Clingman  should 
it  prove  to  be  true.  Now  to  reveal  their  real  sentiments  on  the  sub 
ject  of  dueling  would  place  the  upholders  of  the  "code"  under  the 
ban  of  public  opinion ;  but  if  they  should  permit  the  passage  of  the 
resolutions  they  would  accomplish  the  expulsion  of  two  of  their  num 
ber  :  and  Southern  members  who  opposed  dueling,  and  voted  for  the 
resolutions,  would  expose  themselves  to  the  danger  of  angering  their 
colleagues,  neighbors,  and  constituents.  A  serious  dilemma  was  pre 
sented,  but  a  way  out  of  it  was  quickly  perceived ;  in  fact,  the  first 
incidents  of  the  debate  proved  that  the  leaders  of  the  "  code  party  " 
proposed  to  defeat  the  passage  of  the  resolutions  on  a  convenient  pre 
text.  Hence,  the  first  thing  to  do  was  to  find  the  pretext.  After 
Mr.  King  had  read  the  resolutions,  William  W.  Payne,  an  excitable 
member  from  Alabama,  sprung  to  his  feet  and  objected  to  their  re 
ception.  But  that  looked  too  much  like  intolerance,  and  the  crafty 
Slidell  tried  to  table  them  in  the  usual  way.  The  House,  however, 
believed  that  the  resolutions  should  receive  at  least  a  semblance  of 
fair  play,  and  refused  to  accept  Mr.  Slidell's  motion.  An  interesting 
debate  then  opened  which  shows  how  disingenuous  fire-eaters  could 
be  even  when  professing  high-sounding  ideas  of  honor  and  chivalry. 

Kenneth  Rayner,  of  North  Carolina,  made  one  of  the  chief  argu 
ments  against  Mr.  Hamlin's  measure.  He  was  thoroughly  impreg 
nated  with  the  purely  Southern  view  of  slavery  and  dueling ;  but  he 
grew,  and  when  the  crisis  came  in  1861,  the  true  Rayner  revealed 
himself  a  man  of  great  courage,  high  sense  of  duty,  and  pure  patriot 
ism.  He  attacked  the  anti-dueling  resolutions  largely  for  sentimental 
reasons,  and  although  professing  himself  an  opponent  of  dueling, 
yet  took  the  apparently  inconsistent  ground  that  dueling  was  not 
an  act  of  immorality  which  rendered  a  member  an  unfit  associate 


n6  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

for  the  other  members  of  the  House.  His  view  of  this  duel  and  the 
resolutions  was  that  there  might  be  extenuating  circumstances,  and 
in  expelling  those  who  took  part  in  it  the  House  might  inflict  a  griev 
ous  wrong.  "  But,"  Mr.  Rayner  unhappily  added,  "  I  know  how 
fruitless  it  is  to  appeal  to  the  sensibilities  and  justice  of  the  men  who 
sit  here  with  the  halter  of  fanaticism  about  their  heads.  I,  however, 
appeal  to  no  feelings  of  humanity,  but  to  the  everlasting  principles  of 
justice."  l 

The  attitude  of  the  typical  fire-eater  towards  the  resolutions  was 
well  illustrated  in  a  speech  by  William  W.  Payne,  the  man  who 
objected  to  the  reception  of  the  resolutions.  His  speech  was  long, 
rambling,  coarse,  and  humorous  in  its  inconsistency  and  nai'vete".  He 
asserted,  for  example,  that  the  resolutions  would  accomplish  nothing 
but  a  useless  waste  of  time,  and  himself  made  the  longest  speech  of 
the  occasion.  He  declared  that  legislation  on  dueling  could  not  check 
the  evil,  and  then  proposed  a  law.  He  betrayed  a  ludicrous  ignorance 
of  the  rules  of  the  House,  by  claiming  that  it  had  no  right  to  act  in  the 
case  brought  before  it,  and  insisted  that  there  was  no  evidence  before 
the  House  that  a  duel  had  been  fought,  ignoring  the  fact  that  the 
resolutions  were  introduced  primarily  to  find  out  whether  there  had 
been  a  meeting  between  two  of  its  members.  The  character  of  Mr. 
Payne's  speech  may  be  better  judged  from  the  following  verbatim 
passages  :  "  I  have  had  a  good  deal  of  experience  in  the  world  for  my 
age,"  said  he,  "and  I  tell  you  that  every  law  passed  for  the  suppres 
sion  of  dueling  has  only  augmented  the  evil.  If  you  really  desire  to 
apply  the  axe  to  the  evil,  you  should  pass  a  law  disqualifying  every 
one  who  fights  a  duel,  if  the  distance  at  which  he  fights  exceeds  six 
feet.  Pass  such  a  law,"  Mr.  Payne  went  on  triumphantly,  "and  as 
sume  it  to  be  dishonorable  to  fight  at  a  greater  distance,  I  can  assure 
the  House  that  there  would  be  none,  or  very  few  duels  —  there  would 
be  none  but  which  involved  a  man's  reputation  if  he  did  not  vindicate 
his  honor."  Dropping  the  role  of  the  prophet,  Mr.  Payne  proceeded 
to  his  peroration,  and  wound  up  in  a  blaze  of  pyrotechnic  wrath. 
"  What  are  we  asked  to  do  ? "  he  demanded.  "  Why,  suppose  we 
should  carry  out  the  investigation  and  expel  a  member  of  this  House 
for  dueling,  do  you  suppose  that  there  is  a  single  district  in  this 
Union  which  would  not  send  back  such  an  expelled  member  by  an 
overwhelming  majority.  If  I  were  one  of  the  gentlemen  rumor  said 
were  engaged  in  a  duel,  and  if  the  House  should  expel  me,  I  would 
scorn  and  spit  upon  your  act,  and  come  back  with  increased  majority." 
As  a  final  word,  Mr.  Payne  expressed  the  hope  that  the  resolution 
would  not  pass. 

The  most  sarcastic  effort  came  from  Isaac  E.  Morse,  of  Louisiana, 
1  Congressional  Globe,  January  16,  1845,  pp.  144,  145. 


MR.   HAMLIN   ON   DUELING  117 

whose  masterpiece  was  the  following  resolution,  which  he  offered  as 
an  amendment  to  the  original  measure  :  — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  said  committee  be  authorized  to  inquire  whether 
any  of  the  members  of  this  House  have  violated  any  of  the  laws  of  the 
decalogue,  or  of  the  Ten  Commandments,  within  the  District  of  Columbia, 
or  any  of  the  States  ;  and  that  they  be  authorized  to  send  for  persons  and 
papers  ;  and  if  they  shall  find  any  of  the  members  here  guilty  of  a  violation 
of  any  of  these  laws  or  Commandments,  or  having  left  this  District  with  an 
intention  of  so  violating  them,  that  they  be  required  to  bring  in  a  resolution 
to  expel  all  such  members." 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  arose  to  participate  in  the  debate,  there  was 
great  curiosity  to  hear  what  he  would  say,  because  he  was  known  to 
be  the  sponsor  of  the  resolutions,  and  also  because  he  had  proved 
himself  to  be  one  of  the  very  best  shots  in  Congress.  A  short  time 
after  Mr.  Hamlin  came  to  Washington,  he  accepted  an  invitation  to 
join  a  party  of  congressmen  in  target  shooting,  which  was  a  favorite 
pastime  of  the  day.  Long  experience  in  hunting  and  target  shooting 
at  the  musters  in  Maine  had  made  Mr.  Hamlin  a  crack  marksman 
with  the  rifle.  On  this  occasion  he  made  the  best  record  by  hitting 
the  bull's-eye  three  times  in  succession,  at  a  distance  of  one  hundred 
yards.  This  gave  Mr.  Hamlin  a  reputation  as  a  great  shot,  which 
secured  him  against  the  danger  of  encountering  the  fate  that  befell 
his  friend,  Jonathan  Cilley.  There  were  several  interruptions  from 
members  when  Mr.  Hamlin  began  his  remarks,  in  answer  to  his  argu 
ments,  but  after  he  reached  his  proper  theme  the  House  paid  him 
the  unusual  compliment  of  maintaining  a  perfect  silence  until  he  had 
completed  his  speech. 

"  Gentlemen  have  asked,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin,  "what  is  the  object  of  this 
resolution.  Its  object  and  design  are  manifest,  and  I  hope  that  it  will  re 
ceive  the  favorable  action  of  this  body.  ...  I  am  in  favor  of  the  proposi 
tion.  The  gentleman  from  North  Carolina  (Mr.  Rayner)  asks  by  what 
authority  we  undertake  to  interfere  in  this  affair,  the  duel.  I  answer  upon 
the  authority  of  the  highest  and  most  sacred  law  of  the  land  —  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  nation.  .  .  .  The  gentleman  also  asks  by  what  authority  we 
propose  to  proceed.  Again  I  tell  him  that  we  plant  ourselves  on  the  Con 
stitution  as  the  platform  and  basis  of  our  action.  The  Constitution  says, 
*  Each  house  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  punish  its  mem 
bers  for  disorderly  behavior,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  two  thirds,  expel 
a  member.'  .  .  .  The  common  law  incident  to  the  power  we  exercise  under 
this  clause  of  the  Constitution  overrides  all  mere  rules.  Are  we  to  be  told 
that  should  a  member  rise  in  his  place  and  commit  a  cool,  deliberate  mur 
der  of  an  associate,  we  have  no  law  to  meet  the  exigency  ? " 

Mr.  Payne :  "  That  would  be  a  violation  of  the  privileges  of  the 
House." 

Mr.  Hamlin  :  "  Yes  ;  that  would  be  a  violation  of  the  privileges  of  the 


n8  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

House,  and  more  too.  The  decalogue  mentioned  in  the  amendment  of 
the  gentleman  from  Louisiana  tells  us  that  idolatry  may  be  committed  in 
the  heart  as  plainly  as  in  the  overt  act.  Now,  if  I  understand  the  provi 
sions  of  the  Constitution,  we  have  the  clear  and  undoubted  right  to  exer 
cise  whatever  powers  might  be  in  accordance  with  the  rights  of  individual 
members,  and  which  should  comport  with  that  breach  of  privilege  which 
had  been  committed. 

"  Again,  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina  remarked  that  before  any 
member  should  be  expelled  from  this  House,  he  should  be  found  guilty  of 
some  immoral  act.  Let  me  tell  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina,  that 
there  are  men  ...  in  this  Union  who  solemnly  believe  that  when  any  man 
deliberately  attempts  to  take  the  life  of  another  there  is  immorality  in 
his  act." 

Mr.  Rayner:  "I  am  as  much  opposed  to  dueling  as  the  gentleman  from 
Maine  ;  but  I  said  that  dueling  was  not  an  act  of  immorality  which  would 
constitute  a  member  an  unfit  associate  for  his  brother  representatives  on 
this  floor." 

Mr.  Hamlin  :  "  I  accept  the  gentleman's  explanation.  I  had  not  heard 
the  latter  part  of  his  remarks  ;  but  now  that  I  understand  him,  I  confess  that 
it  would  take  a  nicer  casuist  than  I  to  make  a  distinction  between  the  lan 
guage  I  attributed  to  the  gentleman  and  the  language  which  he  now  avows. 
I  asked  if  there  was  no  immorality  in  the  act  of  dueling,  and  the  gentle 
man  himself  admits  the  fact.  I  then  asked  if  it  was  not  an  act  of  immo 
rality  which  justified,  nay,  demanded  the  expulsion  of  any  member  who 
should  deliberately  commit  it ;  but  the  gentleman,  while  admitting  that 
dueling  was  immoral,  remarked  again  that  it  was  not  of  that  degree  of 
turpitude  that  would  justify  the  expulsion  of  a  member  who  should  have 
been  engaged  in  it.  I  hardly  know  what  is  the  gentleman's  notion  of  a 
moral  course  of  conduct.  He  speaks  of  men  here  who,  he  says,  stimulated 
by  fanatics  at  home,  might  ask  an  investigation  into  this  alleged  duel.  To 
whom  does  the  gentleman  refer  ?  .  .  .  I  stand  up  for  the  North,  and  I  say 
that  this  charge  cannot  be  laid  at  our  door. 

"But,  gentlemen,  I  speak  with  feeling  on  this  subject.  I  remember, 
alas,  too  well  when  a  favored  son  of  the  State  I  have  the  honor  to  repre 
sent,  in  part,  was  sent  to  his  *  long  and  narrow  home ; '  I  remember  that  a 
wife  and  an  infant  child  that  had  never  gazed  on  its  living  father's  face 
were  left  to  mourn  sadly  over  the  fate  of  the  man  who  should  have  been 
a  husband  and  a  father  to  them  through  weal  and  woe.  I  remember  the 
excitement  that  pervaded  my  State,  and  I  recall  we  were  told  that  a  man 
could  not  stand  up  here  under  the  fire  of  reproaches  unless  he  defied  the 
laws  of  God  and  man  and  poured  out  the  blood  of  humanity.  It  is  the 
time,  it  is  the  hour,  it  is  the  day,  for  this  republic  to  speak  out  against  this 
inhuman  practice  in  tones  that  shall  thunder  across  its  vast  domain.  It 
is  time  to  set  here  an  example  of  moral  courage  and  rectitude.  .  .  .  Let 
us  act  as  becomes  us  ;  let  us  act  as  it  becomes  the  great  institutions  be 
queathed  us.  Let  us  find  out  if  there  are  moral  influences  here,  and  show 
that  we  are  not  representatives  of  fanatics."  * 

1  Congressional  Globe,  January  16,  1845,  P-  H^. 


MR.   HAMLIN  ON   DUELING  119 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  a  House  of  Representatives  under 
Southern  influence  would  expel  two  Southern  representatives  for 
engaging  in  a  practice  sanctioned  by  Southern  sentiment.  Political 
considerations  also  influenced  Northern  members  who  were  closely 
allied  with  their  colleagues  on  the  slavery  issue.  Obviously,  it  was 
impossible  for  this  House  to  take  an  heroic  course,  whatever  it  pre 
tended  its  sentiments  were.  The  wonder  is  that  the  resolutions 
obtained  as  large  a  vote  as  they  did.  The  record  was  102  against  86. 
The  individual  record  is  not  given  in  the  official  report  of  the  debate, 
which  is  inadequate  in  all  respects,  often  leaving  the  reader  in  doubt 
as  to  the  meaning  of  the  speakers.  Mr.  Hamlin  won  a  moral  victory 
in  obtaining  so  large  a  vote  for  his  resolutions ;  but  it  was  useless  for 
him  to  continue  agitation  on  the  subject,  and  with  the  announcement 
of  the  vote  the  Yancey-Clingman  duel  was  dropped.  But  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  speech,  although  not  intended  as  an  oratorical  effort,  but  as  a 
manly  protest  against  a  barbarous  practice,  attracted  a  great  deal  of 
attention  at  the  time  throughout  the  country,  and  was  one  of  the 
many  things  that  established  him  firmly  in  the  esteem  of  people 
who  value  public  men  for  their  strength  of  character,  purity  of  prin 
ciples,  and  genuine  humanity,  rather  than  for  brilliancy  of  intellect 
and  accomplishments  of  partisan  leadership.  Among  Mr.  Hamlin's 
associates  who  held  the  same  views  he  did  of  moral  questions,  this 
arraignment  of  dueling  strengthened  him,  and  he  was  accepted  as  a 
coming  leader  of  great  measures. 

Before  dismissing  this  episode  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  life,  it  is  interesting 
to  recall  the  fact  that  when  legislation  failed  to  suppress  dueling 
among  congressmen,  ridicule  became  an  effective  weapon  against  it 
and  supplemented  the  moral  argument.  This  was  the  natural  course 
of  events,  for  ridicule  follows  denunciation  as  a  factor  in  a  movement 
against  an  evil.  About  this  time  an  incident  occurred  that  was  one 
of  several  which  turned  the  laugh  of  the  nation  on  "knights  of 
chivalry,"  whose  ideas  of  honor  and  courage  were  as  absurd  as  their 
practices  were  unfair  and  dangerous.  Joshua  R.  Giddings  was  chal 
lenged  to  fight  a  duel,  and  in  accepting  named  raw  cowhides  as  the 
weapons,  and  as  conditions  stipulated  that  he  and  his  challenger 
should  tie  their  left  thumbs  together  and  lash  each  other  until  one 
should  die  under  the  whip.  Now,  considering  the  fact  that  Mr.  Gid 
dings  was  not  a  practiced  shot,  while  his  challenger  was  an  experi 
enced  marksman,  Giddings' s  proposition  was  on  the  whole  the  fairer. 
For  a  duelist  to  ask  a  man  unaccustomed  to  the  use  of  a  rifle  or 
pistol  to  fight  him  was  tantamount  to  asking  him  to  stand  up  and  be 
shot  in  order  that  the  former  might  satisfy  his  ideas  of  honor  and 
vindicate  his  courage.  Giddings  had  the  advantage  of  weight  and 
height,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  he  would  have  had  the  greater 


120  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

advantage  in  the  end  in  a  duel  with  cowhides,  because  his  challenger 
was  a  slaveholder. 

More  incidents  happened  that  placed  Southern  duelists  in  the  posi 
tion  of  would-be  tragedians  in  burlesque.  One  affair  of  this  sort 
nearly  extinguished  Roger  A.  Pryor  in  a  gale  of  laughter  which  swept 
over  the  North.  He  "  called  out  "  John  Fox  Potter,  a  native  of  Maine 
and  a  representative  from  Wisconsin.  Potter  accepted  the  challenge, 
and  with  pretended  savageness  chose  bowie  knives  as  the  weapons. 
This  was  the  reductio  ad  absurdum  of  the  code ;  but  affairs  had  not 
progressed  to  that  stage  in  1845  when  Mr.  Hamlin  attacked  dueling, 
and  his  speech  remains  a  part  of  the  suasive  movement  to  kill  the 
barbaric  custom. 


CHAPTER   XII 

THE   PARTITION    OF    OREGON 

THERE  was  a  strange  crossing  of  political  interests  and  a  singular 
reversal  of  fortunes  when  James  K.  Polk  became  President  of  the 
United  States  on  March  4,  1845.  Martin  Van  Buren  made  Mr.  Polk 
speaker  of  the  House  in  1835,  and  John  C.  Calhoun,  the  bitter  per 
sonal  enemy  of  Jackson  and  Van  Buren,  made  him  President.  Yet, 
Mr.  Polk  was  also  a  protege  of  Old  Hickory ;  and  as  Clay  was  his 
opponent,  Jackson  roused  himself  in  his  last  days  to  secure  a  final 
triumph  over  his  rival.  Jackson's  friendship  for  Polk  made  him  a 
"Young  Hickory"  in  the  eyes  of  his  party,  and  the  feeling  for  him 
that  this  created  was  no  doubt  a  factor  in  electing  him  President. 
Mr.  Polk's  good  fortune  did  not  stop  with  the  success  of  his  campaign, 
for  coming  to  the  presidency  in  a  period  of  great  activity  and  develop 
ment,  he  is  remembered  now  as  the  Executive  of  one  of  the  most 
important  administrations  in  the  history  of  the  government.  Mr. 
Polk  was  a  pleasant  man  to  meet ;  he  was  exceedingly  courteous,  of  a 
rather  grave  demeanor  and  striking  appearance,  with  his  silver  hair 
falling  to  his  shoulders.  One  of  the  most  industrious  of  presidents, 
Mr.  Polk  was  nevertheless  always  accessible  to  members  of  Congress, 
and  very  patient.  His  private  character  was  irreproachable,  and  his 
well-known  piety  won  him  the  confidence  of  the  conservative  people 
of  the  country.  He  was  not  a  great  man ;  but  while  he  was  thoroughly 
subservient  to  the  slave  power,  he  was  sincere  in  believing  that  slavery 
was  a  blessing,  and  honestly  deprecated  agitation  of  the  subject.  He 
was  much  the  superior  of  Pierce  or  Buchanan,  although  he  marred 
his  administration  by  his  complicity  in  the  conspiracy  to  bring  on  the 
Mexican  war. 

The  Twenty-ninth  Congress  was  a  more  intellectual  body  than  its 
predecessor.  In  the  Senate  the  Whigs  were  strengthened  by  the 
return  of  Webster  in  full  possession  of  his  great  powers ;  of  John  M. 
Clayton,  an  able  and  upright  statesman  of  Delaware ;  of  John  Davis, 
one  of  the  purest  men  Massachusetts  ever  sent  to  the  Senate ;  and 
by  the  acquisition  of  Thomas  Corwin,  of  Ohio,  the  most  brilliant  plat 
form  orator  of  his  time ;  Reverdy  Johnson,  the  distinguished  jurist  of 
Maryland.  The  Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  were  reinforced  by 
the  return  of  John  C.  Calhoun  in  the  zenith  of  his  power  and  fame  ; 


122  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

by  the  appearance  of  General  Lewis  Cass,  who  was  to  be  the  Demo 
cratic  candidate  for  President  four  years  later ;  by  Simon  Cameron, 
the  shrewdest  political  manager  of  his  day ;  and  of  Daniel  S.  Dick 
inson,  an  able  pro-slavery  man  of  New  York,  and  John  A.  Dix. 

The  anti-slavery  group  in  the  House  was  increased  by  the  appear 
ance  of  several  Northern  men  who  achieve^  distinction,  or  made  cred 
itable  records.  One  was  David  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  whose  name 
is  perpetuated  in  the  famous  anti-slavery  proviso.  He  was  of  splen 
did  physique,  had  sound  common  sense,  coolness,  and  persistence, 
He  quickly  associated  himself  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  Judge  Brinkerhoff, 
Preston  King,  and  their  friends,  and  was  a  popular  member  of  their 
circle.  A  prominent  figure  was  Edward  D.  Baker,  of  Illinois,  "  The 
eloquent  Baker,"  as  he  was  affectionately  called  by  his  admirers.  He 
was,  indeed,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  champions  of  freedom  the  North 
produced  in  ante-bellum  days,  and  fell  at  the  head  of  his  troops  at 
Ball's  Bluff.  It  is  an  interesting  circumstance  that  Baker  had  obtained 
his  nomination  for  Congress  in  a  contest  with  Abraham  Lincoln.  A 
cool,  well-balanced,  and  popular  anti-slavery  man  who  took  his  seat 
in  this  House  was  George  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  who  presided 
over  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1860.  A  newcomer 
from  Vermont,  who  attained  international  distinction  as  a  linguist, 
writer,  and  diplomat,  was  George  P.  Marsh.  Another  Vermont  man 
of  honorable  record  was  Paul  Dillingham,  Jr.,  who  served  the  Green 
Mountain  State  as  its  war  governor,  with  credit  to  his  State  and  him 
self.  The  new  representatives  from  Maine  were  Cullen  Sawtelle,  J. 
F.  Scammon,  and  Hezekiah  Williams,  friends  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  espe 
cially  Mr.  Sawtelle,  who  was  long  active  among  Mr.  Hamlin's  most 
trusted  associates  in  his  political  career.  Of  historic  interest  was  the 
entrance  in  this  House  of  Allen  G.  Thurman,  "  The  Old  Roman  of 
Ohio,"  with  whom  Mr.  Hamlin  formed  a  lifelong  friendship,  and  with 
whom  he  retired  from  public  life  thirty-five  years  later. 

The  picturesque  group  of  coming  Confederate  leaders,  which  was 
partially  formed  in  the  preceding  House,  was  completed  by  the  ap 
pearance  of  Jefferson  Davis,  Robert  Toombs,  and  James  A.  Seddon. 
The  future  president  of  the  Confederacy  was  tall,  of  commanding 
appearance,  and  of  the  manner  of  one  born  to  lead.  Able,  forceful, 
scholarly,  and  courteous,  Davis  soon  made  himself  felt,  and  was  rec 
ognized  as  a  coming  aspirant  for  the  robes  of  John  C.  Calhoun.  In 
marked  contrast  to  Mr.  Davis  was  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  the  future 
vice-president  of  the  Confederacy,  small,  emaciated,  sprung  from  the 
people,  self-educated,  but  able,  resourceful,  and  adroit.  "  Bob " 
Toombs  embodied  the  arrogant,  truculent,  and  aggressive  spirit  of 
extreme  Southern  sentiment.  His  black  hair  stood  up  all  over  his 
head,  and  his  eyes  flashed  when  he  was  stirred.  He  was  very  effec- 


THE  PARTITION   OF   OREGON  123 

tive  in  debate,  and  a  daring  leader  ;  yet  his  best  qualities  are  forgot 
ten,  and  although  he  denied  the  story,  Toombs  goes  down  in  history 
as  the  man  who  made  the  foolish  boast  that  he  would  call  the  roll  of 
his  slaves  at  the  foot  of  Bunker  Hill  Monument.  Mr.  Hamlin  affirmed 
the  truth  of  the  incident,  but  said  that  Toombs  did  not  use  the  exact 
words  attributed  to  him.  Howell  Cobb,  who  was  forging  to  the  front 
as  a  candidate  for  speaker  in  the  next  House,  was,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  personification  of  the  bonhommie,  generosity,  and  true  courage  of 
the  South.  There  were  few  men  who  could  not  like  Howell  Cobb ; 
of  all  Southern  men  Mr.  Hamlin  knew  in  the  House,  he  liked  Howell 
Cobb  best.  Henry  W.  Hilliard,  a  new  member  from  Alabama,  who 
achieved  some  distinction  under  the  Confederacy,  and  afterwards 
served  the  national  government  with  credit  as  its  minister  to  Brazil, 
was  another  Southern  leader  with  whom  Mr.  Hamlin  entertained 
pleasant  relations. 

The  House  was  organized  by  the  election  of  John  W.  Davis,  of  In 
diana,  as  speaker.  Mr.  Hamlin's  status  among  his  party  associates 
may  be  judged  by  the  fact  that  he  was  appointed  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Elections  and  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Rules. 
After  the  House  had  perfected  its  organization,  it  plunged  into  the 
Oregon  question,  which  would  admit  of  no  further  delay.  This  marked 
the  beginning  of  an  open  conflict  between  the  champions  of  freedom 
and  slavery,  and  American  and  British  diplomacy,  which  now  reads  like 
a  romance.  If  inheritance,  discovery,  exploration,  and  survey  consti 
tute  a  better  claim  to  territory,  rather  than  pretension  based  on  false 
evidence  and  occupation  under  permission,  then  all  of  the  land  on  the 
Pacific  slope  which  was  then  called  Oregon  belonged  to  this  nation. 
This  embraced  what  is  now  included  in  the  States  of  Oregon  and  Wash 
ington,  and  British  Columbia,  and  Great  Britain  claimed  it  all  except 
the  lower  part  of  the  present  State  of  Oregon,  without  the  shadow  of 
a  legal  title  to  it.  The  energy  and  patriotism  of  the  Northern  Demo 
cracy  saved  Washington  and  half  of  Oregon  to  this  country  ;  the  slave 
power  betrayed  the  territory  that  is  now  British  Columbia  into  the 
hands  of  the  English  government,  and  would  have  fastened  its  "  pecul 
iar  institution  "  on  Oregon  had  it  not  been  defeated  by  the  same  men 
who  rescued  this  territory  from  the  other  danger.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  on 
Oregon's  side  in  her  long  struggle  for  her  rights  and  liberty,  and  thus 
the  story  can  be  repeated  because  it  has  a  personal  interest  in  these 
pages. 

The  history  of  England's  pretensions  to  Oregon  brings  out  more 
clearly  the  duplicity  of  the  slave  power,  because  it  indirectly  and 
secretly  supported  claims  that  were  at  best  but  a  tissue  of  ingenious 
versions  of  the  exploits  of  English  adventurers  and  explorers,  and 
thus  morally  proves  that  the  slave  power  opposed  the  reoccupation  of 


124  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Oregon,  because  it  was  unwilling  to  risk  a  controversy  with  Great 
Britain  which  might  prevent  it  from  engaging  the  United  States  in  a 
land-grabbing  war  with  Mexico.  Here  are  the  facts.1  Oregon  was 
discovered  and  occupied  by  the  Spanish.  In  consequence  of  a  col 
lision  at  Nootka  Sound  between  Spanish  and  English  sailors,  Spain 
allowed  Great  Britain  the  rights  of  trade  hi  Oregon,  but  yielded  no 
rights  of  sovereignty  in  the  territory.  Charles  James  Fox,  in  a  satiri 
cal  speech  in  Parliament,  demonstrated  the  substantial  worth  of  the 
Nootka  treaty  when  he  asked  what  had  England  actually  gained  from 
the  convention  that  she  did  not  possess  before.  In  1819  the  United 
States  came  into  amicable  possession  of  the  Spanish  lands  in  this 
country  and  also  their  titles.  The  year  before,  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  had  agreed  on  the  forty-ninth  parallel  as  their  boundary 
line  from  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  Rocky  Mountains.  As  Spak 
then  claimed  some  sovereignty  in  Oregon,  our  government  and  Eng 
land  agreed  to  leave  the  Oregon  boundary  line  unfixed,  and  to  occupy 
the  territory  jointly  for  ten  years.  The  reservation  was  that  the  joint 
occupancy  should  not  enter  into  the  final  settlement  of  the  boundary 
line,  and  that  it  should  be  terminated  only  when  one  of  the  contract 
ing  parties  gave  twelve  months'  notice. 

For  this  reason  the  question  did  not  come  up  again  until  1827-28. 
Now,  for  many  years  Great  Britain  had  been  carrying  out  her  well- 
known  land-seizing  policy  in  Oregon,  through  the  instrumentality  of 
the  Hudson  Bay  Fur  Company.  This  company  had  pushed  its  way 
down  through  Oregon  to  the  Columbia  River,  erecting  forts  and  set 
tlements  which  bore  the  British  flag.  When  the  boundary  question 
arose  in  1827-28,  Great  Britain,  feeling  secure  in  her  position,  since 
there  were  few  American  citizens  in  Oregon,  and  the  attention  of  our 
government  was  given  to  more  serious  matters  than  the  adjustment 
of  a  boundary  line  on  an  extreme  western  frontier,  claimed  territory 
in  Oregon  as  far  south  as  the  Columbia  River.  The  utter  worth- 
lessness  of  Great  Britain's  pretensions  are  easily  recognized.  One 
claim  was  based  on  the  assertion  that  Vancouver  discovered  the 
Columbia  River.  The  fact  was,  Vancouver  himself,  in  an  honorable 
statement,  gave  the  credit  of  the  discovery  to  Captain  John  Gray,  of 
Boston,  the  first  man  to  carry  the  American  flag  around  the  world. 
Another  equally  false  pretension  was  that  McKenzie  had  explored 
Oregon.  The  fact  was,  he  did  not  cross  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
whereas  Lewis  and  Clarke  surveyed  Oregon  under  the  direction  of 
President  Jefferson.  A  more  preposterous  claim  to  British  sov 
ereignty  was  that  the  Nootka  convention  gave  the  British  govern- 

1  The  chief  authorities  consulted  are  the  speeches  by  John  Quincy  Adams  and 
others  in  the  House  and  the  History  of  Oregon  and  California  by  Robert  Green- 
how  (1845). 


THE  PARTITION  OF  OREGON  125 

ment  full  right  to  Oregon.  The  fact  was,  a  war  occurred  between 
England  and  Spain  in  1796,  shortly  after  the  adoption  of  the  Nootka 
convention,  which  circumstance,  according  to  English  precedents, 
destroyed  the  treaty.  A  final  incident  may  be  cited  to  show  how 
weak  England's  title  to  what  is  now  the  State  of  Washington,  and 
more  than  half  of  Oregon,  was  in  her  own  eyes.  In  1827  the  life 
of  the  nation  was  still  east  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  and  the 
government,  not  appreciating  the  value  of  Oregon,  offered  to  com 
promise  with  Great  Britain  on  the  forty-ninth  parallel ;  but  the  Brit 
ish  government,  realizing  the  value  of  delay,  refused  to  accept  this 
offer,  in  hope  that  it  might  ultimately  acquire  all  the  land  north  of 
the  Columbia  River.  Yet,  twenty  years  later,  Great  Britain  yielded 
these  claims,  and  accepted  the  forty-ninth  parallel  as  the  boundary 
line. 

In  1835  tne  tide  of  emigration  rolled  into  Oregon,  and  American 
citizens  found  themselves  living  in  an  American  country  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  a  foreign  power.  They  began  to  petition  Congress  to 
fix  a  boundary  line,  and  extend  United  States  laws  over  them.  The 
Democratic  party  responded  to  their  petitions,  and  on  this  issue  won 
the  sympathies  of  the  North.  With  the  return  of  the  Twenty-eighth 
Congress  to  Washington,  after  the  triumphant  election  of  Mr.  Polk, 
the  Northern  leaders  of  the  Democracy  prepared  to  redeem  the 
Democracy's  pledges  to  Oregon,  and  planned  to  pass  a  resolution 
giving  Great  Britain  the  twelve  months'  notice  to  terminate  the  treaty 
of  joint  occupation  of  Oregon.  Mr.  Hamlin  made  an  incisive  speech, 
urging  Congress  to  take  immediate  action,  and  there  was  an  interest 
ing  debate  that,  however,  is  now  important  only  as  a  prelude  to  a 
great  contest  which  followed  in  the  next  Congress.  No  one  can 
doubt  the  sincerity  of  the  leaders  of  the  Northern  Democracy  in 
insisting  that  their  party  should  fulfill  its  pledges.  Their  anger, 
chagrin,  and  dismay  may  easily  be  imagined,  therefore,  when  they 
detected  signs  that  the  Southern  leaders  of  the  Democracy  intended 
to  betray  the  party  if  they  could.  The  fact  transpired  that  the  day 
the  Democratic  National  Convention  affirmed  that  our  claim  to  all  of 
Oregon  up  to  54°  40'  was  clear  and  unquestionable,  Mr.  Calhoun,  as 
secretary  of  state,  was  secretly  negotiating  with  Great  Britain  to 
compromise  on  the  forty-ninth  parallel.  Taking  their  cue  from  Cal 
houn,  the  leaders  of  the  slave  power  began  to  change  base  on  the 
Oregon  question.  The  resolutions  to  give  Great  Britain  the  treaty 
notice  was  not  passed,  and  the  Twenty-eighth  Congress  expired  under 
these  conditions. 

This  breach  of  faith  aroused  great  indignation  among  the  Northern 
Democrats,  and  the  war  feeling  against  Great  Britain  which  arose 
grew  out  of  their  anger  over  their  betrayal ;  and  was  an  intimation  to 


126  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  slave  power  that  the  Northern  Democrats  were  fiercely  in  earnest 
over  the  Oregon  question.  The  Twenty-ninth  Congress  convened 
under  these  circumstances,  with  a  considerable  war  party  in  it  led  by 
General  Cass.  President  Polk  opened  the  question  in  his  annual 
message,  in  which  he  reaffirmed  our  rights  to  Oregon  in  plain  but 
dignified,  courageous  terms.  The  next  crucial  move  was  made  by 
General  Cass,  who  introduced  in  the  Senate  a  resolution  instructing 
the  military  and  naval  committees  to  investigate  their  departments 
and  ascertain  their  condition.  This  was  a  significant  expression  of 
the  war  feeling  of  the  hour.  The  debate  that  followed  breathed  war, 
and  the  Democratic  press  teemed  with  declarations  of  hostility  to 
Great  Britain.  The  natural  consequence  was  that  there  was  an  out 
burst  of  ill-feeling  in  England.  Lord  Palmerston,  the  leader  of  the 
opposition,  characterized  the  President's  message  as  bluster,  and  Sir 
Robert  Peel  and  other  leaders  in  Parliament  avowed  Great  Britain's 
determination  to  maintain  her  claims  in  Oregon.  Thus  a  war  scare 
arose,  and  the  leaders  of  the  slave  party  were  quick  to  take  advantage 
of  the  opportunity  to  array  the  conservative  element  of  the  country 
against  a  controversy  with  England,  by  emphasizing  the  horrors  of 
war,  although  they  had  deliberately  pursued  a  course  towards  Mexico 
that  was  destined  to  plunge  the  country  into  war  with  that  nation. 
The  Whigs  embodied  the  conservative  spirit  of  the  country,  and  thus 
the  slave  party  had  respectable  and  powerful  allies.  But  there  was  a 
large  and  strong  party  in  Congress  led  by  no  less  a  man  than  John 
Quincy  Adams,  who  favored  giving  the  treaty  notice  to  Great  Britain, 
and  did  not  believe  that  England  would  go  to  war  over  the  Oregon 
question.  Mr.  Hamlin  stood  with  Mr.  Adams. 

Mr.  Adams's  position  is  the  best  authority  the  history  of  the  times 
affords  of  the  legality  of  our  title  to  all  of  Oregon.  Both  as  secretary 
of  state  and  President,  he  had  dealt  with  the  Oregon  boundary-line 
question,  and  urged  our  title  up  to  54°  40'.  He  was  the  best  repre 
sentative  of  his  day  of  the  educated  conscience  of  the  nation.  He 
knew  we  were  right  in  the  Oregon  controversy ;  his  vast  experience 
in  diplomacy  taught  him  the  value  of  British  bluster.  Nominally  a 
Whig,  Mr.  Adams  broke  away  from  his  party  on  this  occasion,  and  in 
a  unique  speech  proved  that  the  American  title  to  54°  40'  was  "  clear 
and  unquestionable."  Mr.  Adams's  position  is  strengthened  by  the 
fact  that  it  cost  him  an  election  to  the  United  States  Senate.  The 
incident  is,  therefore,  another  measure  of  his  devotion  to  principle 
and  truth.  His  speech  was  most  embarrassing  to  the  slave  party ; 
but,  having  made  up  their  minds  to  retreat  from  the  declaration  of  the 
Baltimore  convention,  the  leaders  continued  their  tactics  of  opposi 
tion.  A  speech  by  R.  Barnwell  Rhett,  of  South  Carolina,  illustrated 
these  tactics.  Rhett  was  an  adept  in  raising  hair-splitting  questions. 


THE  PARTITION   OF  OREGON  127 

His  speech  was  an  ingenious  tissue  of  quibbles,  evasions,  and  insinu 
ations.  Evidently  it  was  Rhett's  purpose  to  embroil  the  Northern 
and  Southern  wings  of  the  Democracy  in  a  controversy  in  the  hopes 
of  weakening  the  former.  But  by  an  unlucky  chance  he  indirectly 
insinuated  that  John  Quincy  Adams  served  only  the  interests  of 
New  England  by  charging  him  with  opposing  the  war  of  1812,  and 
voting  against  the  granting  of  supplies  to  our  troops.  The  old  Puri 
tan  completely  exposed  Rhett's  malice,  and  floored  him  at  one  blow, 
by  simply  stating  the  fact  that  he  was  out  of  the  country  at  the  time 
as  the  United  States  minister  to  Russia. 

When  the  debate  was  resumed,  Rhett  regained  his  courage,  and 
renewed  the  charge  against  Mr.  Adams.  But  the  old  lion  was  ready 
this  time  for  the  whole  slave  party.  Mr.  Adams  was  always  at  his 
best  in  debate  when  his  temper  was  at  white  heat.  Then  he  forged 
thunderbolts.1  Rhett's  attack  induced  Mr.  Adams  to  explain  his 
position  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  as  he  reached  the  climax,  he  declared 
impressively  that  he  did  not  believe  there  would  be  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  even  if  our  government  should 
send  troops  to  Oregon  the  day  after  the  treaty  notice  was  served  on 
England.  He  followed  up  this  assertion  with  a  vehement  and  posi 
tive  charge  that  he  apprehended  other  circumstances  would  prevent  a 
war,  "  the  ultimate  backing  out  of  the  present  administration  and  its 
supporters  from  the  ground  they  have  taken."  This  was  the  first 
time  the  slave  party  in  the  House  had  been  squarely  told  to  its  face 
what  its  opponents  suspected  of  its  purposes  in  the  Oregon  matter, 
and  pandemonium  reigned  for  a  few  moments. 

Speeches  that  were  made  by  other  members  of  the  slave  party  were 
more  adroit  than  Rhett's,  though  aimed  at  the  same  object,  and  fol 
lowing  the  same  lines,  emphasizing  the  horrors  of  an  armed  conflict, 
as  if  one  was  certain  to  be  provoked  should  the  United  States  reoc- 
cupy  Oregon.  Yancey,  of  Alabama,  spoke  eloquently  on  the  subject  of 
war,  and,  in  denying  that  the  nation's  honor  demanded  that  it  should 
insist  on  its  rights  in  Oregon,  alluded  to  honor  as  that  "  blood-stained 
god  at  whose  red  altar  sit  war  and  homicide,"  regardless  of  the  fact 
that  he  himself  had  recently  worshiped  at  that  altar  in  an  affair  of 
honor.  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  made  a  speech  in  opposition  to  giving  the 
treaty  notice  to  England,  basing  his  reasons  on  his  alleged  belief  that 
the  United  States  did  not  hold  title  to  the  limit  the  government 
claimed,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  all  the  best  authorities  in  the  coun 
try  supported  the  claim,  whether  or  not  they  were  prepared  to  enforce 
it.  Toombs  followed  up  this  line  of  argument  with  a  crafty  and  plau 
sible  indorsement  of  a  suggestion  of  Henry  W.  Milliard,  of  Alabama, 
which  had  the  merit  of  sincerity,  that  power  be  delegated  to  the 
1  Mr.  Hamlin's  description. 


128  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

President  to  settle  the  controversy  with  England  by  negotiation,  a 
plan  that  would  obviously  suit  the  slave  party's  desire  for  delay. 
These  tactics  moved  Mr.  Hamlin  to  speak  out  his  mind,  and  obtain 
ing  the  floor  after  Toombs,  he  made  a  speech  that  was  a  calm  survey 
of  the  situation  in  the  House  and  the  country  and  a  patriotic  appeal 
to  the  House  to  perform  its  duty.  As  an  oratorical  effort  it  was  the 
best  of  Mr.  Hamlin' s  early  service  in  Congress,  and  discloses  ideas 
of  form  and  symmetry  which  are  absent  from  the  practical  and  plain 
style  of  address  he  finally  chose  in  speaking  before  the  people.  Mr. 
Hamlin  began  his  remarks  by  making  a  respectful  recognition  of  John 
Quincy  Adams's  speech,  and  by  corroborating  the  veteran's  charge 
that  the  war-cry  was  raised  to  defeat  the  treaty  notice  resolutions. 
Mr.  Hamlin  said  :  — 

"  I  come  to  the  consideration  of  the  question  before  us,  I  trust,  with  a 
full  understanding  of  its  momentous  importance,  and  of  the  magnitude  of 
the  interests  that  are  committed  to  our  hands  to  be  affected  for  weal  or 
for  woe  by  the  right  or  wrong  decision  we  make.  The  eyes  of  twenty  mil 
lions  of  people  are  watching  our  action  here,  and  the  hearts  of  twenty 
millions  of  freemen  are  beating  with  anxiety  as  to  the  action  we  shall  finally 
take.  It  has  been  well  said  by  the  venerable  gentleman  from  Massachu 
setts  (John  Quincy  Adams)  that,  for  the  years  that  are  to  come,  there  would 
not  be  a  question  submitted  to  the  American  Congress  equal  in  its  impor 
tance,  equal  in  its  moment. 

"  But  proceeding  directly  to  the  subject,  I  design  to  refer,  and  in  a  few 
remarks  to  reply,  to  ...  gentlemen  who  have  preceded  me  in  this  debate. 
.  .  .  .  'War,'  'war,' has  been  shouted  within  these  walls  and  echoed  over 
our  vast  country  to  react  on  this  body.  ...  I  care  not  whether  these 
shouts  of  war  were  manufactured  here  or  elsewhere  ;  I  shall  not  be  diverted 
from  my  path  of  duty  by  that  stale  and  senseless  cry.  I  have  heard  it 
before,  and  upon  this  subject  a  year  ago  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol. 
When  it  was  there,  it  was  the  same  master  spirit  that  raised  this  cry  of 
'  war,'  '  war,'  to  defeat  this  measure.  Why  is  it  gentlemen  assume  this 
position,  a  position  which  the  facts  do  not  justify  ?  Rome  had  her  Punic 
war ;  it  is  reserved  for  us  to  have  our  panic  war. 

"Let  us  examine  the  position  of  the  question  before  us.  In  1818  a 
certain  convention  was  entered  into  between  the  respective  governments 
of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  relative  to  the  territory  upon  our 
northwest  coast  known  as  the  Oregon  Territory.  That  treaty  was  by  its 
own  limitations  to  remain  in  force  but  ten  years.  In  1827  it  was  renewed 
by  a  treaty  which  was  to  be  terminated  whenever  either  of  the  two  high  con 
tracting  parties  should  give  twelve  months'  notice  of  its  desire  to  termi 
nate  it. 

"  And  now,  forsooth,  because  we  come  here  in  the  way  marked  out  by 
the  treaty,  to  exercise  the  power  thus  especially  provided  for  in  the  treaty, 
we  are  to  be  met  as  the  war  party.  I  repel  the  imputation,  and  I  hurl  it 
back  again.  It  is  that  very  cry  in  and  of  itself  that  tends  more  to  produce 


THE  PARTITION  OF  OREGON  129 

a  war  than  any  other  course.  Which  course  can  be  taken  here  ?  We  on 
this  side  of  the  House  are  the  peace  party.  Timid  counsels  tend  to  war ; 
*  fear  admitted  to  our  councils  betrays  like  treason.' 

"I  cannot  sympathize,  then,  with  gentlemen  who  use  this  argument, 
although  they  may  use  it  honestly ;  nor  will  I  permit  it  to  divert  this  discus 
sion,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  from  its  true  and  legitimate  track ;  we  ask 
nothing  on  this  side  of  the  House  but  the  exercise  of  our  constitutional 
rights ;  rights  that  are  pointed  out  and  defined  by  this  very  treaty  under 
which  we  are  acting.  And  is  it  true  that  the  exercise  of  these  rights,  as 
we  propose  it,  is  any  cause  of  war,  —  No,  sir.  *  Old  men  see  visions,  and 
young  men  dream  dreams,'  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Hunter) 
tells  us,  and,  my  word  for  it,  it  was  but  the  dream  of  the  gentleman's  wak 
ing  hours  when  he  made  the  anti-war  speech,  —  or  calculated  to  be  a  war 
measure  ?  While  with  gentlemen  in  all  parts  of  the  House  I  most  cheerfully 
concur  that  peace  is  to  be  desired  above  everything  else  save  the  preserva 
tion  of  our  national  rights  and  our  national  honor,  I  do  not  hold  war  to  be 
an  evil  from  which  we  should  shrink,  when  the  preservation  of  our  national 
rights  and  our  national  honor  demand  it.  ... 

"There  is  another  remark  to  which  I  must  allude.  Too  often  within 
these  walls,  in  the  discussion  of  various  measures,  I  have  heard  taunts  and 
reproaches,  either  directly  or  by  implication,  cast  upon  various  sections  of 
this  Union ;  and  when  they  have  been  directed  to  that  section  where  it  is 
my  pleasure  and  pride  to  reside,  I  have  felt  a  thrill  along  my  nerves  like 
an  electric  shock,  and  the  impulses  of  my  heart  have  been  on  my  lips,  to 
hurl  them  back  again.  But  time  and  reflection  have  chastened  my  feel 
ings,  and  I  passed  them  by  in  sorrow  that  they  should  come  from  the  lips 
of  any  individual  on  this  floor ;  and  while  it  is  my  glory  and  my  pride  to 
be  an  inhabitant  of  that  section  whose  motives  have  been  so  often  ques 
tioned  here,  I  have  a  single  word  to  say  in  behalf  of  that  people.  I  have 
no  objections  to  interpose  here  in  defense  of  what  may  have  been  errors 
or  the  wickedness  of  her  politicians  ;  but  in  behalf  of  her  citizens  I  have 
a  word  to  say.  I  believe  them  to  be  as  patriotic  as  any  other  class  of 
citizens  in  our  Union.  They  have  exhibited  their  patriotism  and  their 
valor  on  many  a  well-fought  field.  Their  bones  have  bleached  on  many  a 
Northern  hill,  and  the  barren  sands  of  the  South  have  drunk  their  best 
blood. 

"  Sir,  I  point  you  with  pride  to  the  North,  and  invite  you  there  to  witness 
a  system  which  has  grown  up  with  us,  and  which  is  our  ornament.  I  point 
you  to  our  system  of  free  labor.  I  point  you  to  our  common  schools,  to 
our  churches  with  their  spires  pointing  toward  heaven,  and  I  glory  in  them. 
They  are  the  monuments  that  belong  to  a  people  who  have  the  true  spirit 
of  citizens  of  a  free  government.  But  I  stop  not  there ;  I  ask  you  to  go 
with  me  throughout  this  broad  nation.  I  point  you  to  her —  I  point  you  to 
the  whole  Union  —  as  a  monument  of  political  grandeur  towering  towards 
the  heavens  —  upon  which  the  friend  of  freedom,  wherever  upon  our  globe 
he  may  be,  may  gaze ;  around  whose  higher  summit  the  sunlight  of  glory 
forever  shines,  and  at  whose  base  a  free  people  repose,  and  I  trust  forever 


130  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

will  repose.     So  much  for  New  England,   my  home.     So  much  for  the 
Union,  my  country.  .  .  . 

"  If  there  is  a  single  duty  which  arises  over,  above,  and  beyond  all  others, 
it  is  that  of  the  American  republic  to  afford  protection  to  every  American 
citizen  wherever  he  may  be  found  on  American  soil.  It  is  one  of  the  high 
est  duties  incident  to  the  charge  committed  tg  their  hands ;  wherever  our 
nation's  flag  floats  upon  the  breeze,  it  should  be  a  certain  index  of  ample 
protection  to  the  American  citizen  in  all  his  rights  of  person  and  property. 
Why  is  it  true  that  in  the  nineteenth  century,  which  we  believe  to  be  the 
best  the  world  has  ever  seen,  the  cry,  'I  am  an  American  citizen,'  shall 
not  be  as  sure  a  safeguard  and  a  pledge  of  protection  as  the  cry,  '  I  am 
a  Roman  citizen,'  was  in  the  palmy  days  of  Rome  ? 

"  It  was  said  by  an  ancient  philosopher  that  the  government  which  feels 
most  sensibly,  and  which  redresses  most  promptly,  every  injury  visited  by  a 
foreign  power  upon  its  most  humble  citizen  has  but  only  discharged  the 
duties  incumbent  upon  it.  And  is  it  not  so  ?  What  in  a  greater  degree 
than  the  strict  discharge  of  its  duty  to  its  citizens  will  call  forth  their  affec 
tions  and  their  loyalty,  and  will  draw  them  forth  to  protect  the  institutions 
and  defend  the  standard  of  their  common  country  in  the  hour  of  their 
common  perils  ?  .  .  . 

"  How  then  is  our  government  to  extend  that  protection  and  that  aid 
which  are  required  from  it  to  its  citizens  —  to  those  wanderers  to  the  distant 
portion  of  its  territory  westward  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  ?  Sir,  those  citi- 
.  zens  have  been  wrested  from  American  soil  to  be  tried  for  alleged  offenses 
by  foreign  law.  They  have  been  dragged  from  their  peaceful  homes  — 
from  their  own  domestic  firesides —  and  have  been  tried  and  held  amenable 
to  the  laws  of  the  British  provinces,  and  here  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
from  this  stale  clamor  of  war  ringing  in  our  ears,  are  we  to  stop  and  fold 
our  arms  about  us,  and  say,  We  will  pause  awhile  before  we  give  this 
notice  —  we  may  rouse  the  lion  from  his  lair  —  England,  with  her  chain  of 
military  posts  around  the  world,  maybe  aroused  —  and  we  do  not  precisely 
foresee  what  will  be  the  consequences  ? 

"  No,  the  notice  should  be  given  now,  and  protection  to  American  citi 
zens  should  be  extended  wherever  they  are  found  on  American  soil.  And 
then  that  flag  that  has  been  borne  aloft  in  triumph  in  the  battle  and  in  the 
breeze,  upon  the  ocean  and  upon  the  lakes,  the  emblem  of  protection  to 
each  and  every  one  of  our  citizens,  will  float  forever  over  the  homes  of  a 
free  and  happy  people.  That  flag  which  now 

"  '  So  proudly  drinks  the  morning  light, 
O'er  ocean  wave,  in  foreign  clime, 
A  symbol  of  our  might.' 

"  This  faithful  discharge  of  governmental  duties  will  be  one  of  the 
strongest  arguments  in  favor  of  the  advancement  of  the  principles  of  our 
own  free  government.  The  feeling  of  every  citizen,  that  protection  in  per 
son  and  property  is  secured  to  him  by  the  laws  and  by  the  flag  of  his 
country,  will  serve  more  surely  than  aught  else  to  extend  and  widen  our 


THE  PARTITION  OF  OREGON  131 

broad  domain.  Let  it  be  done,  and  our  government  will  pursue  its  onward 
course  by  its  moral  power,  until  it  shall  extend  from  the  Isthmus  of  Darien 
to  the  frozen  regions  of  the  North  —  from  the  rough,  rock-bound  coast  of 
the  Atlantic,  back  to  the  gentle  murmurs  of  the  Pacific.  Then,  in  the 
inimitable  language  of  our  own  distinguished  poet,  — 

" '  Wide  shall  our  own  free  race  increase, 

And  wide  extend  the  elastic  chain 
That  binds  in  everlasting  peace 
State  after  State  —  a  mighty  train.' 

"  Oregon  is  ours,  it  belongs  to  us,  and  the  question  of  title  I  have  no 
disposition  here  to  examine.  It  has  been  thoroughly  and  ably  examined 
by  those  who  are  in  authority,  and  the  result  has  been  presented  to  the 
American  republic.  I  have  no  disposition  to  go  into  that  examination. 
I  should  be  well  satisfied  to  rest  myself  on  him  who  may  well  be  consid 
ered  the  Achilles  in  this  question  in  the  position  that  our  title  was  better 
than  that  of  England.  It  was  more,  it  was  a  perfect  title.  This  being  our 
territory,  then  by  the  laws  and  rules  established  by  Great  Britain  herself, 
let  us  examine  into  its  importance  in  a  commercial  point  of  view. 

"  We  have  been  told,  on  another  occasion,  within  these  walls,  that  it  was 
necessary  to  extend  our  public  domain  in  the  southwest,  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  to  our  country  a  monopoly  of  the  cotton-growing  interest ;  and  the 
argument  was  as  broad  as  the  Union  ;  it  came  home  to  the  feelings,  to  the 
interests,  and  to  the  principles  of  action  of  the  representatives  from  every 
section  of  our  country.  Let  us  weigh  by  the  same  rules  —  the  rules  estab 
lished  on  that  occasion  —  the  commercial  considerations  involved  in  this 
question.  The  Northern  and  Middle  States  are  essentially  manufacturing 
States,  —  the  Northern  States  particularly ;  they  are  situated  in  a  high  lati 
tude,  under  a  forbidding  climate,  and  yet  they  have  the  industry  of  their 
citizens,  the  water-power  and  the  facilities  given  them  by  nature,  to  render 
them  a  manufacturing  people.  The  South,  the  sunny  South,  may  grow 
the  staple  product  of  the  country,  and  the  West  may  be  the  granary  not 
only  of  our  own  country,  but  —  give  it  an  outlet  —  the  granary  of  the  world. 
Then  I  say,  —  in  a  commercial  point  of  view,  —  this  matter  comes  home  to 
the  feelings  and  interests  of  every  citizen  of  every  section  of  our  widely  ex 
tended  country.  The  North  must  necessarily  be  the  manufacturing  section 
of  the  Union.  Let  them  have  an  outlet ;  let  there  be  an  easy  mode  of  trans 
portation  and  communication  to  the  far  West,  and  we  would  become  the 
manufacturers  almost  of  the  world.  The  Northern  and  Middle  States  must 
be  that  portion  of  the  Union  which  will  supply  not  only  India,  but  China, 
and  all  the  Eastern  portions  of  the  world,  with  their  manufactured  articles. 
But  I  do  not  stop  here.  The  matter  comes  home  equally  to  the  interests  of 
the  South,  because  for  the  supply  of  those  manufactured  articles,  the  South 
would  be  called  upon  for  their  staple,  for  increased  production  of  their 
staple,  which  in  its  manufactured  form  is  thus  destined  to  find  its  way  to 
the  markets  of  the  East.  It  is  a  question  in  which  the  West  has  no  right 
to  assume  a  particular  interest.  It  is  a  question  that  comes  home  equally 


132  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

to  the  North,  South,  East,  and  West.  It  is  a  great  national  question,  co 
extensive  with  our  Union.  Why !  we  are  already  opening  our  markets  in 
the  East.  We  have  already  established  our  treaty  stipulations  with  China. 
We  have  already  sent  our  cotton  and  manufactured  goods  into  the  Eastern 
empire.  Last  year  more  than  six  millions  of  dollars  of  American  manu 
factured  goods  were  sent  to  the  Eastern  continent,  and  of  that  amount  four 
million  dollars  is  believed  to  have  been  of  cotton  goods.  We  have  opened 
the  Chinese  market ;  and  in  opening  that  market,  with  the  advance  which 
commerce  will  give  in  that  distant  portion  of  the  globe  to  civilization,  to 
refinement,  and  to  Christianity,  we  have  opened  a  market  which  will  call  for 
untold  millions  of  the  manufactured  articles  of  the  Northern  and  Middle 
States  —  manufactured  from  the  staple  of  the  South. 

"  Besides,  the  commerce  of  the  North  is  deeply  interested  in  the  whaling 
ships.  The  ocean  is  now  covered  with  nearly  seven  hundred  ships  and 
half  a  hundred  smaller  vessels,  manned  by  more  than  20,000  of  our  citizens, 
who  are  sending  home  as  the  fruits  of  their  labor  more  than  3,000,000  gal 
lons  of  oil  annually.  The  trade  between  the  United  States  and  the  East 
Indies  is  already  very  important.  But  it  will  be  vastly  increased  when 
we  shall  find  a  route  for  that  trade  overland  to  the  Pacific  and  across  that 
ocean  to  India.  Wherever  the  people  of  the  East  have  become  enlightened 
by  commercial  intercourse  with  us,  she  will  consume  a  vast  quantity  of  our 
products,  while  they  will  supply  us  liberally  with  theirs.  Who  can  tell 
what  uncounted  millions  of  manufactured  goods  from  the  United  States 
will  be  marketed  in  the  East  Indies  ?  Commerce  is  therefore  greatly  in 
terested  in  preserving  the  integrity  of  our  domain.  I  would  gladly  pursue 
this  subject  farther,  if  time  were  allowed,  and  show  that  this  question  is  one 
which  concerns  the  commerce  of  the  whole  country,  and  that  the  whole 
people  of  the  United  States  are  interested  in  it.  But  I  am  limited  in  time, 
and  cannot  pursue  the  subject  in  all  its  details. 

"I  am  in  favor  of  giving  this  notice,  as  I  have  already  declared.  I  am 
still  in  favor  of  giving  it.  For  this  course  I  will  give  reasons.  First,  I 
trusted  that  by  giving  the  notice,  the  danger  of  delay  and  of  obstruction  in 
our  councils  would  be  obviated.  The  gentleman  who  immediately  pre 
ceded  me  in  the  debate  (Mr.  Toombs)  preferred  the  amendment  of  the  gen 
tleman  from  Alabama  (Mr.  Hilliard),  which  leaves  it  discretionary  with  the 
President  to  give  notice  at  such  time  as  he  may  see  fit. 

"  This  will  lead  to  serious  difficulties.  I  will  say  that  this  proposition 
came  with  no  good  design,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  of  it,  though  I  have  no 
doubt  of  the  honorable  motives  of  the  gentleman  who  offered  it.  It  will 
change  the  issue  that  ought  to  be  made.  Instead  of  inquiring  whether  we 
would  act  now,  we  would,  by  this  course,  give  a  discretionary  power  to  the 
Executive  to  act  or  not,  and  either  now  or  at  a  later  period.  Some  would 
think  that  the  President  had  acted  too  soon,  if  he  acted  now ;  others  would 
think  he  had  acted  too  late,  if  he  postponed  it.  It  would  give  an  oppor 
tunity  to  many  to  shelter  themselves  from  responsibility,  and  to  reproach 
the  President  with  having  acted  out  of  time. 

"The  true  question  is,  whether  we  should  give  the  notice  now.     Shall  we 


THE   PARTITION   OF  OREGON  133 

assume  the  responsibility  of  action  or  throw  it  on  the  President  ?  That  is 
an  important  question.  Why  should  not  we  take  upon  ourselves  the  respon 
sibility  of  action  in  the  matter  ? 

"Many  gentlemen  ^  wished  to  shift  the  responsibility  from  themselves; 
and  then,  if  the  President  should  act  promptly  they  would  say  that  he  had 
let  slip  the  golden  moment.  Why,  if  the  subject  had  been  referred  to  us, 
and  if  the  power  belonged  to  us,  should  we  not  exercise  the  power  and  give 
the  notice  at  once  ?  If  there  was  any  advantage  in  giving  the  notice  at  all, 
it  was  proper  to  give  it  at  the  earliest  moment,  without  loss  of  time.  If  we 
do  not  give  it  now,  in  what  position  shall  we  be  left  ?  The  whole  subject 
would  be  suffered  to  take  its  chance  without  an  effort  on  our  part  to  main 
tain  our  rights.  I  know  that  it  has  been  recommended  to  us  to  adopt  *  a 
wise  and  masterly  inactivity' — that  was  to  do  nothing.  I  should  rather 
call  it  masterly  duplicity,  or  masterly  dishonesty,  to  take  measures  in  an 
indirect  way,  to  get  possession  of  the  country  without  suffering  our  object 
to  be  known.  How  long  do  gentlemen  wish  to  carry  on  this  masterly  dupli 
city  ?  Some  of  them  have  fixed  a  limit  to  it  of  twenty  years.  Sir,  I  have  a 
single  idea  on  that  point.  We  have  told  our  people  that  they  might  occupy 
that  country.  Are  they  to  be  thus  encouraged  to  go  there  and  settle,  and 
yet  not  be  entitled  to  our  protection  ?  If  you  do  not  take  them  under  your 
wing  can  you  expect  to  retain  their  affection  ?  No.  They  would  be  faith 
less  to  themselves  if  they  gave  you  any  confidence  or  affection  after  such 
treatment.  As  well  might  a  mother  expect  the  love  of  her  children  whom 
she  repelled  from  her  bosom,  and  cast  out  into  the  world  without  protec 
tion.  It  would  be  a  most  unnatural  mother  that  would  cast  off  her  children, 
as  we  would  do,  were  we  not  to  give  this  notice.  Should  we  acquire  a  col 
ony  by  this  course  of  masterly  dishonesty,  it  would  make  us  the  reproach  of 
all  nations.  There  is  one  thing  in  the  British  government  which  I  admire, 
much  as  I  despise  all  the  vanity  about  her  power,  and  greatness,  and  glory. 
I  admire  it  for  one  special  quality  —  its  care  of  its  subjects.  It  gives  pro 
tection  to  its  subjects  all  over  the  world.  Wherever  the  subject  of  England 
might  be,  he  is  covered  with  the  protection  of  British  laws  and  British  power. 
This,  in  my  opinion,  is  an  example  worthy  of  imitation. 

"  I  will  go  a  step  farther  than  the  notice,  and  extend  the  protection  of 
our  laws  over  our  citizens  in  Oregon.  If  we  do  not  we  shall  fall  short  of 
our  duty.  After  doing  this,  I  would  go  still  farther,  and  create  those  bands 
of  iron  which  will  bind  indissolubly  together  in  our  Union  the  people  of 
the  Atlantic  and  the  people  of  the  Pacific.  I  would  go  for  a  railroad 
across  the  Rocky  Mountains  —  for  annihilating  time  and  space  between  us 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  Pacific  coast.  From  a  military  point  of  view, 
this  railroad  would  be  necessary.  We  would  be  obliged,  for  the  protection 
and  defense  of  the  country,  to  establish  this  mode  of  communication. 
While  it  would  afford  military  protection  for  the  defense  of  the  country, 
it  would  be  the  means  of  creating  a  vast  trade  between  the  Eastern  and 
Western  portions  of  the  continent.  The  immediate  consequence  of  such  a 
trade  will  be  to  open  a  traffic  in  our  manufactures  with  the  people  of  the 
East  Indies  ;  next,  we  shall  be  able  to  drive  out  all  competition  on  the  part 
of  the  British  fabrics  in  that  lucrative  and  important  trade. 


134  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

"  We  would  by  means  of  this  overland  communication  soon  be  able  to 
create  immense  commercial  depots  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific.  We  could 
make  voyages  to  the  East  Indies  in  half  the  time  that  Great  Britain  could. 
Our  manufactures  would  thus  compete  in  that  important  and  increasing 
market  with  those  of  Great  Britain,  and,  indeed,  drive  out  all  competition, 
and  thus  they  would  become  established  on  a  firm  foundation,  without  the 
aid  of  a  black  tariff  to  maintain  them. 

"  I  have  always  opposed  internal  improvements  by  the  general  govern 
ment,  but  I  would  adopt  this  improvement  as  a  military  work — one  neces 
sary  for  the  public  defense,  though  it  would  be  used  for  civil  and  commer 
cial  purposes.  Should  the  United  States  delay  to  do  their  duty  to  their 
citizens  in  Oregon,  the  British  government  would  avail  itself  of  the  delay 
to  take  measures  for  securing  the  territory  to  its  subjects.  Great  Britain 
has  already,  by  force  and  fraud,  covered  the  world  with  more  than  a  hun 
dred  colonies.  She  has  done  this  by  blood  and  carnage,  and  in  violation  of 
the  rights  of  all  nations  with  which  she  has  been  connected  as  an  ally,  or 
opposed  to  as  a  foe. 

"  The  history  of  India  will  tell  the  whole  story.  In  the  year  1600,  dur 
ing  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  a  charter  for  commercial  purposes  was 
granted  to  some  private  trading  adventures.  This  company  have  spread 
death  and  desolation  over  the  East.  Under  Warren  Hastings  every  crime, 
every  species  of  perfidy  and  cruelty  and  rapine,  was  perpetrated  for  the 
acquisition  of  territory  and  of  wealth  by  the  company.  So  fearful  and  pro 
digious  was  his  rapacity  and  cruelty  that  he  became  the  theme  of  universal 
execration  by  orators  and  poets.  It  has  been  remarked  in  one  of  the 
invectives  against  him  that  when  some  wretch,  laden  with  horrid  crimes 
without  a  name,  should  stalk  through  earth,  and  we  want  curses  for  him  — 

" *  We  'd  torture  thought  to  curse  the  wretch, 
And  then  to  damm  him  most  supreme 
We  'd  call  him  Hastings.' 

"  It  would  be  easy  to  run  a  parallel  between  the  East  India  Company 
and  the  Hudson  Bay  Company.  It  would  show  us  the  necessity  of  taking 
hold  of  this  matter  in  due  time,  and  of  giving  this  notice  now. 

"  Government  after  government  has  submitted  to  British  power  in  the 
East,  —  some  being  reduced  by  fraud  and  treachery,  and  others  by  force,  — 
until  now  the  population  brought  under  sway  amounts  to  more  than  a  hun 
dred  millions.  I  would  be  glad  to  trace  the  progress  of  this  government 
in  the  East  Indies ;  but  not  having  time  I  would  say,  from  beginning  to 
end  it  is  stamped  with  infamy.  I  call  the  attention  .of  the  committee  to 
these  facts,  in  order  to  show  that,  unless  we  give  the  notice,  the  Hudson 
Bay  Company,  which  is  formed  upon  principles  akin  to  that  in  the  East, 
will,  by  gradual  encroachments,  become  possessed  of  all  the  strong  positions 
in  Oregon,  and  be  more  difficult  to  dislodge.  We  might  find  a  parallel  in 
their  progress  to  the  corporation  that  has  so  long  oppressed  and  devastated 
the  East.  By  what  waters  were  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  originally 
bounded  ?  By  those  waters  that  emptied  into  Hudson's  Bay.  But  still 


THE   PARTITION   OF  OREGON  135 

that  company  had  by  virtue  of  a  connection  with  the  Northwestern  Com 
pany  stretched  across  to  the  Pacific.  It  is  the  policy  of  Great  Britain  to 
plant  and  maintain  colonies ;  and  one  of  the  modes  of  doing  it  is  to  operate 
through  chartered  companies.  This  policy  she  is  now  applying  to  the  Ter 
ritory  of  Oregon  ;  and  it  will  succeed  there,  as  well  as  it  has  elsewhere, 
unless  we  interfere  in  behalf  of  our  settlers  to  protect  them,  and  give  the 
notice  of  the  termination  of  the  joint  convention. 

"  No  longer  ago  than  the  year  1790,  the  British  government  claimed  the 
right  to  make  settlements  on  the  Pacific  coast,  north  of  the  Spanish  settle 
ments.  Delay  has  taken  place  on  the  other  side,  and  encroachments  of 
Great  Britain  have  not  been  observed.  At  length  Great  Britain  has  not 
only  made  settlements  above  the  oldest  Spanish  settlements,  but  also  far 
below  them,  and  has  now  come  down  to  the  Columbia  River.  Originally 
her  territorial  pretensions  were  only  to  points  beyond  the  oldest  Spanish 
settlements,  but  soon  she  will  come  down  to  forty-seven.  [A  member  here 
said,  '  She  is  really  there  now.'] 

"  Yes,  sir ;  she  will  soon  be  there,  even  if  she  is  not  there  now.  What, 
then,  can  be  gained  by  delaying  the  notice,  which  is  the  only  means  by 
which  we  can  arrest  her  progress  ?  While  men  talk  of  war,  —  which  still 
only  exists  in  the  visions  of  old  men,  and  the  dreams  of  young  ones,  — 
while  this  bugbear  is  held  up,  we  are  losing  the  opportunity  to  secure  for 
ourselves  and  our  children  an  important  and  valuable  country.  What  will 
arise  is  only  an  inference  on  the  part  of  these  gentlemen.  They  have  not 
shown  how  it  will  arise.  They  have  not  shown  us  the  modus  operandi. 
But  we  well  know  that  the  British  pretensions  will  be  strengthened  by  eter 
nal  delay.  The  longer  we  delay  the  notice,  the  more  arrogant  will  the 
British  pretensions  become.  One  point  more.  '  Our  old  men,'  the  gentle 
man  from  Virginia  says,  *  see  visions,  our  young  men  dream  dreams.'  I  am 
not  old,  and  I  can  see  visions  ;  and  the  dreams  I  leave  to  the  gentleman 
from  Virginia.  Let  those  who  dream,  imagine  that  a  war  will  arise  from 
our  assertion  of  our  rights  ;  I  do  not  believe  it.  But  the  vision  I  see  is  that 
of  a  populous  and  enterprising  State  on  the  Pacific  slope,  with  manufac 
tures,  and  commerce,  and  navigation.  The  waters  rushing  down  to  the 
Pacific  will  turn  thousands  of  wheels  and  spindles. 

"  Our  people  will  move  to  that  region,  and  carry  with  them  all  their  arts 
and  skill,  in  all  the  various  branches  of  manufactures  which  they  have 
established  in  this  region.  In  due  time  they  will  supply  a  large  portion  of 
America,  as  well  as  Asia,  with  their  fabrics.  It  will  not  be  long  before  our 
settlement  will  extend  down  to  the  Mexican  boundary.  I  appeal  to  the 
gentlemen  from  the  South  to  come  to  our  rescue,  and  avail  themselves  of 
this  fair  opportunity  to  obtain  Oregon.  I  ask  your  attention  to  the  position 
we  occupy  before  the  American  people  and  the  world,  in  regard  to  this 
subject ;  and  assure  you  that  for  us  there  is  no  retreat  from  the  responsi 
bility  of  this  act,  without  incurring  the  just  reproach  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  and,  indeed,  of  the  whole  world.  The  Executive  has  pre 
sented  his  views  to  Congress,  and  has  recommended  to  us  the  passage  of 
the  measure  now  before  us.  He  has  asked  for  our  early  action  upon  it. 


136  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

The  stale  cry  of  war  ought  not  to  prevent  us  from  discharging  this  duty, 
and  if  we  should  falter  in  performing  it,  we  should  be  branded  as  unfaith 
ful  to  our  trust. 

"  The  Executive  has  laid  before  us  a  statement  of  our  just  claims,  show 
ing  that  they  have  a  solid  and  stable  basis.  The  whole  world  will  be  con 
vinced  of  their  truth  and  justice  ;  and  can  an  American  Congress  be  found 
slow  to  defend  and  assert  them  ? 

"  I  would  appeal  again  to  the  South,  and  to  the  spirit  of  their  fathers, 
of  Sumter,  Marion,  and  Pinckney,  and  call  upon  them  to  come  up  to  this 
duty  of  defending  our  soil.  Should  fear  of  consequences  prevent  us  from 
vindicating  our  rights  from  foreign  aggression  ?  Should  the  horrors  of  war 
deter  us  from  pursuing  our  line  of  duty  ?  Will  they  not  come  up  to  the 
struggle,  if  need  be,  and  like  *  reapers  descend  to  the  harvest  of  death '  ? 

"  True,  the  South  has  peculiar  interests  that  would  be  hazarded  in  a 
war ;  but  has  not  the  whole  Atlantic  border  a  deep  stake  in  the  counte 
nance  of  peace  ?  We,  sir,  in  the  Northeast  have  an  extensive  commerce. 
Our  ships  are  found  in  every  sea,  and  we  have  cities  on  the  seaboard 
exposed  to  the  assaults  of  an  enemy.  But,  sir,  we  are  willing  to  hazard 
everything  in  the  defense  of  our  country,  and  to  lay  all  our  wealth  as  an 
offering  on  the  altar  of  the  public  safety.  But  who  can  believe,  sir,  that 
England  will  go  to  war  because  we  do  an  act  that  we  are  entitled  to  do  by 
treaty  stipulations  ?  This  is  too  absurd  an  idea  to  be  for  a  moment  enter 
tained  by  any  one. 

"  But  there  is  another  view  of  the  subject.  I  do  not  pretend  to  be  a 
wizard,  nor  to  foretell  future  events,  but  coming  events  sometimes  cast 
their  shadows  before  them.  Judging  of  the  future  by  the  past,  I  would  say 
the  moral  force  of  our  institutions  would  spread  them  over  every  portion  of 
this  continent.  Their  progress  is  as  certain  as  destiny.  I  cannot  be  mis 
taken  in  the  idea  that  our  flag  is  destined  to  shed  its  lustre  over  every 
hill  and  plain  on  the  Pacific  slope,  and  on  every  stream  that  mingles  with 
the  Pacific.  What  would  monarchical  institutions  do  ?  what  would  tyrants 
do  —  in  this  age  of  improvement  —  this  age  of  steam  and  electricity? 

"  The  still  small  voice  in  our  legislative  halls  and  seminaries  of  learning 
would  soon  be  reechoed  in  distant  lands.  Shall  we  fold  our  hands  and 
refuse,  under  all  these  circumstances,  to  discharge  our  duty  ?  No,  let  us 
march  steadily  up  to  this  duty,  and  discharge  it  like  men,  — 

*' '  And  the  gun  of  our  nation's  natal  day 

At  the  rise  and  set  of  the  sun 
Shall  boom  from  the  far  Northeast  away 

To  the  vales  of  Oregon. 
And  ships  on  the  seashore  luff  and  tack, 

And  send  the  peal  of  triumph  back.'  "  l 

Our  rights  to  Oregon  were  set  forth  so  clearly  before  the  House 
that  even  Whigs,  who  had  opposed  the  issue  in  the  Polk  campaign  as 
a  catch-vote  device,  came  to  the  support  of  the  treaty  notice  resolu- 
1  Congressional  Globe,  January  12,  1845-46,  pp.  186-188. 


THE   PARTITION   OF   OREGON  137 

tions,  influenced,  no  doubt,  by  Mr.  Adams's  powerful  and  authorita 
tive  speech.  The  slave  party  practically  abandoned  the  fight  in  the 
House,  and  yet  Messrs.  Yancey  and  Rhett,  who  had  indorsed  the 
Oregon  declarations  of  the  Democratic  National  Convention,  con 
tinued  to  act  in  concert  with  Mr.  Calhoun  to  the  end,  knowing  that 
defeat  awaited  the  resolutions  in  the  Senate.  But  there  were  South 
ern  Democrats  who  resented  the  attempt  to  betray  their  party.  One 
was  Jefferson  Davis  and  another  was  Howell  Cobb,  who  were  con 
spicuous  for  their  high  sense  of  honor.  Events  had  not  yet  come  to 
pass  that  wrenched  many  a  man  from  his  anchorage.  The  support 
that  Davis,  Cobb,  and  their  friends  gave  to  the  resolutions  tends  to 
heighten  the  duplicity  of  the  slave  party  as  exemplified  in  the  course 
of  Yancey  and  Rhett. 

But  if  the  weighty  accusation  made  by  Mr.  Adams  and  supported 
by  Mr.  Hamlin  and  the  action  of  members  of  the  House  in  falsifying 
their  positions  are  not  conclusive  evidence  of  the  duplicity  of  the 
Calhoun  party,  its  action  in  the  Senate  is  final  proof.  Edward  A. 
Hannegan,  of  Indiana,  in  a  sharp  retort  to  a  Southern  Democratic 
senator,  told  the  truth  about  the  slave  party  in  these  words:  "If," 
said  he,  "  Oregon  were  good  enough  for  the  production  of  sugar  and 
cotton,  it  would  not  have  encountered  this  opposition.  Its  possession 
would  have  been  secured  at  once."  The  Senate  defeated  the  blunt 
House  resolutions  by  a  vote  of  32  to  22.  An  analysis  of  the  vote 
shows  that  Mr.  Calhoun  drew  away  from  the  party,  which  had  declared 
in  its  national  convention  that  our  claim  in  Oregon  to  54°  40'  was 
"clear  and  unquestionable,"  six  Southern  senators,  who,  with  the 
Whigs,  as  the  conservative  element,  accomplished  the  defeat  of  the 
measure.  The  reason  given  by  these  senators  was  the  danger  of  war, 
and  they  were  supported  by  Mr.  Webster,  although  in  his  speech  he 
neither  denied  nor  affirmed  the  legality  of  our  claim.  If  these  defect 
ing  senators  had  stood  by  their  party,  the  House  resolutions  would 
have  passed  the  Senate,  and  all  of  Oregon  would  have  been  saved  to 
the  United  States. 

The  refusal  of  the  Senate  to  concur  in  the  House  resolutions  pro 
voked  a  storm  of  wrath  in  the  Democratic  party.  A  newspaper  at 
Washington  pointedly  charged  that  secret  caucuses  were  held  by  the 
Democratic  and  Whig  senators,  at  the  house  of  the  British  minister, 
for  the  purpose  of  arranging  a  compromise.  The  Senate  appointed 
an  investigating  committee,  which  insisted  that  the  editor  should  with 
draw  his  charges  under  penalty  of  exclusion  from  the  correspondents' 
galleries  in  both  Houses  of  Congress.  He  refused,  and  submitted  to 
the  penalty  rather  than  withdraw  a  charge  that  he  believed  to  be  true. 
But  Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  supporters  had  won  their  point ;  they  were 
soon  able  to  wind  up  the  Oregon  affair  and  stop  the  administration 


138  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

in  its  straightforward  course.  Resolutions  couched  in  diplomatic  lan 
guage  and  conciliatory  in  tone,  authorizing  the  President,  "  at  his 
discretion,"  to  give  Great  Britain  notice,  were  adopted  as  a  substitute, 
and  passed  by  the  House  through  the  mediation  of  a  conference  com 
mittee.  This  was  a  defeat  for  the  House,  for  it  was  an  intimation  to 
Great  Britain  that  the  Senate  would  noUsupport  the  House  in  its 
desire  to  take  Oregon  without  further  negotiation.  Still,  it  had  the 
saving  grace  of  "  the  glue  of  compromise  "  that  the  American  people 
then  loved  so  well.  Trusting  in  the  President's  sincerity,  most  North 
ern  Democrats  in  the  House,  Mr.  Hamlin  among  them,  accepted  the 
substitute,  as  did  John  Quincy  Adams  also.  The  substitute  was 
passed  by  a  large  majority,  and  Mr.  Buchanan,  who  was  secretary  of 
state,  negotiated  a  treaty  with  England,  fixing  the  boundary  line  on 
the  forty-ninth  parallel. 

The  recession  of  the  House  was  called  a  disgraceful  surrender  by 
the  satirical  Whigs.  But  what  else  could  be  done  with  the  conserva 
tive  Whigs  and  Calhoun  Democrats  in  control  of  the  Senate  ?  This 
incident  in  our  history  has  been  generally  treated  from  the  Whig  point 
of  view,  and  the  course  pursued  by  the  slave  party  only  faintly  indi 
cated.  Mr.  Blaine  maybe  quoted  in  illustration,  on  page  55  of  his 
"  Twenty  Years  of  Congress  : "  "  It  is  not  improbable  that  if  the 
Oregon  question  had  been  allowed  to  rest  for  the  time  under  the  pro 
visions  of  the  treaty  of  1827,  the  whole  country  would  ultimately  have 
fallen  into  our  hands  and  the  American  flag  might  be  waving  to-day 
over  British  Columbia."  But  how  is  that  theory  tenable  when  Great 
Britain  began  steadily  to  work  her  way  down  in  Oregon  towards  the 
Columbia  after  the  adoption  of  that  treaty?  In  1844,  the  Hudson  Bay 
Fur  Company  had  erected  as  many  as  thirty  settlements  or  outposts 
across  Oregon,  which  were  practically  garrisons,  and  claimed  territory 
below  the  Columbia  River  or  nearly  to  the  northern  line  of  California. 
Gold  was  discovered  in  California  only  four  years  after  England  had 
claimed  the  Oregon  territory,  and  if  the  boundary  line  had  not  been 
settled  in  1846,  the  cupidity  of  the  English  government  would  never 
have  allowed  it  to  give  up  without  a  contest  a  foot  of  land  in  Oregon, 
a  country  that  might  yield  it  a  rich  harvest  in  the  precious  metal. 
Thus,  in  view  of  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California,  it  was  fortunate, 
indeed,  that  the  Democratic  party  had  the  heart  to  listen  to  the 
prayers  of  the  American  citizen  in  Oregon  in  1844,  since  a  postpone 
ment  of  the  question  would  more  certainly  have  brought  on  a  war  with 
England  in  1849  tnan  reoccupation  of  Oregon  in  1845,  when  nothing 
was  known  about  the  existence  of  gold  on  the  Pacific  slope.  The 
Northern  Democracy  saved  Washington  and  Oregon  to  the  nation, 
opened  up  commerce  with  the  East,  encouraged  the  building  of  the 
Pacific  Railroad,  and  perhaps  averted  greater  trouble  than  the  coun 
try  incurred  in  1844-45. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE    MEXICAN    WAR 

THE  war  with  Mexico  broke  out  on  April  14,  1846,  the  day  our 
government  backed  down  and  withdrew  its  claim  to  all  of  Oregon. 
It  was  as  if  fate  wished  to  emphasize  the  apparent  victory  of  the  slave 
power  and  the  humiliation  of  the  anti-slavery  Democrats.  As  the 
annexation  of  Texas  was  the  cause  of  the  war,  the  events  that  fol 
lowed  the  reception  of  Texas  into  the  Union  seemed  to  be  a  natural 
consequence.  It  is  useless  to  speculate  on  the  course  pursued  by  the 
Polk  administration.  This  may  have  been  designed  to  precipitate 
the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  and  it  may  have  been  shaped  according  to 
the  necessities  of  the  times.  The  progress  of  events,  however,  ap 
peared  to  give  the  administration  a  plausible  pretext  for  adopting 
vigorous  measures  that  led  to  the  conflict.  Mexico  had  never  acknow 
ledged  the  independence  of  Texas,  although  several  foreign  powers 
and  the  United  States  had  recognized  the  Lone  Star  State  as  an  in 
dependent  power.  When  the  United  States  took  Texas  into  the 
Union,  it  therefore  assumed  all  of  Texas'  grievances  against  Mexico. 
One  was  a  long  standing  quarrel  over  the  boundary  line  between  the 
two  countries.  Texas  asserted  that  it  was  the  Rio  Grande,  while 
Mexico  maintained  that  it  was  the  River  Nueces.  There  were  fre 
quent  collisions  in  the  disputed  territory,  and  when  Texas  became  a 
member  of  the  Union  her  government  naturally  called  on  the  admin 
istration  to  maintain  her  position.  President  Polk  sent  some  troops 
under  the  command  of  General  Zachary  Taylor  into  the  country  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  and  their  presence  there  infuriated  the  Mexicans. 
General  Ampudia  ordered  General  Taylor  out  of  the  country,  and  an 
encounter  occurred  in  which  several  American  officers  and  soldiers 
were  killed.  The  news  created  great  excitement  throughout  the 
United  States.  The  cry  was  raised,  "  American  blood  has  been  shed 
on  American  soil."  President  Polk  sent  a  message  to  Congress, 
declaring  the  existence  of  a  state  of  war,  and  urging  prompt  action. 
Congress  passed  a  bill  empowering  the  President  to  call  for  50,000 
volunteers,  and  appropriated  $10,000,000  to  carry  on  the  war. 

The  Mexican  war  threw  an  ominous  light  on  the  slave  power,  and 
also  gave  thinking  men  a  clearer  insight  into  the  role,  doctrines, 
and  character  of  its  leader, — John  C.  Calhoun.  He  was  now  at 


140  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  zenith  of  his  power  and  fame.  Few  men  have  had  a  stronger 
moulding  influence  on  this  country  than  Calhoun.  He  had  a  great 
mind,  an  iron  will,  wonderful  prescience,  and  a  unique  personality. 
His  grim  features,  surmounted  by  stiff,  bristling,  gray  hair,  seemed 
to  have  been  stamped  by  an  iron  process.  His  powers  of  logic  and 
the  purity  of  his  private  life  were  conceded  by  his  opponents.  But 
the  one  fact  above  all  else  in  Calhoun's  career  that  stands  out  clearly 
now  is  that  he  was  the  genius  of  the  slave  power.  It  is  logical  to 
conclude,  therefore,  that  if  the  master  mind  of  that  party  conceived 
plans,  and  intrusted  them  for  execution  to  the  organization  itself, 
he  was  fully  aware  of  the  responsibility  he  assumed.  When  Mr. 
Calhoun  stood  up  in  the  Senate,  and  proclaimed  his  opposition  to 
having  a  war  with  Mexico,  it  was  his  intention  to  clear  his  skirts 
of  a  war  and  a  land-grabbing  conspiracy  for  which  he  more  than 
any  other  man  was  responsible.  He  was  simply  stating  the  abstract 
proposition  that  he  did  not  like  war.  No  doubt  Mr.  Calhoun  would 
have  preferred  to  have  Mexico  of  her  own  accord  contribute  a  large 
slice  of  her  domain  to  this  country  for  the  mere  asking.  No  doubt 
it  would  have  been  more  agreeable  to  confine  the  war  within  Texan 
territory ;  but  it  was  not,  because  it  was  a  land-grabbing  conspiracy 
to  perpetuate  the  organization  Mr.  Calhoun  adroitly  directed.  More 
over,  if  he  had  desired  to  avoid  a  war  with  Mexico,  and  had  wished 
to  annex  Texas  by  peaceful  means,  he  would  never  have  allowed 
President  Tyler  in  the  last  hour  of  his  administration  to  send  the 
articles  of  annexation  to  Texas  without  the  Senate's  peace-bearing 
clause.  It  is  absurd  to  suppose  for  a  moment  that  when  Mr.  Cal 
houn  started  the  events  in  progress  that  led  to  the  Mexican  war,  his 
wonderful  prescience  could  not  foresee  the  result.  He  was  not  in 
the  Cabinet  when  the  actual  fighting  began,  and  could  apparently 
disclaim  responsibility  for  it. 

Calhoun's  complicity  in  the  plot  to  betray  Oregon  was  a  natural 
and  necessary  sequence  to  the  part  he  played  in  planning  the  Mexican 
war.  In  colloquial  parlance,  Mr.  Calhoun  "buncoed"  the  North  in 
sacrificing  its  interests.  He  was  the  master  of  the  Democratic  con 
vention  that  nominated  Polk  on  the  Texas  and  Oregon  platform. 
He  kept  secret  his  negotiations  for  a  compromise  with  England  until 
Polk  was  elected  on  the  Oregon  issue.  While  Mr.  Calhoun  pleaded 
the  dangers  of  a  conflict  with  England  in  the  Oregon  controversy 
as  a  pretext  for  withdrawing  our  claims,  he  pursued  the  opposite 
tactics  in  the  case  of  Texas,  and  urged  annexation  on  the  ground 
that  England  might  take  Texas.  He  artfully  stimulated  the  war 
scare  to  which  Mr.  Hamlin  made  allusion  in  his  speech  on  Texas, 
by  publishing  his  correspondence  with  Mr.  King,  our  minister  to 
France.  Senator  Hannegan  was  right  when  he  charged  in  the  Senate 


THE   MEXICAN  WAR  141 

that  if  Oregon  had  been  essential  to  the  interests  of  the  slave  power, 
our  claims  to  the  entire  territory  would  have  been  enforced. 

But  that  for  which  history  will  most  severely  censure  Calhoun  is 
his  authorship  of  the  doctrine  of  state  sovereignty,  and  the  terrible 
results  that  sprung  from  it.  To  quote  from  an  able  and  dispassionate 
critic  of  Calhoun,  who,  writing  of  his  doctrine  of  nullification,  said : 1 
"  It  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  it  sowed  the  seeds  which  in  another 
generation  produced  the  opinions  that  made  the  right  of  secession 
from  the  Union  a  firm  political  faith,  which  multitudes  of  men  have 
sealed  with  their  blood  on  the  battlefields  of  a  civil  war." 

The  Mexican  war  also  throws  more  light  on  Mr.  Hamlin's  Ameri 
canism  and  political  principles.  When  the  crisis  came  Mr.  Hamlin 
deeply  deplored  the  situation ;  in  fact,  he  never  ceased  to  regret  the 
necessity  of  meeting  Mexico  on  the  battlefield,  and  said  so  in  a  speech 
he  made  half  a  century  afterwards  before  a  Grand  Army  reunion  in 
Portland,  Maine.  Favoring  the  abstract  proposition  of  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  because  he  honestly  believed  that  Texas  had  never  belonged 
to  Mexico,  he  opposed  annexation  under  the  terms  and  conditions 
arranged  by  the  slave  power,  because  they  were  not  honorable,  and 
were  likely  to  lead  to  war  with  Mexico.  But  the  beginning  of  actual 
hostilities  changed  the  situation  ;  an  emergency  was  presented  that 
required  prompt  action.  Bitterly  as  he  regretted  the  necessity  of 
fighting  Mexico,  Mr.  Hamlin  felt  with  Decatur,  when  he  said :  "  My 
country,  right  or  wrong,  always  my  country."  He  held  that  with  the 
angered  Mexicans  preparing  to  shoot  down  American  citizens,  destroy 
property,  and  resist  American  laws  in  American  territory,  a  congress 
man  could  no  more  properly  refuse  aid  to  the  government  than  a 
physician  could  decline  assistance  to  a  man  who  had  brought  sickness 
on  himself  by  some  act  of  his  own  folly  or  wickedness.  He  voted  for 
the  war  bill,  and  firmly  supported  the  government.  Only  fourteen 
members  of  the  House,  the  so-called  fourteen  immortals,  and  a  few 
members  of  the  Senate  opposed  the  war.  The  Whigs,  as  a  rule,  sus 
tained  the  government,  because  the  nation's  welfare  demanded  it. 
It  was  a  trying  position  for  Mr.  Hamlin  and  congressmen  who  felt 
as  he  did,  but  they  believed  that  they  had  a  duty  to  perform,  and 
however  repugnant  it  was  they  discharged  it. 

While  Mr.  Hamlin  upheld  the  administration  in  its  general  plan  of 
war,  he  nevertheless  had  his  ideas  about  the  campaigns  in  Mexico 
and  our  military  establishment,  which  he  did  not  hesitate  to  urge  on 
the  government.  An  incident  of  this  kind  that  is  of  importance  to 
this  record  in  its  personal  and  political  significance  occurred  in  the 
winter  of  1846-47.  An  anomalous  condition  of  affairs  existed.  With 
a  successful  war  going  on  the  regular  army  fell  off  in  numbers  to 
1  George  Ticknor  Curtis  in  the  Life  of  Webster,  vol.  i.  p.  449. 


142  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

10,000  men,  and  the  administration  could  not  recruit  enough  men  to 
fill  up  the  quota  allowed  by  law,  —  17,000  men.  The  reason  was  it 
was  more  popular  to  enlist  in  the  volunteer  branch  of  the  service, 
which  was  winning  the  glory  of  the  war.  The  government  had  more 
offers  than  it  needed  for  the  volunteer  service,  but  more  men  were 
wanted  in  Mexico  on  account  of  the  depiction  of  the  regular  army. 
Desiring  to  keep  the  standing  army  up  to  its  complement,  the  admin 
istration  determined  to  try  once  more  to  obtain  the  necessary  enlist 
ments.  The  Military  Committee  of  the  House  prepared  a  bill  to 
meet  the  wishes  of  the  administration.  This  authorized  the  President 
to  raise  ten  additional  regiments,  and  as  an  inducement  to  enlist,  men 
were  to  be  allowed  to  choose  their  term  of  service  —  for  five  years  or 
for  the  war —  and  were  to  have  bounties.  A  feature  of  this  measure 
that  commended  it  to  many  congressmen  who  were  looking  for 
patronage  to  distribute  among  their  constituents  was  a  provision  that 
the  President  should  have  the  authority  to  name  the  commissioned 
officers  to  be  appointed,  —  some  four  hundred  in  number. 

This  bill  seemed  assured  of  success.  It  had  the  support  of  the 
administration,  it  had  been  favorably  reported  by  the  Military  Com 
mittee,  and  was  drawn  on  the  same  lines  as  a  bill  which  had  passed 
the  House  at  the  preceding  session.  But  Mr.  Hamlin  found  the 
measure  very  objectionable,  and  decided  to  defeat  it  if  he  could.  It 
contravened  what  he  believed  to  be  the  correct  principles  of  govern 
ment,  and  also  appeared  to  him  to  be  unjust  to  the  volunteer  soldier. 
When  the  army  bill  came  before  the  House  on  January  4,  1847,  Mr. 
Hamlin  led  an  attack  on  it  which  placed  the  measure  in  its  right  light 
before  Congress  as  an  un-American,  un-Democratic  bill,  a  usurpation 
of  state  rights.  Hence,  the  situation  presented  to  the  interested 
House  was  a  Jeffersonian  Democrat  arraigning  a  Calhoun  administra 
tion  for  abusing  a  principle  which  it  professed  to  uphold  as  its  car 
dinal  doctrine.  Taking  up  the  bill  item  by  item,  Mr.  Hamlin  clearly 
established  all  his  points. 

He  argued  first  that  the  bill  should  be  radically  changed  to  enlist 
ten  regiments  in  the  volunteer  service  instead  of  in  the  regular  army. 
One  reason  he  gave  was  that  the  administration  itself  had  informed 
Congress  at  its  last  session  that  an  independent  or  volunteer  corps 
was  preferable  to  a  regular  army,  and  it  was  on  that  principle  that 
Congress  authorized  the  President  to  call  for  50,000  volunteers. 
Another  reason  was  that  the  volunteers  had  acquitted  themselves 
with  great  credit,  and  no  one  had  yet  complained  they  had  not  real 
ized  all  expectations.  Still  another  reason  was  that  there  were  grave 
doubts  whether  ten  regiments  could  be  raised  for  the  regular  army, 
since  the  Secretary  of  War  reported  that  only  2500  men  had  enlisted 
since  Congress  had  passed  the  other  bill  for  that  purpose. 


THE   MEXICAN   WAR  143 

Coming  now  to  general  principles,  Mr.  Hamlin  discussed  the 
abstract  idea  of  maintaining  a  large  standing  army.  A  descendant  of 
revolutionary  stock  and  a  sincere  Jeffersonian  Democrat,  he  was 
opposed  to  this.  He  favored  a  standing  army  only  when  an  absolute 
necessity,  as  a  nucleus  for  recruiting  and  drilling  raw  troops  in  an 
emergency.  He  believed  that  large  standing  armies  were  a  menace 
to  peace,  an  unnecessary  source  of  expense,  of  intrigue  and  class  dis 
tinction,  and  the  natural  props  of  monarchies.  The  essence  of  his 
views  was  that  the  citizens  of  a  true  republic  will  always  volunteer  to 
defend  its  welfare  and  honor.  To  increase  the  standing  army  with 
more  volunteers  ready  to  enter  the  service  than  were  needed  would 
be  absolutely  unnecessary. 

In  view  of  the  development  of  the  Calhoun  doctrine  of  state  sover 
eignty  into  the  doctrine  of  nullification,  and  the  method  employed  by 
both  the  North  and  the  South  in  forming  their  armies  during  the 
civil  war,  Mr.  Hamlin' s  ideas  of  how  troops  should  be  raised  in  the 
Mexican  war  are  interesting.  They  illustrate  in  their  turn  his  creed 
of  government,  that  the  United  States  was  a  government  founded  by 
the  people,  and  derived  its  existence  from  their  support ;  that  it  was 
not  a  compact  or  league  of  States,  but  that  each  State,  while  preserv 
ing  the  rights  of  autonomy,  owed  its  allegiance  to  the  general  gov 
ernment  ;  that  the  people  were  bound  to  come  to  the  support  of  the 
government  in  times  of  war  through  their  States,  which  should  exer 
cise  their  acknowledged  functions  in  raising  and  equipping  the  troops. 
On  this  score,  Mr.  Hamlin  severely  criticised  the  war  bill,  because  it 
infringed  state  rights  by  giving  the  President  the  appointment  of  the 
officers  of  the  regiments  called  for.  Mr.  Hamlin's  language  makes 
his  points  clearer.  He  said  :  — 

"  I  am  now  and  always  shall  be  in  favor  of  restricting  the  executive 
patronage  whenever  it  can  be  well  done,  and  when  there  is  no  necessity 
for  extending  it.  This  I  believe  is  the  doctrine  of  the  old  Jeffersonians. 
It  seems  to  me  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  placing  the  appointments  of 
four  hundred  officers  in  the  hands  of  the  Executive  to  be  wielded  for  good 
or  evil,  as  the  case  might  be,  though  it  be  exercised  with  all  the  prudence 
the  best  man  on  earth  could  employ.  .  .  .  Who  has  complained  of  the 
officers  of  the  brave  volunteers  ?  .  .  .  They  have  always  led  their  forces. 
.  .  .  There  are  other  considerations  I  would  like  to  dwell  on.  One  is 
that  under  this  bill  men  raised  in  one  State  would  be  officered  by  men 
from  another.  Would  it  not  be  expedient  for  these  corps  to  officer  them 
selves?  .  .  . 

"  The  House  may  not  recollect  a  bill  introduced  last  session  (by  James 
A.  Black,  of  South  Carolina) ;  but  I  do,  for  I  had  reason  to  confer  with  the 
gentleman  who  offered  it.  What  was  one  of  the  grand  features  of  that 
bill  ?  It  is  one  too  often  derided,  too  often  laughed  at.  It  is  the  great  and 


144  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

glorious  doctrine  of  state  rights,  state  pride,  and  state  duty ;  and  these 
doctrines  are  not  to  be  forgotten  in  this  connection.  The  gentleman 
proposed  to  organize  the  several  corps  of  militia  in  the  Union  into  corps 
to  be  denominated  legions,  each  State  to  have  its  own  legion  and  its  own 
colors.  Well,  there  was  something  in  that  suggestion.  When  called  into 
active  service,  if  there  are  substantial  honors  to  be  gained,  laurels  to  be 
reaped,  the  pride  of  each  State  would  be  roused  to  gather  its  share.  This 
would  tend  to  preserve  the  principle  of  state  rights.  But  it  is  a  serious 
objection  to  the  pending  bill  —  and  a  serious  one  with  myself  —  that  by 
building  up  this  large  standing  army  there  would  be  a  constant  and 
tremendous  tendency  to  centralization.  How  different  it  would  be  with 
the  independent  corps  —  each  impelled  and  directed  to  a  common  pur 
pose,  and  yet  meeting  in  different  places  of  rendezvous,  respecting  their 
individual  rights,  and  contending  each  for  the  glory  of  its  own  State. 

"  But  how  would  it  be  with  a  standing  army  ?  Why,  all  individuality 
would  be  swallowed  up,  and  all  state  lines  obliterated.  Now  that  fact 
alone  is  sufficient  to  lead  me  to  prefer  a  modification  or  change  of  this  bill 
so  that  it  shall  be  made  one  by  which  men  can  be  enlisted  as  volunteers. 
.  .  .  Let  us  then  avoid  unnecessary  extension  of  executive  patronage ;  let 
us  raise  a  volunteer  corps  ;  let  us  permit  the  corps  to  be  officered  by  men 
of  their  own  choice,  and  let  the  officers  and  the  men  be  dismissed  simulta 
neously.  With  these  provisions  attached,  the  bill  will  receive  my  hearty 
cooperation  and  support." 

Mr.  Hamlin  planned  his  attack  on  the  army  bill  with  the  assistance 
of  his  friend,  George  Rathbun,  who  introduced  a  substitute  for  the 
original  measure  embracing  Mr.  Hamlin's  ideas.  This  the  House 
accepted,  by  a  vote  of  98  to  96,  in  preference  to  the  bill  offered  by 
the  Military  Committee.  The  Senate  concurring,  the  new  troops 
were  raised  as  volunteers,  and  commanded  by  officers  commissioned 
by  the  States.  The  government  has  not  since  departed  from  these 
principles.  It  is  an  interesting  fact,  too,  that  the  Union  armies 
raised  during  the  civil  war  were  formed  in  about  the  same  way  Mr. 
Hamlin  advocated  in  his  speech  on  the  army  bill  in  1846. 

An  incident  happened  during  the  Mexican  war  that  Mr.  Hamlin 
related  with  keen  pleasure  as  an  illustration  of  the  kind  of  volunteer 
soldiers  Maine  produced.  Major  C.  N.  Bodfish,  of  Bath,  a  personal 
friend  of  Mr.  Hamlin's,  was  one  of  the  leading  lumbermen  of  the 
State,  and  was  noted  for  his  practical  ways  in  overcoming  obstacles. 
The  division  he  was  attached  to  in  the  Mexican  war  came  one  day 
to  a  wide  river,  flowing  between  lofty  and  precipitous  banks.  The 
corps  of  trained  civil  engineers  belonging  to  the  division  gave  it  as 
their  opinion  that  they  could  not  transport  the  army  across  the  river 
in  less  than  a  week.  When  Major  Bodfish  heard  this  decision,  he  was 
disgusted,  and,  after  making  an  examination  of  the  river's  banks,  he 
asserted  that  he  could  transport  the  army  inside  of  forty-eight  hours. 


THE   MEXICAN   WAR  145 

Knowing  Major  Bodfish's  reputation,  the  commanding  officers  ordered 
him  to  go  to  work  on  the  problem  upon  which  the  engineers  were 
figuring.  He  detailed  a  large  body  of  men,  working  in  relays,  to  dig 
a  path,  in  a  diagonal  direction,  down  the  bank  on  which  the  army  was 
camped,  to  the  river,  which  he  bridged  over  with  pontoons  ;  and 
while  the  army  was  defiling  down  the  first  path  and  over  the  bridge, 
other  men  cut  a  diagonal  path  up  the  second  bank.  The  army  was 
transported  within  the  time  Major  Bodfish  stipulated,  and  the  inci 
dent  became  famous.  After  the  war  had  closed,  Mr.  Hamlin  related 
the  story  to  the  President,  who,  at  his  request,  appointed  Bodfish 
collector  of  customs  at  Bath. 

Mr.  Hamlin  continued  to  follow  closely  the  details  of  the  Mexican 
war.  On  one  occasion  he  was  brought  in  opposition  to  the  dominant 
forces  in  the  House,  when  he  did  not  succeed  in  carrying  his  point. 
The  incident  evidences  the  petty  and  arrogant  spirit  of  the  slave 
party  in  small  things.  Daniel  Putnam  King  was  one  of  the  fourteen 
Whigs  who  voted  against  the  war  bill  in  the  House.  For  this  rea 
son  the  slave  party  in  the  House  did  not  treat  him  at  times  with 
the  courtesy  his  high  character  deserved.  At  this  session  of  Con 
gress,  Mr.  King  presented  a  memorial  from  the  Society  of  Friends 
of  New  England  praying  that  measures  might  be  adopted  to  put  an 
end  to  the  war.  Mr.  King  moved  that  the  memorial  be  referred  to 
the  proper  committee  and  printed.  A  curious  objection  sprung  up 
to  this  motion.  One  Southern  member  protested  against  the  printing 
of  the  memorial  because  it  was  presented  by  Quakers,  who  were  always 
in  favor  of  peace ;  another,  because  it  was  a  private  affair,  and  would 
involve  the  spending  of  public  money. 

These  and  other  petty  subterfuges  disgusted  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  he 
made  a  few  remarks  which  expressed  his  ideas  of  toleration  and 
courtesy  towards  an  honorable  opponent.  He  argued  as  Mr.  King 
did,  that  the  memorial  should  be  printed,  because  it  came  from  a  re 
spectable  body  of  nine  or  ten  thousand  people  living  in  New  England. 
The  paper  was  short  and  respectful,  and  by  printing  it  the  House 
neither  indorsed  nor  contradicted  its  sentiments.  "  This  memorial," 
Mr.  Hamlin  continued,  "may  deny  the  justice  of  the  war,  and  yet  I, 
who  am  one  of  the  firmest  and  most  decided  supporters  of  the  war, 
am, disposed  to  print  it.  To  refuse  might  look  like  shrinking  from 
the  freest  investigation  of  the  subject,  and  the  fullest  expression  of 
public  sentiment  in  regard  to  it.  I  am  in  no  wise  disposed  to  do 
either."  But  the  House  was  in  a  particularly  intolerant  mood,  and 
rejected  Mr.  King's  resolution  by  a  vote  of  77  to  65. l 

Although  the  Mexican  war,  in  its  political  aspect,  is  a  discreditable 
page  in  the  history  of  our  government,  yet,  as  a  feat  of  arms,  it 
1  Congressional  Globe,  December  29,  1846. 


146  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

reflected  credit  on  the  military  prowess  of  the  young  nation,  and  won 
it  more  respect  among  the  nations  of  the  Old  World.  The  victories 
our  arms  gained  at  Vera  Cruz,  Buena  Vista,  Chapultepec,  Churubusco, 
and  other  Mexican  strongholds  now  read  like  romances.  The  Mexi 
cans  were  brave,  and  greatly  outnumbered  our  men ;  but  they  were 
inadequately  equipped,  badly  officered,  and" divided  by  internal  politi 
cal  dissensions.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  doubtful  if  there  ever  was 
a  more  efficient  army  for  its  numbers  than  the  one  that  won  the 
Mexican  war.  The  men  were  mostly  volunteers  —  the  flower  of 
American  citizenship.  They  were  young,  unusually  intelligent,  brave 
unto  rashness,  and  fired  with  ambition.  They  were  commanded  by 
Scott  and  Taylor,  two  of  the  best  generals  of  their  times,  who  had 
among  their  subordinates  Grant,  Sherman,  Hancock,  Hooker,  Kearny, 
McClellan,  Lee,  Jackson,  Johnston,  Longstreet,  and  others  whose 
names  are  now  among  the  military  geniuses  of  the  age.  In  another 
respect,  the  Mexican  war  is  of  personal  interest  to  these  pages,  since 
it  gave  Mr.  Hamlin  experience  that  enabled  him  to  render  practical 
aid  to  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War  when  he  was  the 
war  Vice-President. 


CHAPTER   XIV 

DEFEATED    FOR   THE   SENATE 

MR.  HAMLIN'S  antagonism  to  slavery  during  his  first  three  years* 
service  in  the  House  had  a  far-reaching  effect  in  Maine,  and  the  nar 
rative  now  turns  to  the  political  situation  in  the  Pine  Tree  State. 
When  the  slave  power  betrayed  its  plan  to  nationalize  slavery  by 
annexing  Texas,  the  people  of  Maine,  like  those  of  other  free  States, 
were  aroused  from  their  passive  attitude  towards  the  peculiar  institu 
tion.  At  first  the  slavery  question  was  not  a  burning  issue,  but 
served  in  the  beginning  as  an  opening  wedge  in  splitting  the  old 
parties  asunder.  The  line  of  cleavage  in  the  Democracy  of  Maine 
was  indicated  first  by  the  development  of  two  wings,  one  called  the 
Free-Soilers,  the  other  the  Wild-Cats.  As  events  progressed,  the 
Free-Soilers  were  filled  with  foreboding  over  the  increasing  demands 
of  the  slave  power  and  the  attempts  it  made  to  suppress  free  speech, 
the  persecution  of  anti-slavery  people,  the  killing  of  Jonathan  Cilley, 
and  the  red-handed  murder  of  the  Rev.  Elijah  P.  Lovejoy,  also  a  son  of 
Maine.  All  these  things,  and  others,  revealed  the  temper  of  the  slave 
power  in  its  sinister  light  to  the  liberty-loving  people  of  that  State. 
Mr.  Hamlin's  continued  fight  against  the  slave  party  on  the  floor 
of  the  House,  his  denunciation  of  slavery,  in  Pinckney's  words,  as  "an 
evil  that  blighted  all  it  touched,"  his  attacks  on  dueling,  his  resist 
ance  to  the  annexation  of  Texas  as  a  slave  State  and  to  the  betrayal 
of  Oregon,  —  all  these  acts  warmed  the  anti-slavery  Democrats  of 
Maine  towards  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  although  he  was  only  thirty-six  years 
old,  they  rallied  around  him  in  greater  numbers  than  ever,  and  in  the 
fall  of  1845  brought  him  forward  as  their  candidate  for  the  United 
States  Senate.  Then  followed  one  of  the  most  exciting  and  interest 
ing  elections  in  the  history  of  the  State.  It  is  of  peculiar  importance 
to  this  record,  since  it  throws  a  strong  light  on  Mr.  Hamlin  in  one  of 
the  most  trying  struggles  of  his  life,  and  also  because  it  marks  the 
beginning  of  the  efforts  of  the  slave  power  to  dominate  the  Demo 
cratic  party  in  Maine.  Mr.  Hamlin's  success  in  his  fight  with  the 
slave  power  at  home  was  perhaps  his  best  political  work.  His  defeat 
in  1846  was  a  preparation  for  this  long  struggle.  The  contest  he 
waged  with  the  slave  power  this  time  lasted  six  weeks.  The  result 


148  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

hung  on  the  turn  of  a  single  vote.1  If  Mr.  Hamlin  had  agreed  to 
modify  his  opposition  to  slavery,  he  might  have  been  elected.  He 
refused. 

But  to  understand  this  contest  in  all  its  phases,  it  is  necessary  first 
fully  to  understand  the  political  status  of  the  slavery  question  in  Maine. 
When  slavery  began  to  force  its  way  into*  politics  as  an  issue,  men 
began  to  array  themselves  on  either  side  according  to  their  convic 
tions,  interests,  and  natures.  Although  the  senatorial  election  of  1 846 
was  in  the  main  a  square  fight  between  the  anti-slavery  and  the  pro- 
slavery  factions  of  the  Democracy  of  the  Pine  Tree  State,  yet  it  would 
not  be  right  or  just  to  rank  all  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  opponents  as  pro- 
slavery  men,  as  the  term  is  now  understood.  There  were  many  good 
men  in  the  country  at  this  time  who,  while  personally  abhorring  sla 
very,  nevertheless  felt  that  it  had  a  constitutional  status  which  could 
not  be  assailed  without  assailing  the  Constitution  itself.  It  is  neces 
sary  to  emphasize  this  fact,  that  the  positions  of  many  may  be  justly 
understood,  who  subsequently  saw  their  error,  and  fought  the  uphold 
ers  of  slavery  on  the  field  of  battle.  George  F.  Shepley,  for  many 
years  a  distinguished  judge  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  was 
one  of  the  most  conspicuous  Democrats  of  this  class  who  first  fought 
Mr.  Hamlin  because  they  thought  he  was  too  radical  on  the  slavery 
question,  but  afterwards  joined  hands  with  him  in  the  real  crisis. 
There  were  other  conservative  Democratic  leaders  in  Maine  at  this 
time,  such  as  Hugh  J.  Anderson,  who  was  governor  of  the  State,  and 
as  a  strong  party  man  accepted  the  policy  of  his  party  and  opposed 
Mr.  Hamlin.  He  was  also  ambitious  to  go  to  the  Senate  himself. 
Then  there  was  a  non-political  element  which  instinctively  arrayed 
itself  against  Mr.  Hamlin  because  he  was  of  a  radical  nature.  The 
members  of  this  feared  a  change,  and  they  saw  in  Mr.  Hamlin's 
aggressive  leadership  dangers  that  they  thought  the  country  could 
avoid  by  pinning  its  faith  to  the  Constitution.  Strange  as  it  may 
seem,  at  this  time  slavery  had  supporters  among  the  colleges  and 
churches  in  Maine.  Among  these  men  were  Rev.  Dr.  Leonard 
Woods,  president  of  Bowdoin  College  from  1833  to  1866,  and  the 
Rev.  John  O.  Fiske,  of  Bath. 

But  there  was  also  an  aggressive  pro-slavery  party  in  the  Maine 
Democracy  at  this  period,  and  it  strengthened  itself  by  drawing  on 
the  national  administration  for  support.  As  the  administration  had 

1  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  Leander  Valentine,  of  Westbrook,  on  March  2,  1848  :  "  I 
was  nominated  some  half  a  dozen  times  in  the  House,  receiving  about  two  thirds 
or  three  fourths  of  the  whole  party,  perhaps  the  largest  majority  ever  given  in  the 
popular  branch  in  the  legislature.  Three  times  I  came  within  one  vote  of  a 
nomination  in  the  Senate,  once  receiving  just  one  half.  But  two  or  three  Mor 
mons  (pro-slavery  men)  prevented  me  from  getting  that  one  vote  necessary." 


DEFEATED   FOR   THE    SENATE  149 

developed  a  distinctively  pro-slavery  policy  under  Secretary  Calhoun, 
it  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  it  filled  the  offices  with  its  friends. 
Of  this  party  Nathan  Clifford,  afterwards  United  States  attorney- 
general  and  associate  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  was  the  most  prominent  leader.  Mr.  Clifford  was  a  man  of 
great  industry  and  unbounded  ambition.  He  had  already  served  in 
the  national  House  of  Representatives,  was  a  personal  friend  of  Presi 
dent  Polk,  and  desirous  of  promoting  his  fortunes.  His  ambition  was 
soon  gratified,  and  he  was  taken  into  Mr.  Folk's  Cabinet,  where  he 
exercised  a  considerable  control  over  the  federal  patronage  in  Maine. 
There  were  other  leaders  in  this  faction,  who,  while  they  were  of  less 
repute  than  Judge  Clifford,  were  none  the  less  men  of  decided  politi 
cal  ability.  One  was  Wyman  B.  S.  Moor,  who  was  several  times 
attorney-general  of  Maine,  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate 
for  a  short  time,  and  afterwards  United  States  consul-general  to  the 
British-American  Provinces.  Another  was  Bion  Bradbury,  of  East- 
port,  a  man  of  talent  and  address,  who  for  many  years  was  one  of  the 
most  skillful  managers  of  the  Democratic  party  of  Maine.  A  third 
was  Shepard  Cary,  of  Houlton,  who  served  a  term  in  the  House  and 
exerted  considerable  influence  in  his  party.  A  fourth  was  Benjamin 
Wiggin,  of  Bangor,  a  smooth  wire-puller ;  and  a  fifth  was  Leonard 
Jones,  proprietor  of  the  "  Bangor  Democrat,"  the  leading  party  news 
paper  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  congressional  district. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  canvass  Mr.  Hamlin  and  his  supporters  had 
easily  the  best  of  it.  They  carried  the  majority  of  the  caucuses  in 
the  summer  of  1845,  at  which  the  Democratic  candidates  for  the  legis 
lature  were  chosen,  and  nominated  men  who  pledged  themselves  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Hamlin  when  his  name  came  before  the  legislature. 
The  Democrats  carried  the  State  at  the  September  election,  and  Mr. 
Hamlin's  friends  confidently  counted  on  his  elevation  to  the  Senate. 
He  probably  would  have  been  chosen  had  the  legislature  met  shortly 
after  the  state  election,  but  it  did  not  convene  until  the  spring  of  1 846, 
and  in  the  interim  the  opposition  relaxed  no  effort  to  turn  every  little 
advantage  to  account.  Mr.  Hamlin,  on  the  other  hand,  was  at  this 
time  in  the  thick  of  the  fight  at  Washington  against  the  plot  to  betray 
Oregon.  He  knew,  of  course,  that  in  the  beginning  of  his  candidacy 
for  the  Senate  his  anti-slavery  course  would  be  used  as  an  argument 
against  him.  Indeed,  he  was  told  by  his  enemies  that  they  would 
defeat  him  if  they  could,  because  he  was  an  anti-slavery  man  ;  he  was 
also  urged  by  well-meaning  friends  to  modify  his  course.  His  most 
substantial  reply  to  his  enemies  and  timid  counselors  was  his  speech 
on  the  Oregon  matter,  and  it  is  therefore  to  be  considered  in  one 
sense  as  a  measured  expression  of  his  anti-slavery  convictions. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  party  machine  led  by  the  governor  was 


150  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

against  Mr.  Hamlin,  his  friends  were  confident  of  his  success,  because 
the  people  of  the  State  were  for  him,  in  preference  to  a  pro-slavery 
man.  As  the  time  for  the  convening  of  the  legislature  drew  near,  Mr. 
Hamlin's  opponents,  both  the  avowed  pro-slavery  men  and  the  conser 
vative  element,  concentrated  their  forces  in  a  movement  to  nominate 
Governor  Anderson  as  the  most  available  man  they  could  present 
against  Mr.  Hamlin.  Mr.  Anderson  was  a  popular  man  personally  and 
a  shrewd  politician,  but  the  fact  that  he  was  supported  by  men  who 
believed  in  slavery,  and  were  opposed  to  the  principles  of  the  Wilmot 
Proviso,  was  sufficient  to  defeat  him.  He  was  out  of  the  race  at  the 
start,  but  certain  unscrupulous  pro-slavery  members  of  the  legislature, 
who  did  not  propose  to  respect  the  will  of  the  majority  of  their  party, 
made  use  of  Governor  Anderson's  name.  When  the  legislature  as 
sembled  in  May,  1846,  it  was  generally  believed  that  Mr.  Hamlin 
would  be  nominated  by  his  party.  He  had  a  large  majority  assured 
him  in  the  House,  and  while  there  were  some  doubts  about  the 
Senate,  there  was  no  question  that  he  was  the  choice  of  the  majority 
members  of  the  legislature,  and  his  party  could  be  defeated  only  by 
unfair  tactics. 

There  was  only  one  way  in  which  this  could  be  done,  and  that  was 
by  bringing  about  a  deadlock.  Circumstances  conspired  to  favor  this 
plot.  It  was  the  custom  then  for  each  House  to  make  its  own  nomi 
nation  for  senator  in  a  separate  caucus,  instead  of  meeting  in  a  joint 
assembly  as  they  do  now.  Thus  if  the  two  Houses  did  not  agree,  a 
deadlock  was  sure  to  follow,  when  a  small  minority  could  dictate  terms 
to  the  majority.  If  any  man  had  predicted  on  the  opening  of  the 
legislature  that  a  plot  of  this  kind  had  been  planned,  and  that  it  would 
be  carried  out,  he  would  have  been  laughed  to  scorn ;  nevertheless,  a 
small  number  of  bitter  pro-slavery  men  who  had  been  elected  to  the 
Senate  were  working  desperately,  when  the  legislature  came  together, 
to  bring  about  a  deadlock,  and  thus  block  Mr.  Hamlin's  election. 
They  found  that  they  could  succeed  only  by  breaking  pledges  made  to 
their  constituents  to  support  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  by  resorting  to  ques 
tionable  tactics.  They  were  equal  to  this  sort  of  work,  and  were 
therefore  responsible  for  the  success  of  the  slave  party  in  the  Maine 
Senate  election  of  1846. 

While  the  machine  was  working  against  Mr.  Hamlin,  he  neverthe 
less  had  strong  friends  in  the  state  government  and  the  legislature, 
who  had  served  their  political  novitiate,  and  who  under  ordinary  con 
ditions  could  have  carried  the  day  for  him.  Prominent  among  these 
men  were  Ezra  B.  French,  secretary  of  state,  and  Alfred  Reddington, 
adjutant-general.  In  the  Senate  were  General  John  J.  Perry,  Alpheus 
S.  Holden,  Elisha  M.  Thurston,  Asa  Smith,  Joseph  S.  Monroe,  John 
H.  Pillsbury,  Charles  G.  Bellamy,  Benjamin  F.  Mason,  Randall  Skil- 


DEFEATED   FOR  THE   SENATE  151 

lin,  Rufus  Porter,  Joseph  Berry,  Henry  Barnes ;  in  the  House  were 
Hugh  D.  McClellan,  Atwood  Levensaler,  Sylvanus  T.  Kinks,  Horatio 
G.  Russ,  Hiram  Ruggles,  Thomas  H.  Norcross,  Lyndon  Oak,  Ben 
jamin  B.  Thomas,  John  Gardner,  and  the  Rev.  Ebenezer  Knowlton, 
the  Speaker.  The  testimony  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  in  this  contest 
is  interesting,  and  no  one  is  better  qualified  to  speak  than  General 
Perry,  an  Oxford  County  man,  a  lifelong  friend  of  Mr.  Hamlin's,  and 
whose  personal  character  and  services  to  the  State  as  a  legislator 
and  congressman  render  him  a  reliable  witness.  General  Perry  read 
an  address  before  the  Maine  Historical  Society,  at  Portland,  in  which 
he  said :  "  The  defeat  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  by  the  legislature  of  1 846, 
was  the  result  of  one  of  the  most  corrupt  bargains  that  ever  dis 
graced  any  legislature."  At  another  time,  General  Perry  gave  the 
details.1  One  point,  however,  must  be  explained  before  quoting  him. 
The  custom  had  not  yet  been  established  of  holding  a  joint  caucus 
in  the  legislature  to  make  nominations  for  senator,  but  each  house 
made  its  own  nomination  and  balloted  independently  of  the  other. 
This  circumstance  gave  Mr.  Hamlin's  enemies  their  first  opportunity 
to  make  a  stand  against  him  in  the  Senate.  Had  the  nomination 
been  made  by  a  joint  caucus,  Mr.  Hamlin  would  have  been  chosen 
by  a  large  majority.  To  quote  General  Perry  :  — 

"  A  canvass  of  the  Democratic  members  of  the  House  soon  settled  the 
fact  that  Mr.  Hamlin  would  be  the  nominee  of  that  body,  and  his  friends 
had  the  best  of  reasons  for  believing  that  he  would  be  nominated  in  the 
Senate  caucus  also.  But  subsequently  there  appeared  to  be  some  uncer 
tainty  about  the  Senate  ;  it  was  developed  that  Mr.  Hamlin  had  some  bitter 
personal  enemies  in  that  branch  of  the  legislature  who  would  not  hesitate 
to  use  any  means  within  their  power  to  defeat  him.  We  found  that  they 
had  been  working  day  and  night  to  accomplish  this,  and  not  meeting  with 
the  encouragement  they  had  expected  were  at  one  time  ready  to  abandon 
the  fight.  But  they  received  reinforcements  from  a  body  of  '  Wild-Cats ' 
who  came  over  to  the  Capitol,  and  it  was  announced  that  Mr.  Hamlin  would 
be  defeated  in  the  Senate  caucus.  The  House  had  its  caucus  on  May  28, 
and  Mr.  Hamlin  was  nominated  by  a  handsome  majority,  receiving  44 
votes  to  29  for  Governor  Anderson  and  a  few  for  other  candidates.  The 
result  was  announced  to  the  Senate  before  it  voted,  but  even  in  spite  of  this 
demonstration  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  popularity  with  his  party,  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  a  majority  of  the  Senate  had  been  nominated  under  the  suppo 
sition  that  they  were  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends,  the  Senate,  after  twelve  ballots, 
nominated  Governor  Anderson,  the  pro-slavery  candidate.  He  received 
14  votes  and  Mr.  Hamlin  n.  On  the  last  ballot,  the  supporters  of  the 
minor  candidates  combined  on  Mr.  Anderson ;  it  was  *  anything  to  beat 
Hamlin.'  " 

The  next  day  the  situation  remained  unchanged ;  each  house  stuck 
1  Letter  to  the  author. 


152  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

to  its  candidate.  A  week  was  passed  without  an  election,  and  then 
the  news  of  the  deadlock  spread  over  the  State.  When  it  became 
evident  that  a  plot  had  been  formed  by  pro-slavery  men  in  the  Senate 
to  defeat  Mr.  Hamlin  on  account  of  his  anti-slavery  record,  the  great 
est  indignation  prevailed  among  the  Free- Soil  Democrats.  They 
brought  great  pressure  to  bear  upon  several"  recalcitrant  senators,  but 
without  avail.  Charges  of  broken  pledges  and  plain  warnings  that 
the  delinquent  would  be  punished  by  peremptory  retirement  from  the 
Senate  by  their  constituents  had  no  effect.  The  slave  power  was  in 
an  ugly  mood,  and  proposed  to  punish  Mr.  Hamlin  for  defying  it. 
Compromising  stories  about  corruption  were  next  heard  in  explana 
tion  of  the  course  several  senators  were  pursuing,  regardless  of  their 
instructions  and  the  wishes  of  the  people  who  had  elected  them,  but 
nothing  could  be  proved,  and  the  long  fight  went  on  week  after  week, 
Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  clinging  to  him  with  a  pertinacity  worthy  of  the 
cause,  and  the  slave  party  in  the  Senate  sticking  to  its  candidate  with 
a  zeal  worthy  of  a  better  cause.  Again  and  again  the  slave  party 
presented  a  new  candidate,  but  at  every  House  caucus  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  put  forward  as  the  candidate  of  the  Free -Soil  Democrats  of 
Maine.  Mr.  Hamlin's  timid  friends  tried  once  more  to  urge  him  to 
listen  to  suggestions  of  compromise,  but  he  firmly  and  emphatically 
refused  to  modify  his  opposition  to  slavery,  or  to  entertain  any  offer 
of  compromise  from  his  enemies  in  the  Senate.  He  continued  his 
course  in  Congress,  apparently  undisturbed  by  the  unexpected  hap 
penings  at  Augusta,  When  a  change  of  one  vote  would  have  elected 
him  at  one  time,  if  he  had  given  assurance  that  he  would  be  less 
pronounced  in  his  attitude  towards  slavery,  he  remained  as  grimly 
opposed  to  the  slave  power  as  ever  before. 

The  contest  dragged  on  for  six  weeks  without  an  election.  Mr. 
Hamlin's  friends  were  morally  sure  that  corrupt  means  had  been 
employed  to  block  his  election,  and  they  hated  to  yield ;  but  Mr. 
Hamlin,  a  few  days  before  the  time  for  adjournment  arrived,  decided 
not  to  prolong  the  contest  further,  because  he  did  not  wish  the  State 
to  go  unrepresented.  He  therefore  wrote  a  letter  to  his  friends, 
advising  them  to  withdraw  his  name  in  favor  of  James  W.  Bradbury, 
of  Augusta,  who  professed  to  be  friendly  to  Mr.  Hamlin.  They  did 
it  with  great  reluctance,  and  the  legislature  finally  elected  Mr.  Brad 
bury,  who  held  conservative  views  on  the  slavery  question,  and  whose 
selection  was  therefore  regarded  as  a  drawn  battle  between  the  two 
wings  of  the  Democratic  party. 

Immediately  after  the  election  of  Mr.  Bradbury  had  been  declared, 
an  episode  occurred  that  General  Perry  relates  as  follows  :  "  About 
a  week  before  the  legislature  adjourned,  Stephen  H.  Chase,  of  Frye- 
burg,  who  was  president  of  the  Senate,  resigned  the  presidency,  and 


DEFEATED   FOR   THE   SENATE  153 

David  Dunn,  of  Poland,  was  elected  to  fill  the  vacancy.  Chase  was 
bitterly  opposed  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  voted  against  him,  although  he 
came  from  Oxford  County,  Mr.  Hamlin's  old  home,  where  three 
fourths  of  the  Democrats  wanted  Mr.  Hamlin  elected.  Dunn  was 
supposed  to  be  Mr.  Hamlin's  friend,  until  the  final  test  came.  This 
incident  has  never  been  explained,  and  is  recited  without  comment. 
There  were  other  senators  also  who  betrayed  the  wishes  of  their  con 
stituents.  Some  of  the  senators  who  betrayed  their  constituency  by 
opposing  Mr.  Hamlin  were  not  met  on  their  return  home  with  'shouts 
of  applause  and  bands  of  music/  but  were  invited  to  political  graves 
which  know  no  resurrection.  Chase,1  for  example,  was  retired  from 
the  Senate  the  next  year  before  a  withering  fire  of  denunciation,  while 
I,  who  was  one  of  the  other  senators  from  Oxford  County  and  Mr. 
Hamlin's  friend,  was  unanimously  renominated  and  reflected  by  an 
increased  majority,  —  two  convincing  circumstances  which  show  what 
the  Democrats  of  Oxford  County  thought  about  the  defeat  of  Mr. 
Hamlin.  But  I  should  add  that  the  people  of  Maine  took  Mr.  Hamlin 
into  their  own  hands,  and  thereafter  sent  him  to  the  United  States 
Senate  as  long  as  he  was  willing  to  remain  there." 

If  either  Chase  or  Dunn  had  kept  his  pledges  or  respected  the 
wishes  of  his  party,  obviously  Mr.  Hamlin  would  have  been  elected. 
This  and  other  circumstances  escaped  the  chroniclers  of  the  times. 
The  newspaper  press  was  but  an  infant  in  those  days.  Years  after 
wards,  when  this  defeat  had  lost  its  sting,  and  men  who  had  opposed 
Mr.  Hamlin  had  acknowledged  their  mistake  and  joined  hands  with 
him  in  fighting  the  enemy,  an  amusing  circumstance  came  out  in  con 
nection  with  the  contest  of  1846  that  tended  to  place  it  in  a  somewhat 
humorous  light.  One  vote  in  the  Senate  was  diverted  from  Mr.  Ham 
lin,  not  on  account  of  his  opposition  to  slavery,  but  on  account  of  a 
personal  grievance  which  one  member  held  against  him,  but  which, 
however  serious  to  the  senator,  is  an  amusing  illustration  of  how  little 
things  may  control  the  course  of  events.  "  Misfortunes  do  not  come 
singly."  Mr.  Hamlin  happened  to  have  an  enemy  in  the  Senate,  whose 
hostility  he  had  innocently  incurred  in  an  accident,  the  story  of  which, 
as  related  by  him  on  the  occasion  of  a  legislative  reunion  at  Augusta, 
nearly  forty  years  afterwards,  may  be  instructive  to  young  politicians. 
As  has  been  said,  Mr.  Hamlin  in  his  early  life  was  something  of  a 
"practical  joker."  He  enjoyed  a  little  harmless  fun  even  at  his  own 
expense,  but  he  did  not  dream  one  day,  when  an  amusing  idea  popped 
into  his  head,  that  the  execution  of  it  would  cost  him  an  election  to 
the  United  States  Senate.  While  he  was  serving  as  speaker  of  the 
House  some  eight  or  ten  years  previous  to  this  time,  there  was  a 

1  Chase  afterwards  sought  the  Democratic  nomination  for  Congress  in  his  dis 
trict.  He  was  defeated  by  the  anti-slavery  men,  and  left  the  State. 


154  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

member  who  prided  himself  on  his  faultless  personal  appearance.  He 
was  growing  bald  and  was  very  sensitive  about  it.  To  conceal  this 
approaching  calamity,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  using  bandoline  and  other 
preparations  to  keep  each  hair  in  its  proper  place.  One  day,  while  sit 
ting  in  the  speaker's  chair,  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  was  in  a  particularly 
happy  mood,  happened  to  cast  his  eye  on  tkis  man's  carefully  dressed 
hair,  and  not  knowing  his  peculiarity  —  for  he  would  not  purposely 
have  offended  the  old  gentleman  for  the  world  —  Mr.  Hamlin  beck 
oned  to  him,  shaking  with  repressed  laughter  at  the  same  time- 
Full  of  importance  at  being  summoned  by  the  Speaker  to  his  chair  in 
the  presence  of  the  House,  this  member  marched  pompously  up  to 
Mr.  Hamlin,  who  smilingly  whispered  :  — 

"  Old  fellow,  I  just  wanted  to  tell  you  that  you  had  got  one  of  your 
hairs  crossed  over  the  other." 

Had  the  Speaker  suddenly  slapped  the  representative  in  the  face, 
he  could  not  have  angered  the  sensitive  man  more  than  he  did  by  play 
ing  this  little  joke  on  him.  His  face  turned  red  with  fury,  and  he 
spluttered  :  "  You  insult  me,  sir ;  you  insult  me  !  "  He  marched  to 
his  desk  in  a  state  of  great  indignation.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  profuse  in 
his  apologies,  but  the  irate  man  cherished  the  fancied  insult  for  nearly 
ten  years  in  the  hopes  of  avenging  himself.  In  1846  the  opportunity 
came.  He  was  elected  to  the  state  Senate,  where  he  joined  the  pro- 
slavery  men,  and  with  great  satisfaction  wiped  out  the  insult  to  his 
hair.  What  aggravated  the  offense  was  the  fact  that  he  was  elected 
to  the  Senate,  pledged  to  vote  for  Mr.  Hamlin.  When  the  York 
County  Democrats  held  their  convention  to  nominate  a  candidate  for 
the  state  Senate  in  the  fall  of  1845,  the  subject  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  inno 
cent  joke  sought  the  honor.  Learning  of  his  candidacy  and  knowing 
that  he  still  nursed  some  feelings  of  resentment  towards  Mr.  Hamlin, 
the  latter's  friends  suspected  that  he  might  prove  an  unsafe  man  to 
send  to  the  state  Senate.  They  were  in  control  of  the  convention, 
and  to  guard  against  any  misunderstanding  as  to  his  position,  they 
called  on  him  to  state  in  the  convention  who  was  his  choice  for  United 
States  senator.  He  took  the  floor  and  declared  that  if  Mr.  Hamlin 
should  be  a  candidate  before  the  legislature,  he  would  vote  for  him 
in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  convention.  Rome  was  once, 
saved  from  capture  by  the  hiss  of  a  goose.  That  was  a  narrow 
escape.  In  political  annals  it  could  be  paralleled  only  by  the  escape 
of  the  slave  power  of  Maine  from  defeat  in  1846  by  a  hair.  But  this 
contest  only  nerved  the  Free-Soil  Democrats  of  Maine  to  greater 
effort  two  years  later,  when  their  battle  was  renewed,  and  that  time 
there  was  no  slip  between  cup  and  lip. 


CHAPTER   XV 

THE   WILMOT   PROVISO 

ONE  of  the  most  important  measures  connected  with  the  cause  of 
freedom  in  ante-bellum  days  was  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  In  one  respect 
this  proviso  operated  like  the  gag-law ;  although  framed  for  a  different 
purpose,  it  compelled  the  parties  and  public  men  of  the  day  to  divide 
in  opposition  to,  or  in  support  of,  the  slave  power.  Again,  like  the 
gag-law,  the  Wilmot  Proviso  became  a  tremendous  weapon  in  the 
hands  of  the  anti-slavery  men  in  fighting  their  foe.  Although  they 
lost  the  preliminary  battle,  they  won  a  greater  victory  in  the  end  : 
the  Wilmot  Proviso  aroused  the  free  States  and  caused  them,  slowly 
at  first,  it  is  true,  to  join  hands  against  the  slave  power.  The  Wilmot 
Proviso  may  be  called  the  first  plank  of  the  young  Republican  party, 
which  was  gradually  evolving  from  the  free-soil  elements  that  united 
in  support  of  this  measure.  The  Wilmot  Proviso  is  of  both  historic 
and  personal  interest  to  these  records,  and  the  complete  story  of  how 
this  famous  measure  happened  to  be  devised  and  presented  is  now 
related  in  its  entirety  for  the  first  time,  in  order  that  all  the  chief 
actors  in  the  drama  may  have  their  just  share  of  credit.  Although 
the  proviso  goes  down  in  history  bearing  the  name  of  its  presenter, 
David  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  yet,  without  desiring  to  detract  from 
Mr.  Wilmot' s  well  earned  reputation,  it  must  be  stated  that  the  facts 
show  that  Jacob  Brinkerhoff,  of  Ohio,  is  entitled  to  the  credit  for 
originally  drafting  the  proviso,  and  that  Hannibal  Hamlin  is  also  en 
titled  to  the  distinction  of  bringing  the  measure  to  a  final  issue  against 
the  slave  party  in  Congress. 

The  proviso  was  a  moral  result  of  the  Mexican  war.  When  it 
became  evident  that  the  Mexicans  were  willing  to  listen  to  negotia 
tions  for  peace,  President  Polk  asked  Congress  for  an  appropriation 
of  $2,000,000,  to  bring  the  war  to  an  end,  the  understanding  being 
that  the  United  States  should  indemnify  Mexico  for  land  that  the 
government  should  take.  As  the  Mexican  troops  were  occupying 
California  and  New  Mexico,  it  was  certain  that  this  territory  would 
be  acquired,  and  the  anti-slavery  men  were  considering  among  them 
selves  ways  and  means  for  preventing  the  slave  power  from  using 
this  territory  for  its  purposes,  when  the  so-called  Two  Million  Dollar 
Bill  was  introduced  in  the  House.  The  idea  of  excluding  slavery 


156  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

from  the  territory  to  be  conquered  and  purchased  from  Mexico  had 
occurred  to  many  anti-slavery  members  of  Congress.  Mr.  Hamlin, 
Judge  Brinkerhoff,  Mr.  Wilmot,  Preston  King,  George  Rathbun, 
Martin  Grover,  of  New  York,  Paul  Dillingham,  Jr.,  of  Vermont,  and 
others  of  the  anti-slavery  Democrats,  had  already  discussed  at  their 
,"  messes,"  and  in  their  conferences  in  the  Ifbuse,  the  possibilities  of 
such  a  move  by  the  slave  power  as  was  made  in  the  presentation  of 
the  Two  Million  Dollar  Bill,  but  no  definite  line  of  action  was  decided 
upon.  When  the  bill  was  read,  on  August  8,  1846,  the  House  was  in 
committee.  Brinkerhoff  was  quick  to  see  that  the  time  for  action  had 
come,  and  so  were  his  friends,  too.  In  the  incident  that  then  occurred, 
there  were  several  men  who  took  part,  each  of  whom  might  have  said 
afterwards  that  he  had  a  narrow  escape  from  lasting  fame. 

The  Two  Million  Dollar  Bill  had  been  referred  to  a  committee,  and 
while  it  was  considering  the  measure,  Judge  Brinkerhoff  sat  down  at 
his  desk,  and,  to  use  his  own  words  in  a  letter  to  Henry  Wilson, 
April  4,  1868,  he  "drew  up  the  proviso  in  the  exact  language  in 
which  it  now  appears  on  page  1283  of  the  (congressional)  'Journal."1 
The  proviso  embodied  the  language  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  pro 
hibiting  slavery  in  the  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  and  followed 
it  as  exactly  as  Judge  Brinkerhoff  could  recall  it.  Looking  over  the 
House,  he  saw  Samuel  F.  Vinton,  the  leader  of  the  Whigs,  and  an 
anti-slavery  man.  He  showed  the  draft  of  the  proviso  to  Vinton, 
who  read  it,  and  asked  if  the  members  on  the  Democratic  side  of  the 
House  would  support  it.  Judge  Brinkerhoff  answered  that  some 
would.  Mr.  Vinton  advised  him  to  be  on  the  alert,  to  get  the  floor 
and  offer  the  proviso.  Judge  Brinkerhoff  replied  :  "  No,  I  am  sus 
pected,  and  the  floor  will  probably  not  be  awarded  to  me.  Wilmot 
is  the  favorite  of  the  Southern  members,  and  he  can  get  the  floor 
when  I  cannot ;  and  he  is  all  right  I  know,  for  I  have  talked  with 
him  ;  he  is  the  man." 

Vinton  promised  Brinkerhoff  that  he  would  rally  the  Northern 
Whigs  to  the  support  of  the  proviso,  and  the  latter  turned  in  search 
of  his  Democratic  friends.  Just  at  this  time  Mr.  Hamlin,  John  P. 
Hale,  Preston  King,  George  Rathbun,  Martin  Grover,  Timothy  Jen 
kins,  Paul  Dillingham,  Jr.,  and  others  had  formed  a  group,  and  were 
holding  an  excited  conversation.  As  Mr.  Brinkerhoff  approached 
several  members  of  the  group,  Mr.  Hamlin,  Mr.  King,  Mr.  Grover, 
among  them,  passed  him  amendments  to  the  bill  similar  in  character 
to  the  proviso  he  had  written,  which  shows  that  all  these  men  had 
acted  under  the  same  impulses.  He  immediately  read  his  proviso, 
and  Mr.  Hamlin  said  at  once,  "That 's  the  best  yet,  because  it 's  the 
shortest,"  and  there  were  assents  of  "Yes,  that's  so."  When  Mr. 
Brinkerhoff  added  that  he  had  asked  Mr.  Wilmot  to  introduce  the 


THE   WILMOT   PROVISO  157 

bill,  since  he  was  popular  with  the  Southern  members  on  account  of 
his  free-trade  ideas,  there  was  a  chorus  of  approval.  Further  action 
was  taken  before  the  group  dissolved,  which  shows  the  annoying  diffi 
culties  the  anti-slavery  members  of  Congress  had  to  cope  with.  Obvi 
ously  to  accomplish  anything  in  the  way  of  legislation,  it  was  neces 
sary  for  a  member  of  the  House  to  get  the  floor.  As  the  House 
was  controlled  by  the  slave  power,  it  was  not  easy  for  an  anti-slavery 
member  to  obtain  the  Speaker's  recognition,  in  a  great  emergency 
that  involved  the  interest  of  the  slave  party.  To  meet  any  contin 
gency  of  this  kind  that  might  arise  from  the  presentation  of  the  Two 
Million  Dollar  Bill,  Mr.  Hamlin  and  his  friends  agreed  among  them 
selves  that  they  would  all,  ten  or  twelve  in  number,  try  to  get  the 
floor  as  soon  as  the  bill  was  reported,  with  the  understanding  that  if 
one  other  than  Wilmot  should  succeed,  he  should  yield  to  Wilmot. 
The  wisdom  in  choosing  Wilmot  to  present  the  proviso  was  vindi 
cated.  Out  of  the  ten  or  a  dozen  anti-slavery  men  who  sought  the 
floor  when  the  Two  Million  Dollar  Bill  was  reported,  Wilmot  was 
recognized  by  the  presiding  officer  of  the  House. 

In  well  chosen  words,  Mr.  Wilmot  offered  the  proviso,  which  briefly 
declared  it  to  be  "  an  express  and  fundamental  condition  to  the  acqui 
sition  of  any  territory  from  Mexico,  that  neither  slavery  or  involuntary 
servitude  should  ever  exist  therein."  The  proviso  was  presented 
when  the  House  was  still  sitting  in  the  committee  of  the  whole,  and 
as  the  slave  party  was  completely  taken  by  surprise,  it  was  passed 
by  a  vote  of  83  to  64.  Unfortunately,  there  is  no  individual  record 
of  the  vote.  When  the  proviso  a  few  minutes  later  was  brought  be 
fore  the  House,  after  the  committee  of  the  whole  had  risen,  once 
more  the  anti- slavery  men  triumphed,  but  by  the  close  vote  of  85  to 
79.  The  slave  party  had  made  a  desperate  but  unsuccessful  rally. 
Some  votes  were  changed,  but  each  side  rallied  recruits  and  increased 
its  vote.  It  was  an  ominous  division  ;  it  was  practically  a  solid  free 
North,  against  a  solid  slave  South.  Only  two  Southern  men  voted 
for  the  proviso  :  Henry  Grider  and  William  P.  Thomasson,  of  Ken 
tucky,  both  of  whom  remained  consistent  opponents  of  slavery  until 
the  contest  was  ended  by  its  downfall.  Of  the  few  Northern  mem 
bers  who  opposed  the  proviso,  the  strangest  case  was  that  of  Samuel 
F.  Vinton.  He  had  pledged  his  support  to  Judge  Brinkerhoff,  and  the 
records  give  no  reason  for  his  change  of  position.  Yet  it  is  only  just 
to  Mr.  Vinton  to  add  that  he  subsequently  voted  for  the  proviso  when 
it  was  presented  by  Mr.  Hamlin.  The  circumstance  is  alluded  to  only 
to  give  a  clearer  idea  of  the  discouraging  difficulties  the  anti-slavery 
men  met,  even  in  the  ranks  of  their  friends.  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
who  was  now  currying  the  favor  of  the  South,  and  his  two  henchmen, 
John  A.  McClernand,  and  Orlando  B.  Ficklin,  also  voted  with  their 


158  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Southern  colleagues.  The  Two  Million  Dollar  Bill,  with  the  Wilmot 
Proviso  attached,  next  went  to  the  Senate,  where  John  Davis,  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  prevented  action  by  holding  the  floor,  by  speaking  against 
time,  until  the  session  expired.  Mr.  Davis' s  motives  were  misunder 
stood  at  the  time.  He  felt  certain  that  the  Senate  would  defeat  the 
proviso  if  it  came  to  a  vote,  and  he  thougnt  that  if  he  prevented  a 
vote  the  country  would  discuss  the  proviso  during  the  interim,  and 
create  a  sentiment  in  its  favor  Congress  would  not  dare  to  resist. 

Congress  adjourned  under  these  circumstances,  and  during  the 
summer  and  fall  of  1846  the  Wilmot  Proviso  became  the  most  widely 
discussed  topic  of  the  time.  When  Congress  reconvened  in  Decem 
ber,  the  friends  and  supporters  of  the  proviso  had  to  shape  their 
action  according  to  the  course  pursued  by  the  administration.  Soon 
a  bill  was  framed  appropriating  $3,000,000  to  end  the  war,  and  it 
was  arranged  to  close  all  debate  on  this  bill  at  the  hour  of  noon  on 
February  15,  1847.  Wilmot  was  again  selected  to  present  the  pro 
viso,  and  on  the  day  for  action  both  sides  prepared  for  a  desperate 
struggle.  The  slave  party,  having  had  one  unpleasant  experience 
with  the  proviso,  laid  plans  to  defeat  it  that  were  worthy  of  Indian 
warfare.  When  the  Three  Million  Dollar  Bill  was  reported  by  the 
committee  that  had  it  in  charge,  the  House  was  again  sitting  in 
the  committee  of  the  whole,  and  the  slave  party  managed  to  keep  the 
bill  back  until  fifteen  minutes  of  twelve  o'clock  with  the  intention  of 
rushing  it  through  the  House  while  in  committee,  so  that  no  oppor 
tunity  could  be  given  to  present  the  proviso.  Furthermore,  steps 
were  secretly  taken  to  prevent  Mr.  Wilmot  from  being  present  in  the 
House  before  noon. 

It  was  a  cunningly  contrived  plot,  and  the  details  and  unfolding  of 
the  conspiracy  demonstrate  how  desperate  the  slave  party  was.  The 
anti-slavery  men  of  the  House,  on  the  other  hand,  were  as  determined 
to  win  as  their  opponents,  and  had  planned  to  meet  certain  contin 
gencies,  although  they  had  not  expected  to  encounter  downright  dis 
honorable  tactics.  At  Mr.  Hamlin's  suggestion,  they  had  substituted 
another  proviso  for  the  one  drawn  up  by  Judge  Brinkerhoff,  which 
read  as  follows:  "There  shall  be  neither  slavery,  nor  involuntary 
servitude  in  any  territory  on  the  continent  of  America  which  shall 
hereafter  be  acquired  by  or  annexed  to  the  United  States  by  virtue 
of  this  appropriation  (the  $3,000,000),  or  in  any  other  manner  what 
ever,  except  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con 
victed,"  etc.  This  substitute  was  thought  more  fully  to  embody  the 
principles  for  which  the  anti-slavery  men  were  contending  than  the 
original  proviso  which  Judge  Brinkerhoff  had  drawn  up  in  a  hurry. 
All  the  leaders  among  the  supporters  of  the  proviso  took  copies  and 
prepared  in  other  respects  for  the  coming  contest. 


THE  WILMOT   PROVISO  159 

The  moment  the  committee  reported  the  Three  Million  Dollar  Bill, 
Mr.  Hamlin,  Judge  Brinkerhoff,  and  the  other  anti-slavery  Democrats 
in  the  secret  looked  round  for  Wilmot.  To  their  surprise  he  was 
nowhere  to  be  seen.  Another  writer  describes  the  scene  :  — 

"  '  Now  is  the  time  !  Where  is  Wilmot  ?  Where  is  Wilmot  ? '  was 
anxiously  whispered  by  one  and  another  of  the  anti-slavery  men.  But 
to  the  question,  '  Where  is  Wilmot  ? '  no  man  could  give  a  response. 
The  supreme  moment  had  come,  and  the  chief  actor  in  what  had 
long  been  anticipated  as  a  great  scene  was  not  at  his  post. 

"  '  Run  into  the  cloak-rooms  ! '  cried  Preston  King.  '  Search  for 
him  in  the  lobbies/  said  Rathbun. 

"  But  none  of  these  suggestions  resulted  as  was  hoped  —  Wilmot 
was  nowhere  to  be  found.  The  anti-slavery  men  were  in  the  direst 
confusion,  Hannibal  Hamlin  alone  being  entirely  calm  and  col 
lected."1 

In  the  mean  time  the  pro-slavery  men,  perceiving  the  confusion  of 
their  opponents,  resorted  to  parliamentary  tactics  to  prevent  the 
offering  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  by  any  one.  Dromgoole,  the  leader 
of  the  slavery  forces,  claimed  that  the  time  for  debate  had  expired, 
and  that  the  time  for  action  had  arrived.  When  the  chair  overruled 
him,  he  talked  about  raising  the  question  of  order  on  the  Wilmot 
Proviso,  and  insisted  that  if  overruled  he  should  attempt  to  show 
that  the  proviso  contemplated  the  exercise  of  a  power  not  granted  by 
the  Constitution.  "The  Wilmot  Proviso,"  said  Mr.  Dromgoole,  "is 
an  arrogant  assumption  of  power ;  it  represents  a  pernicious  tendency, 
and  is  calculated  to  produce  confusion  and  discord  in  the  Democratic 
party." 

Preston  King  tried  to  offer  the  proviso,  but  a  heated  discussion 
arose  which  produced  an  uproar.  The  chairman  had  to  suspend  all 
proceedings  several  times  until  order  could  be  restored.  Mr.  Hamlin 
and  his  friends  in  the  mean  time  held  a  hurried  conference,  and  the 
proviso  was  intrusted  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  hands.  Watching  his  oppor 
tunity,  Mr.  Hamlin,  when  there  was  a  sudden  subsidence  of  the  con 
fusion,  quickly  took  the  floor  and  moved  the  adoption  of  the  proviso 
as  an  amendment  to  the  Three  Million  Dollar  Bill.  Immediately 
Dromgoole  raised  a  point  of  order,  but  Mr.  Hamlin  met  that  difficulty 
by  promptly  revising  his  motion  on  the  lines  Dromgoole  claimed  that 
it  should  be  framed.  John  A.  McClernand,  who  had  continued  his 
opposition  to  the  proviso,  came  to  Mr.  Dromgoole' s  aid  with  a  flank 
movement.  He  insisted,  possibly  to  gain  time  for  the  slave  party, 
that  he  had  been  entitled  to  the  floor,  and  when  he  was  overruled,  he 
took  an  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  chair,  which  caused  another 
uproar.  Wrhen  this  subsided,  Mr.  Hamlin  grimly  insisted  again  that 
1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans. 


160  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  Wilmot  Proviso  should  be  accepted,  and  McClernand  reluctantly 
yielded  the  floor  to  him.  Mr.  Hamlin  read  the  measure  as  he  had 
redrafted  it.  The  fertile  Dromgoole  rose  to  a  point  of  order,  and 
claimed  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  amendment  was  out  of  order  on  the 
ground  of  irrelevancy,  and  when  he  was  overruled  once  more,  the  pro- 
slavery  men  appealed  from  the  decision,  *to  be  beaten.  Until  this 
time,  Stephen  A.  Douglas  had  remained  quiet,  but  now  he  emerged, 
and,  true  to  his  calculating  nature  and  ideas  of  expediency,  presented 
a  compromise  amendment  which  would  bring  the  territory  to  be  ac 
quired  into  the  Union  under  the  conditions  of  the  Missouri  act  of 
1820.  But  the  anti-slavery  men  were  not  deluded  this  time,  and  they 
voted  the  Douglas  amendment  down,  and  also  another  framed  on 
about  the  same  lines.  And  now  Mr.  Hamlin's  amendment  came  to 
a  vote.  The  tellers  rapidly  polled  the  House,  and  the  anti-slavery 
men  cheered  with  joy  when  the  result  was  announced.  The  proviso 
was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  1 10  to  89. 

The  next  thing  in  order  was  for  the  committee  to  rise,  and  the 
House  to  reorganize  itself  to  act  upon  the  bill.  Thus,  the  proviso 
was  again  voted  upon,  and  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  115  to  106. 

The  following  scene  is  described  by  another  writer  :  — 

"  While  the  roll  call  was  in  progress,  David  Wilmot  —  stout  and 
unwieldy  of  form,  out  of  breath,  and  perspiring  at  every  pore  —  rushed 
into  the  chamber. 

" '  There  he  is,  there  he  is,  the traitor  ! '  cried  half  a  dozen  of 

those  who  had  been  his  warm  friends.  To  them  Mr.  Hamlin  said 
quietly :  (  Don't  be  in  a  hurry,  gentlemen  ;  don't  condemn  him  with 
out  a  hearing.  Let  us  see  how  he  votes.' 

"  At  that  moment  the  clerk  called,  '  Mr.  Wilmot ! '  For  an  instant 
there  was  a  hush  in  the  House ;  and  then  in  a  strong,  firm  voice, 
Wilmot  voted  '  aye ! '  Immediately  afterwards  a  score  of  his  old 
associates,  Mr.  Hamlin  among  the  number,  crowded  about  Mr.  Wil 
mot  in  the  cloak-room,  and,  with  more  or  less  excitement,  demanded 
to  know  why  he  had  not  been  in  the  House  to  present  the  proviso. 

" '  Give  me  a  moment  to  get  my  breath,  gentlemen,  —  give  me  a 
moment  to  get  my  breath,'  Mr.  Wilmot  replied,  and  then  went  on  :  — 

"  '  Just  as  I  was  coming  to  the  House  I  received  a  note  from  Presi 
dent  Polk,  asking  me  to  come  to  the  White  House  immediately.  On 
one  pretext  or  another  he  kept  me  in  conversation  for  a  long  time. 
I  had  no  watch  with  me,  and  did  not  know  how  rapidly  the  moments 
flew.  When  I  left  the  White  House,  however,  I  found  to  my  con 
sternation  that  I  might  not  be  in  time  to  offer  our  measure  ;  then 
with  all  the  rapidity  I  could,  I  hastened  to  the  Capitol.  The  rest  you 
know.  This,  my  friends,  I  declare  to  you,  upon  my  honor  as  a  man, 


THE  WILMOT   PROVISO  161 

is  the  whole  truth.'  Saying  which  Mr.  Wilmot  paused,  and  then 
added :  '  But,  by  Heaven  !  I  shall  believe  to  my  dying  day  that  the 
President  purposely  detained  me,  with  the  expectation  of  defeating 
the  proviso.' 

"  It  is  almost  needless  to  say  that  Mr.  Hamlin  had  never  doubted 
Wilmot's  integrity  or  his  fidelity  to  the  anti-slavery  cause.  He,  to 
gether  with  Preston  King,  Rathbun,  and  the  rest  of  their  circle, 
offered  Mr.  Wilmot  their  warmest  sympathy  for  the  circumstances 
that  prevented  him  from  presenting  the  measure  which  bears  his 
name,  and  so  the  matter  ended."  l 

To  this  may  be  added  that  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Wilmot  remained 
close  friends  and  associates.  Mr.  Wilmot  was  also  one  of  the  found 
ers  of  the  Republican  party ;  he  was  temporary  chairman  of  the  con 
vention  that  nominated  Mr.  Hamlin  for  Vice-President  and  for  several 
years  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate  when  Mr.  Hamlin  pre 
sided  over  that  body. 

-The  proviso  was  rejected  by  the  Senate.  Public  sentiment  of  the 
North  was  in  favor  of  the  measure  ;  Daniel  Webster  lent  it  his  power 
ful  aid  ;  but  the  administration  had  determined  on  the  defeat  of  the 
proviso,  and  that  most  powerful  engine  of  corruption  —  patronage  — 
was  the  means  employed.  The  Three  Million  Dollar  Bill  was  passed 
in  the  Senate  by  almost  a  strict  party  vote,  and  sent  back  to  the 
House  for  its  concurrence.  Here  again  evil  forces  triumphed,  or 
else  men  were  guilty  of  unpardonable  inconsistency.  On  the  last 
day  of  the  session  the  courageous  Wilmot  and  his  determined  allies 
made  another  stand  in  the  last  ditch,  as  it  were,  for  the  cause  of 
freedom.  Mr.  Wilmot  offered  his  proviso  once  more,  and  this  time 
the  House  rejected  it  by  the  narrow  vote  of  107  to  97.  Of  the  men 
who  stood  by  the  Wilmot  Proviso  it  need  only  be  said  that  they  were 
the  same  upright  friends  of  freedom  who  have  been  mentioned  many 
times  in  these  pages,  and  those  who  opposed  had  many  among  them 
who  afterwards  risked  their  all  to  disrupt  the  Union  to  perpetuate 
slavery.  Honorable  mention  should  be  made  of  Alexander  Ramsey 
and  Samuel  F.  Vinton,  who  first  opposed  the  proviso  when  it  was 
presented  in  the  House  in  August,  1846,  but  supported  it  when  pub 
lic  sentiment  was  aroused.  The  change  of  a  few  votes  accomplished 
the  final  defeat  of  the  proviso  in  the  House,  and  those  votes,  alas ! 
came  from  the  Northern  men,  —  Joseph  E.  Edsall,  of  New  Jersey ; 
Henry  D.  Foster,  William  S.  Garvin,  and  James  Thompson,  of  Penn 
sylvania  ;  Joseph  Russell  and  Thomas  M.  Woodruff,  of  New  York, 
and  Thomas  J.  Henley,  of  Indiana.  Thus,  the  Three  Million  Dollar 
Bill  was  passed  by  Congress  without  any  restrictions  whatever  on 
the  slave  power.  Thus,  once  again  a  slowly  awakening  people  heard 
1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans,  pp.  132-134. 


162  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

in  their  slumbers  a  dim  echo  of  the  firebells  that  were  warning  those 
fully  roused  to  the  dangers  which  threatened  the  republic.  The 
slave  power  was  now  conscious  of  its  strength,  and  was  beginning  to 
boast  of  its  future  conquests.  It  was  no  child's  play  to  battle  with 
such  a  foe ;  not  orators,  not  speeches,  were  needed  to  grapple  with 
the  enemy,  but  practical  men,  who  could  rise  to  any  emergency  at 
a  moment's  notice,  combat  carefully  laid  plans,  watch  the  enemy  in 
his  ambuscade  or  meet  him  boldly  in  the  open,  fight  treason  in  their 
own  ranks,  and  keep  up  the  courage  of  their  friends.  The  future 
looked  dark,  but  the  pioneer  anti-slavery  men  who  rallied  around  the 
Wilmot  Proviso  had  the  stuff  of  the  men  of  '76. 


CHAPTER   XVI 

THE   CONSPIRACY    AGAINST    OREGON 

THE  plot  to  betray  Oregon  to  the  British  government  was  no 
sooner  executed  in  part,  as  before  stated,  than  another  plan  was  set  on 
foot,  to  establish  slavery  in  Oregon.  This  developed  when  the  settle 
ment  of  the  boundary  controversy  rendered  it  necessary  to  organize 
a  territorial  government.  The  leaders  of  the  slave  power  exercised 
more  caution  and  self-restraint  in  the  first  stages  of  this  affair  than 
in  the  latter ;  nevertheless,  they  took  a  bolder  stand  in  enunciating 
and  defending  the  doctrines  of  slavery  extension  than  ever  before. 
Their  chief  contentions  were  that  the  slave  was  "  property,"  and  that 
a  slaveowner  could,  therefore,  take  his  "  property "  or  "  chattel " 
wherever  he  liked  ;  and  also  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  interfere 
with  the  institution  of  slavery.  These  claims  had  been  heard  before 
in  connection  with  Texas  and  Missouri ;  but  now  they  had  a  different 
sound  when  applied  to  Northern  territory.  There  was  an  ominous 
meaning  in  these  theories,  and  yet  while  the  Northern  anti-slavery 
leaders  fully  caught  the  significance  of  the  slave  party's  attitude,  the 
North  was  slow  to  believe.  The  general  talk  at  the  North  was  that 
this  was  more  "  Southern  bluster."  But  it  proved  to  be  the  beginning 
of  a  gigantic  movement  to  force  the  peculiar  institution  into  free  soil, 
to  make  slavery  national.  The  crisis  of  1860  was  the  ultimate  out 
come  of  the  train  of  events  thus  set  in  motion.  The  anti-slavery  men 
in  Congress  were  on  their  guard  at  the  outset.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  one 
of  their  leaders  in  exposing  and  fighting  this  new  move  by  the  enemy. 

The  bill  to  organize  Oregon  as  a  free  territory  was  introduced  into 
the  House  on  December  23,  1846,  by  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  This  bill 
reaffirmed  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  which  excluded  slavery  from  the 
Northwest,  and  the  slavery  leaders  pretended  to  oppose  the  Douglas 
measure  on  the  alleged  ground  that  the  ordinance  was  not  constitu 
tional.  Their  apparent  object  in  pursuing  this  course  was  to  lead  the 
House  into  the  labyrinth  of  a  debate  on  the  constitutional  aspect  of 
the  Oregon  case,  in  which  they  might  be  able  to  effect  a  compromise 
to  their  advantage  over  the  territory  to  be  acquired  from  Mexico. 
Stephen  Adams,  of  Mississippi,  gave  a  hint  of  this  programme  by  in 
troducing  on  January  12,  1847,  an  amendment  that  read,  "Nothing  in 
relation  to  slavery  in  this  act  shall  be  construed  as  an  intention  to 


164  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

interfere  with  the  provisions  or  spirit  of  the  Missouri  Compromise ; 
but  the  same  is  hereby  recognized  as  extending  to  all  territory  which 
may  hereafter  be  acquired  by  the  United  States."  The  House  was 
then  in  the  committee  of  the  whole,  with  Mr.  Hamlin  in  the  chair, 
but  he  took  the  floor  to  reply  to  Adams.  Mr.  Hopkins,  who  suc 
ceeded  to  the  chair,  ruled  that  so  much  of  *Mr.  Adams's  amendment 
was  out  of  order  as  referred  to  territory  other  than  that  of  Oregon. 
Mr.  Hamlin's  short,  vigorous  speech  was  a  notable  warning,  in  view  of 
subsequent  events,  to  the  slave  power  and  a  challenge  to  his  enemies 
at  home. 

"  I  shall  vote,"  said  he,  "  under  the  belief  that  the  Missouri  Compromise 
has  no  more  to  do  with  the  territory  of  Oregon  than  it  has  with  the  East 
Indies.  Gentlemen  ask  me  why  put  this  restriction  into  the  bill  ?  I  will 
tell  them.  If  the  restrictive  clause  were  not  inserted,  slavery  would  creep 
into  Oregon  as  surely  as  Satan  crept  into  the  Garden  of  Eden.  .  .  .  The 
Missouri  Compromise  did  not  apply  to  any  territory  in  the  Union  at  the 
time  it  was  effected.  .  .  .  That  compromise  was  effected  by  drawing  a  line 
along  the  latitude  of  36°  30',  separating  so  much  of  the  territory  of  Loui 
siana  as  should  be  open  to  slavery  from  that  part  from  which  it  was  to  be 
forever  excluded.  Now,  it  is  obvious  on  every  principle  of  justice  that 
when  other  territory  is  to  be  taken  into  the  Union,  the  compromise  line 
must  be  run  on  a  different  parallel  to  suit  the  changed  state  of  circum 
stances.  I  desired  to  have  this  principle  of  compromise  introduced  into 
Texas  and  made  a  condition  of  her  annexation.  But  I  was  told  by  gentle 
men  who  opposed  me  that  this  course  would  be  unnecessary  because  a  part 
of  Texas  must  be  free  by  the  laws  of  Heaven,  it  not  being  adapted  to  a 
slave  population  ;  and  finally,  the  compromise  was  refused,  and  slavery  is 
now  lawful  in  every  part  of  Texas.  But  it  is  now  time  that  it  should  be 
fully  understood  that  the  resolution  has  been  taken,  and  will  prevail  in  all 
the  free  States,  that  there  shall  be  no  more  slave  territory  admitted  to  the 
Union.  This  doctrine  will  prevail,  and  woe  !  woe  !  unto  the  man  coming 
here  from  any  Northern  State  who  shall  not  govern  himself  accordingly. 
Such  a  man  may  escape  destruction  for  a  short  time  ;  but  as  sure  as  he  has 
an  existence  so  surely  will  the  resistless  tide  of  public  sentiment  of  the 
North  roll  over  and  overwhelm  him  forever."  * 

Mr.  Adams  withdrew  his  amendment.  The  slave  party  returned  to 
the  attack  with  different  tactics.  Armistead  Burt,  of  South  Carolina, 
offered  an  amendment  to  the  Douglas  bill  to  extend  the  Missouri  line 
of  compromise  to  the  Pacific  slope,  and  he  made  a  speech,  prophesy 
ing  disunion  unless  compromise  was  agreed  to  in  the  case  of  Oregon 
and  the  new  territory  to  be  taken  from  Mexico.  R.  Barnwell  Rhett, 
of  South  Carolina,  enunciated  the  extreme  theory  held  by  men  of  his 
class,  that  the  ownership  of  Oregon  resided  in  the  sovereignty  of  the 
1  Congressional  Globe,  January  12,  1847,  p.  169.  See  correction,  p.  177. 


THE   CONSPIRACY   AGAINST   OREGON  165 

States,  and  that  neither  Congress,  nor  the  entire  federal  government, 
had  a  right  to  legislate  on  the  question  of  slavery  touching  Oregon. 

The  anti-slavery  Democrats  undoubtedly  had  a  private  understand 
ing  when  the  time  arrived  for  action.  Preston  King  introduced  a  bill 
that  was  more  popular  with  them  than  that  which  Douglas  had  offered, 
since  it  was  a  reaffirmation  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  and  dealt  with 
other  subjects.  It  is  evident,  also,  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  chosen  to 
champion  King's  bill,  and  to  make  reply  to  Rhett  and  his  friends  ;  but 
the  Douglas  bill  had  the  floor  the  last  day  of  the  debate,  and  as  it  was 
a  good  measure  the  anti-slavery  men  supported  it.  Mr.  Hamlin  made 
the  principal  speech  of  the  debate.  This  was  delivered  on  January 
1 6,  1847,  and  was  one  of  the  most  elaborate  efforts  he  ever  made  in 
Congress.  It  is  an  exposition  of  his  constitutional  knowledge  and  his 
views  as  a  Jeffersonian  Democrat  and  Free-Soiler  of  the  powers  of 
the  government  and  the  individual  States  in  the  matter  of  slavery. 
One  sentiment  that  Mr.  Hamlin  uttered  was  heard  throughout  the 
country  :  "  To  any  proposition  for  taking  territory  now  free  and  send 
ing  there  the  shackles  and  manacles  of  slavery,  I  will  never  consent ; 
never  !  "  A  necessarily  compressed  report  of  the  speech  is  presented. 

Mr.  Hamlin  began  his  speech  by  charging  the  pro-slavery  party 
with  misrepresenting  the  attitude  of  the  anti-slavery  party.  If  a 
stranger  had  listened  to  the  discussion,  he  might  have  supposed  that 
the  anti-slavery  members  of  the  House  were  engaged  in  a  crusade 
against  the  rights  of  the  States.  But  they  did  not  propose  to  disturb 
one  solitary  right ;  on  the  other  hand,  they  pledged  themselves  to 
stand  in  a  common  brotherhood  engaged  in  a  common  cause  with  the 
States. 

"  As  members  of  this  great  confederacy,  however,  we  do  ask  and  demand 
that  in  all  things  submitted  to  our  deliberation  we  shall  have  the  right  to 
speak,  and  speak  with  manly  frankness  and  boldness,  to  maintain  and 
defend  the  rights  of  constituents.  We  will  ask  no  more,  we  will  take  no 
less.  What  is  it,  then,  that  we  would  propose  to  do  ?  We  propose  to  say 
.  .  .  that  we  will  stand  by  the  clearly  defined  rights  of  each  individual 
State  in  reference  to  the  institution  of  slavery  ;  but  to  territory  now  free  it 
shall  never  be  extended  with  our  votes  and  consent,  nor  shall  its  limits  in 
any  way  or  manner  be  enlarged.  .  .  .  What  provisions  of  the  Constitution 
do  we  violate  ?  What  right  of  a  single  State  do  we  disregard  ?  .  .  .  Now 
the  question  submitted  to  us,  and  it  is  not  a  question  to  be  winked  out  of 
sight,  is  :  Are  we  to  acquire  other  and  foreign  territory  .  .  .  that  it  may 
be  converted  into  slave  territory  ?  Never,  sir ;  never,  to  the  end  of  time, 
with  my  aid  and  my  assistance,  shall  that  acquisition  take  place.  .  .  . 
Wre  here  understand  perfectly  if  nothing  be  said,  if  nothing  be  done,  that 
slavery  will  surely  advance  and  invade  the  territories  which  we  may  here 
after  acquire." 


166  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Mr.  Hamlin  reviewed  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  and  Florida,  and 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  to  show  the  purpose  of  the  people  was  to 
enlarge  the  Union,  not  to  extend  slavery.  He  referred  to  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  and  while  he  was  willing  to  agree  to  a  fair  compromise 
in  the  division  of  Texas  at  the  time,  now  he  would  discard  at  once  and 
forever  any  talk  about  compromises  on  any 'parallel  of  latitude  named 
by  man. 

"  To  any  proposition  of  taking  territory  now  free,  and  sending  there  the 
shackles  and  manacles  of  slavery,  I  will  never  consent,  never.  .  .  .  On 
that  rock  I  build,  sir,  and  the  waves,  the  strength,  the  power,  of  that  insti 
tution  of  slavery  shall  never  prevail  against  it.  Why  should  we  say  it  now  ? 
Because  if  we  do  not  say  it  now,  it  will  be  too  late  hereafter.  Now  is  the 
golden  moment.  ...  I  hope  we  may  be  able  to  pass  a  declaratory  act  for 
ever  prohibiting  slavery  in  any  territory  we  may  hereafter  acquire,  and  that, 
when  admitted,  the  compact  will  be  made  to  exclude  slavery  after  it  shall 
have  become  a  State  of  this  Union.  I  know  that  gentlemen  may  tell  me 
that  such  an  act  may  not  have  force  or  validity ;  that  Congress  has  not  the 
power  to  restrict  slavery  in  any  State.  I  have  no  fear  on  that  subject.  .  .  . 
Sir,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has  affirmed  this  doctrine  with 
reference  to  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  that  slavery  was  absolutely  prohibited 
northwest  of  the  Ohio  River  by  that  ordinance ;  and  the  Supreme  Court 
has  also  decided  that  no  State  formed  out  of  that  territory  has  the  right  to 
establish  slavery  within  its  limits." 

Mr.  Hamlin  affirmed  the  power  of  Congress  to  pass  the  declaratory 
act  he  advocated,  and  asserted  that  the  people  of  the  North  desired  it, 
although  here  and  there  there  was 

"  a  shackled  press  muttering  its  dissent "  and  "  here  and  there  a  dough 
face  with  feelers  on  his  lips,  uttering  his  faint  protest  against  it.  But  it  is 
the  doctrine  of  the  North,  it  is  the  doctrine  she  will  march  up  to ;  she  will 
live  up  to  it  in  all  coming  time.  .  .  .  But  the  gentleman  from  South  Caro 
lina  (Barnwell  Rhett)  denies  to  us  the  power  of  passing  this  declaratory  act. 
If  I  understood  the  gentleman's  argument  —  and  I  believe  I  did,  although  it 
is  somewhat  fine-spun  and  bordering  too  much  on  the  transcendental  —  ... 
the  gentleman  holds  clearly  and  distinctly  that  we  may  acquire  foreign  terri 
tory,  .  .  .  but  can  do  nothing  with  it.  The  answers  to  these  propositions 
are  full  and  to  the  point.  They  need  only  to  be  stated  :  — 

"  i st.  If  the  general  government  have  the  power  or  sovereignty  sufficient 
to  acquire,  they  have  the  sovereignty  to  take  care  of,  these  territories. 

"  2d.  If  there  is  no  sovereignty  in  the  general  government,  and  if  it  is 
with  the  people,  we  as  representatives  of  that  sovereignty  can  acquire  terri 
tory  by  legislative  enactment.  We  have  done  so.  ... 

"  3d.  The  gentleman  holds  that  .  .  .  the  Constitution  which  authorizes 
us  to  pass  all  needful  rules  applies  only  to  property.  .  .  .  Well,  does  he  not 
hold  that  slaves  are  property  ? 

"  4th.  California  and  other  territory  are  now  free.     By  the  law  of  nations 


THE   CONSPIRACY   AGAINST   OREGON  167 

the  moment  a  slave  treads  their  soil  he  becomes  free.     Slavery,  then,  must 
exist  there  in  violation  of  that  law." 

Mr.  Hamlin  reviewed  constitutional  and  congressional  authorities 
to  support  his  contention  of  the  right  to  pass  the  declaratory  act.  He 
found  authority  in  article  four,  section  three,  of  the  Constitution,  which 
said :  — 

"  Congress  shall  have  the  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules 
and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the 
United  States.  .  .  .  But  it  is  too  late  even  to  raise  this  question  when 
the  whole  and  uniform  action  of  the  government  has  been  one  way.  .  .  . 
Why,  there  has  not  been  a  time  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  when 
Congress  at  each  session  has  not  exercised  that  power,  —  the  power  of  legis 
lating  over  territories.  One  thing  more.  I  wish  to  see  no  cordon  of  free 
States  thrown  around  the  slave  States.  ...  I  would  leave  a  transit  open 
through  which  they  may  pass  into  Mexico,  where  they  maf  find  a  govern 
ment  in  which  they  may  participate.  But  I  would  leave  this  for  those  who 
are  interested  to  do  this  without  force  or  coercion.  .  .  .  God  in  his  own 
good  time  will  put  an  end  to  that  institution,  as  He  will  as  certain  as  time 
will  roll  on.  ...  A  few  words  more  and  I  am  done,  and  in  reference  to  the 
stale,  worn-out  cry  of  the  dissolution  of  this  Union.  .  .  .  The  Union  cannot 
be  dissolved.  The  mutual  interests  and  benefits  enjoyed  by  the  different 
sections  would  not  permit  it.  The  great  West  is  bound  to  the  South  by  its 
commerce,  and  cannot  be  separated  while  its  mighty  waters  roll  on  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  North  and  the  South,  too,  are  equally  bound  by  their 
commerce  and  exchange  of  products.  These  are  all  ligaments  that  cannot 
be  rent  or  dissolved. 

"  The  talk  of  it  is  folly,  as  well  as  madness.  A  dissolution  of  this  great 
and  mighty  republic,  erected  by  the  wisdom  of  our  fathers,  and  cemented 
by  their  blood.  And  for  what !  Spread  it  out  that  the  public  eye  may  gaze 
upon  it ;  proclaim  it  that  the  public  ears  may  hear  it ;  utter  it  from  the 
groaning  press  and  thunder  it  from  the  pulpit.  A  dissolution  of  the  Union 
because  we  will  not  extend  the  institution  of  negro  slavery !  The  man  who 
would  utter  that  sentiment  should  blush  when  it  falls  from  his  lips.  Dis 
solve  this  great  and  mighty  republic  for  this  miserable  pretext !  That  is 
not  the  doctrine  of  the  great  and  patriotic  South ;  —  she  has  rallied,  except 
the  time  when  she  was  about  to  go  to  the  death  for  sugar,  —  she  has  rallied 
for  this  Union.  She  will  stand  by  it  when  others  desert  it,  —  stand  by  it  in 
all  coming  time,  and  will  regret  that  her  sons  proclaimed  it  to  the  world, 
in  this  nineteenth  century,  in  this  freest  country  on  earth,  that  we  are  to 
dissolve  this  fair  fabric  for  the  miserable  reason  that  we  will  not  extend 
the  institution  which  is  a  curse  to  all  States  in  which  it  exists, 

"Whatever  may  be  the  action  and  course  of  Northern  representatives 
here,  the  great  mass  of  the  Northern  people  have  but  one  single  impulse  in 
their  bosoms — to  stand  by  this  Union  through  good  and  evil  report  —  to 
rally  round  the  blessed  stars  and  stripes  of  our  glorious  confederacy  wher 
ever  they  float  —  to  peril  their  lives  and  pour  out  their  blood  and  treasure, 


168  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

if  need  be,  in  its  defense;  but  to  the  institution  of  slavery  they  say,  'Thus 
far  hast  thou  gone  —  no  farther  shalt  thou  go.'  " 

A  clearer  insight  into  the  plans  of  the  slave  power  regarding 
Oregon  may  be  glained  from  what  John  C.  Calhoun  said  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  on  February  19,  1^847,  a  little  more  than  a 
month  after  Mr.  Hamlin's  speech  had  defined  the  feelings  and  inten 
tions  of  the  anti-slavery  party  towards  Oregon  :  — 

"  Sir,  the  day  that  balance  between  the  two  sections  of  the  country,  the 
slaveholding  States  and  the  non-slaveholding  States,  is  destroyed  is  a  day 
that  will  not  be  far  removed  from  political  revolution,  anarchy,  civil  war, 
and  widespread  disaster.  The  balance  of  this  system  is  in  the  slaveholding 
States.  They  are  the  conservative  portion,  —  always  have  been  the  conser 
vative  portion  —  always  will  be  the  conservative  portion,  and  with  a  due  bal 
ance  on  their  part  may  for  generations  to  come  uphold  this  glorious  Union 
of  ours.  But  i<  this  scheme  should  be  carried  out,  if  we  are  to  be  reduced 
to  a  handful,  if  we  are  to  become  a  mere  ball  to  play  the  presidential 
game,  —  to  count  something  in  the  Baltimore  caucus,  —  if  this  is  to  be  the 
result,  woe,  woe,  I  say,  to  this  Union." 

As  the  slave  party  saw  that  it  was  beaten  in  the  House,  it  made 
no  effort  to  defeat  the  Douglas  bill,  in  the  hope  that  the  pro-slavery 
Senate  would  check  the  passage  of  the  measure.  This  was  the  case. 
The  Oregon  bill  was  delayed  in  the  committee  until  it  was  too  late  for 
the  Senate  to  take  action.  Mr.  Hamlin  was,  personally,  greatly  disap 
pointed,  for  his  efforts  to  guard  Oregon  against  slavery  were  among 
the  last  services  he  rendered  in  the  House.  He  left  Washington  at 
the  expiration  of  his  term,  little  dreaming  that  he  would  be  sent 
to  the  Senate  in  a  short  year,  in  time  to  help  Oregon  secure  her 
liberty. 

The  record  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  second  term  in  the  House  may  be 
closed  with  a  brief  reference  to  other  acts  of  his  that  are  of  lesser 
interest  and  importance,  which  should  not  be  "entirely  omitted.  He 
voted  for  the  Walker  tariff  bill,  but  in  a  speech  on  July  7,  1846, 
said  that  it  did  not  fully  meet  his  approval.  On  July  8,  1846,  he  spoke 
at  length  on  the  sale  of  public  lands,  defending  the  right  of  the  govern 
ment  to  sell  to  those  who  would  settle  on  them  and  "  transform  a 
wilderness  into  cultivated  fields  and  happy  homesteads."  This  right 
was  denied  by  some  theorists.  Mr.  Hamlin  laid  special  stress  in  his 
remarks  on  the  necessity  of  the  government  taking  pains  to  prevent 
the  land  to  be  sold  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  speculators.  He 
was  also  active  at  this  time  in  pushing  the  independent  treasury  bill, 
though  he  had  little  to  say  about  the  measure  in  debate.  It  is  notice 
able  that  Mr.  Hamlin  several  times,  when  postal  bills  were  under  dis 
cussion,  advocated  the  repeal  of  the  franking  privilege.  On  different 
occasions  he  offered  amendments  to  this  effect,  but  without  avail,  — 


THE   CONSPIRACY   AGAINST   OREGON  169 

April  24,  1846,  February  24,  1847,  and  at  other  times.  He  opposed 
franking  on  principle,  and  to  the  end  of  his  career  in  Congress  urged 
its  abolishment.  One  more  incident  may  be  referred  to  since  it  shows 
Mr.  Hamlin's  ideas  about  suffrage.  A  bill  was  before  the  House  on 
May  21,  1846,  to  extend  the  right  of  suffrage  to  citizens  living  in  the 
District  of  Columbia.  Mr.  Hamlin,  in  the  discussion  of  suffrage,  on 
this  and  other  occasions,  favored  the  measure  and  declared  himself 
opposed  to  property  qualifications.  One  argument  he  made  was  that 
if  some  people  had  no  money  they  had  rights  that  were  infinitely 
above  money.  A  unique  incident  was  his  introduction  of  a  bill  to 
close  the  "  refectories  in  the  basement  of  the  Capitol,  unless  the 
keepers  should  suspend  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors."  This  was 
offered  on  December  29,  1846.  A  motion  to  table  was  lost  by  a  vote 
of  120  to  18. 

A  movement  was  started  to  elect;  Mr.  Hamlin  to  the  House  for  a 
third  term.  He  wrote  his  friend,  A.  M.  Robinson,  who  should  have 
been  his  successor,  and  who  was  for  many  years  a  leading  Democrat 
in  Piscataquis  County,  that  this  was  originated  without  his  knowledge 
or  desire.  He  did  not  allow  his  friends  to  proceed  farther,  and  it 
appears  that  he  supposed  that  he  would  not  return  to  public  life. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

ELECTED    TO    THE    SENATE 

WHEN  Mr.  Hamlin  came  home  from  Washington  in  the  summer  of 
1847,  m  describing  his  life  in  Congress  to  his  friends,  he  said  that  he 
felt  "  cooped  up "  at  the  national  capital,  and  he  now  proposed  to 
"get  back  to  nature."  Out-of-door  life  was  always  his  passion  ;  farm 
ing  and  fishing  his  pastime.  When  he  settled  in  Hampden  he  began 
planning  to  have  a  farm  of  his  qwn,  but  it  was  not  until  he  left  Con 
gress  this  summer  that  he  was  able  to  gratify  his  wishes.  He  bought 
a  farm  in  Hampden  then  known  as  the  Haskins  place,  on  the  eastern 
or  river  side  of  which  is  the  site  of  fortifications  that  Captain  Charles 
Morris,  of  the  United  States  frigate  John  Adams,  threw  up  in  the 
war  of  1812,  when  the  British  fleet  came  up  the  Penobscot  River. 
Captain  Morris  was  prepared  to  rake  the  fleet,  but  a  fog  arose,  and  in 
the  end  he  had  to  burn  the  Adams  and  spike  her  guns  to  prevent  the 
British  from  capturing  a  great  prize.  For  many  years  subsequent  the 
charred  remains  of  the  Adams  were  seen  near  the  foot  of  the  bluffs 
of  the  old  Hamlin  farm  when  the  tide  was  low. 

The  land  extended  easterly  from  the  village  highway  to  the  bluffs 
overlooking  the  Penobscot.  It  commanded  a  beautiful  view  of  the 
river  stretching  to  the  right  and  left,  and  was  refreshed  by  the  breezes 
wafted  up  from  the  waters  below.  The  farm  comprised  about  fifteen 
acres  of  worn-out  land ;  but  the  regeneration  of  land  was  one  thing 
in  which  Mr.  Hamlin  especially  delighted,  and  he  set  about  his  work 
with  enjoyment.  He  had  a  little  garden  near  his  house,  and  he 
planned  to  make  his  farm  and  garden  supply  his  table  and  live  stock, 
and  also  leave  a  surplus  for  him  to  sell.1  He  worked  on  his  land 
every  day  he  could  spare,  and  also  insisted  that  his  sons,  and,  later, 
his  grandsons,  should  do  likewise.  He  never  said  much  about  his  rea 
sons  for  this,  but  it  was  easy  to  see  that  he  believed  in  the  dignity  of 
manual  labor,  and  that  it  purified  men  to  get  back  to  nature.  "  God 
made  the  country,  and  man  made  the  town,"  was  one  of  his  silent, 
guiding  maxims  of  life.  In  a  few  summers'  time  he  renovated  the 
Haskins  place,  and  thereafter  it  yielded  him  all  the  produce  necessary. 

1  Mr.  Hamlin  kept  a  farm  in  Bangor  and  worked  on  it  nearly  every  year  from 
1861  to  1890.  He  rarely  failed  to  make  it  produce  all  he  needed  for  his  table  and 
live  stock,  with  a  surplus  that  he  sold. 


ELECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  171 

A  pretty  reminiscence  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  life  on  the  Hampden  farm 
is  associated  with  the  bobolinks  that  nested  in  a  large  plot  in  the 
centre  of  a  field.  He  had  been  too  busy  to  pay  attention  to  them 
until  mowing  in  their  neighborhood.  He  then  noticed  that  the  bobo 
links  flew  up  out  of  the  tall  grass  in  large  numbers,  uttering  cries  as 
they  circled  off,  as  if  trying  to  draw  him  away.  This  Mr.  Hamlin 
recognized  as  a  sign  that  the  birds  had  nests  in  the  grass.  He  could 
not  think  of  disturbing  the  pretty  little  songsters,  and  although  they 
laid  claim  to  a  large  plot  of  land,  he  mowed  around  the  spot,  leaving 
the  bobolinks  in  undisturbed  possession  of  their  home.  Before  long 
Mr.  Hamlin  became  very  much  attached  to  his  bobolinks,  and  often 
in  the  early  morning,  when  they  sang  their  symphony,  he  would  go 
to  his  farm  and  listen.  "  This  is  music,"  he  would  say.  In  haying 
time,  whenever  the  farm  hands  approached  the  birds'  homing  place, 
they  would  see  Mr.  Hamlin  turn  around  now  and  then  and  look  at 
the  plot  in  the  centre  of  the  field.  So  the  bobolinks  continue  to  nest 
and  sing  on  the  little  farm  in  Hampden  to  this  day,  as  they  did  more 
than  half  a  century  ago. 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  returned  to  Hampden  from  Washington  he  had 
little  idea  of  reentering  active  political  life  immediately,  but  circum 
stances  conspired  to  bring  him  out  of  retirement  before  he  had  hardly 
entered  it.  A  political  tangle  occurred  in  the  Hampden  legislative 
district.  There  were  three  tickets  in  the  field  and  three  successive 
failures  to  elect.  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  urged  him  to  take  the  Demo 
cratic  nomination  to  prevent  further  factional  troubles  in  his  party. 
He  did  not  desire^to  return  to  the  legislature,  and  would  have  declined 
could  he  have  seen  his  way  out  of  the  difficulty.  But  a  final  argu 
ment  was  brought  to  bear  upon  him,  and  that  was,  if  he  resumed  his 
seat  in  the  House,  he  could  effectively  fight  the  pro-slavery  wing  of 
his  party,  and  perhaps  materially  improve  his  chances  of  going  to  the 
Senate.  This  prevailed,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  accepted  the  nomination. 
His  election  was  by  no  means  an  assured  success,  nor  was  it  a  purely 
local  affair.  There  were  hard-headed  pro-slavery  Democrats  in  Hamp 
den  who  honestly  believed  that  the  Constitution  morally  forbade  criti 
cism  of  slavery  and  with  whom  it  was  a  toilsome  task  to  labor.  They 
liked  Mr.  Hamlin  personally,  but  they  felt  it  a  solemn  duty  to  offer 
him  up  as  a  sacrifice,  and  they  were  encouraged  by  the  leaders  of  the 
pro-slavery  Democracy. 

But  Mr.  Hamlin  was  elected  in  spite  of  this  opposition,  and,  as  it 
afterwards  turned  out,  his  return  to  the  legislature  was  an  exceedingly 
fortunate  thing  for  him.  The  anti- slavery  men  all  over  the  State  had 
bestirred  themselves,  and  sent  men  to  the  legislature  who  could  be 
depended  upon.  Among  them  was  a  group  of  men  who  were  as  true 
supporters  as  any  anti-slavery  leader  in  this  country  ever  had.  Mr. 


172  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Hamlin  made  their  acquaintance,  and  for  the  rest  of  his  fight  against 
the  slave  power  in  Maine  they  stood  by  as  his  old  guard.  The  ablest 
was  William  P.  Haines,  of  Biddeford,  who  possibly  might  have  sat  in 
the  Senate  with  Mr.  Hamlin  had  he  desired,  as  will  appear  in  a  sub 
sequent  chapter.  Hugh  D.  McClellan,  of  Gorham,  the  Speaker  of 
the  House,  was  another  leader.  LeandeT  Valentine,  of  Westbrook, 
was  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  lifelong  friends.  Others  were  Ira  T.  Drew, 
of  Waterboro,  one  of  the  leading  lawyers  of  the  State ;  Nathan 
White,  of  Bucksport ;  Horatio  G.  Russ,  of  Paris ;  Campbell  Batch- 
elder,  of  Corinna  ;  Andrew  D.  Bean,  of  Brooks ;  David  S.  Flanders, 
of  Monroe  ;  Ozias  Blanchard,  of  Blanchard  ;  Samuel  Mayall,  of  Gray ; 
Benjamin  B.  Thomas,  of  Newburgh ;  and  William  R.  Flint,  of  Somer 
set  County.  General  John  J.  Perry,  of  Oxford  County,  and  Charles 
H olden,  of  Portland,  who  had  served  before  in  the  legislature,  were 
members  of  this  group  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends.  Mr.  Hamlin's 
brother,  Elijah,  was  prominent  among  the  anti-slavery  Whigs  of  the 
House. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  record  of  services  in  this  legislature  shows  that  he 
was  closely  attentive  to  his  duties.  While  his  record  need  not  be 
detailed,  several  of  his  acts  cannot  be  omitted.  The  most  important 
was  an  attack  he  made  on  the  doctrine  of  slavery  extension.  The 
Mexican  war  had  not  yet  closed,  and  the  question  of  the  extension  or 
restriction  of  slavery  was  slowly  but  surely  bringing  about  a  revolu 
tion  in  public  sentiment  at  the  North  against  slavery.  Maine  had 
not  yet  given  an  official  expression  of  the  feelings  of  her  people  on 
this  question,  although  their  general  sentiment  was  strongly  against 
the  extension  of  the  peculiar  institution.  Mr.  Hamlin  still  felt  that  it 
was  the  duty  of  the  North  to  maintain  its  constitutional  obligations 
and  confine  slavery  to  the  territory  where  it  had  previously  been 
agreed  by  the  founders  of  the  government  that  it  should  exist.  This 
was  the  opinion  held  by  the  coolest  heads  of  the  day,  and  it  was 
vindicated  in  the  end.  In  attempting  to  extend  slavery,  the  South 
violated  the  implied  moral  obligations  placed  on  it  by  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  therefore  was  responsible  for  bringing  on  the  crisis  of  1860. 
But  men  were  not  prophets  in  1847.  The  leaders  of  the  anti-slavery 
party  saw  the  necessity  of  maintaining  their  lines  of  defense  intact. 
They  knew  how  slow  great  movements  were  in  crystallizing,  and  how 
important  it  was  to  move  slowly  until  events  began  to  operate.  "The 
feeling  in  the  air"  was  that  this  line  of  action  would  place  upon  the 
slave  party  the  responsibility  of  any  dire  results  that  might  follow  its 
aggressive  conduct. 

Mr.  Hamlin  offered  some  resolutions  in  the  legislature  that  clearly 
illustrate  his  feelings  at  this  time.  The  first  declared  that,  "  Maine, 
by  the  action  of  her  state  government  and  representatives  in  Con- 


ELECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  173 

gress,  should  abide  honestly  and  cheerfully  by  the  letter  and  spirit 
and  concessions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  at  the  same 
time  resisting  firmly  all  demands  for  their  enlargement  or  extension." 
The  second  said  that,  "  The  sentiment  of  this  State  is  profound,  sin 
cere,  and  almost  universal  that  the  influence  of  slavery  upon  produc 
tive  energy  is  like  the  blight  of  mildew ;  that  it  is  a  moral  and  social 
evil ;  that  it  does  violence  to  the  rights  of  man  as  a  thinking,  reason 
ing,  and  responsible  being.  Influenced  by  such  considerations,  this 
State  will  oppose  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  any  territory  which 
may  be  acquired  as  an  indemnity  for  claims  upon  Mexico."  The 
third  asserted  that,  "  In  the  acquisition  of  any  free  territory,  whether 
by  purchase  or  otherwise,  we  deem  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  general 
government  to  extend  over  the  same  the  Ordinance  of  1 787,  with  all 
its  rights,  privileges,  conditions,  and  immunities." 

When  the  committee  having  these  resolutions  in  charge  reported 
them,  a  me*mber  of  the  House  who  had  a  constitutional  habit  of  dis 
agreeing  with  everybody  offered  some  substitutes,  and  in  the  course 
of  his  remarks  criticised  Mr.  Hamlin's  resolutions  on  the  grounds 
that  they  were  the  same  thing  as  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  which  he  said 
was  "nothing  but  an  abstraction." 

Mr.  Hamlin  replied  to  this  astonishing  doctrine  with  some  sarcasm. 
He  pointed  out  that  the  Wilmot  Proviso  embodied  the  principle  of 
the  Ordinance  of  1787,  which  prohibited  slavery  in  all  territory  north 
west  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  was  a  fundamental  law  passed  by  Con 
gress,  and,  therefore,  not  an  abstract  doctrine.  Taking  up  the  Wilmot 
Proviso  he  said  :  — 

"  Upon  this  question  I  chose  my  ground  on  the  side  of  freedom  —  against 
the  extension  of  the  accursed  system  of  slavery  into  territory  now  free, 
There  I  plant  my  feet  with  deliberation  and  with  a  fixed  determination 
to  abide.  There  I  shall  rest  while  reason  controls  the  helm.  The  gentle 
man  has  said  that  the  discussion  in  Congress  upon  the  Wilmot  Proviso 
was  nothing  but  talk  about  abstractions.  Indeed  !  it  was  proposed  to  pass 
a  fundamental  law  prohibiting  forever  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  terri 
tory  now  free,  and  which  might  be  hereafter  acquired,  —  to  enact  the  prin 
ciples  of  Jefferson,  who  originated  the  idea  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  as 
applicable  to  the  new  States  that  might  be  embraced  within  the- folds  of 
this  republic.  And  this  to  the  gentleman's  apprehension  was  an  abstrac 
tion.  Well,  I  would  like  to  have  him  define  what  is  not  an  abstraction. 
.  .  .  Deprecating  the  system  of  slavery  the  friends  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso 
would  provide  against  the  extension  of  that  system  into  free  territory.  In 
this  the  gentleman  sees  nothing  but  abstractions,  but  in  his  own  proposi 
tions  that  condemn  slavery  as  a  moral  and  political  evil,  the  further  exten 
sion  of  which  should  be  resisted  by  every  just  and  honorable  means,  he 
avoided  recommending  any  course  of  action.  .  .  .  But  is  it  not  a  little 
singular  that  one  who  has  said  so  much  about  the  wrongs  of  slavery  should 


174  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

be  so  easily  satisfied  that  he  should  fold  his  arms  in  a  listless  way,  and  say 
to  our  brethren  of  the  South,  *  Your  institution  is  a  vile  one,  its  extension 
ought  to  be  resisted,  but  we  have  no  disposition  to  interfere  to  prevent  its 
extension.'  Oh,  no  !  any  effort  of  that  kind  would  be  an  abstraction.  For 
myself  I  care  very  little  for  that  enthusiasm  which  wastes  itself  in  words. 
I  shall  never  be  found  pluming  myself  on  my  Jiatred  of  any  particular  form 
of  error,  and  putting  forth  no  hand  to  prevent  its  spread  —  hurling  anath 
emas  against  the  moral  and  political  evils  of  slavery,  yet  not  daring  to 
maintain  the  right,  but  shrinking  back  before  the  menaces  and  frowns  of 
the  friends  of  the  peculiar  institution.  I  will  not  stultify  myself  by  assert 
ing  a  moral  and  political  evil,  and  yet  refuse  to  say  that  I  will  not  prevent 
an  extension.  Withholding  action  is  declaring  that  one  will  not  say  the 
truth  about  this  thing  of  slavery,  and  we  should  act.  .  .  .  The  first  resolu 
tion  is  in  accordance  with  the  old  Democratic  doctrine  of  a  strict  construc 
tion  of  the  Constitution.  .  .  .  The  second  resolution  declares  that  Maine 
will  resist  the  extension  of  slavery  in  free  soil.  The  third  makes  out  dis 
tinctly  the  manner  in  which  it  shall  be  accomplished.  .  .  .  We  not  only 
say  that  we  will  resist  the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory,  but  we 
say  precisely  how  we  will  do  it.  The  substitute  is  vague  and  uncertain, 
and  it  might  be  explained  away  at  the  time  of  action.  Upon  questions  like 
this  there  should  be  candor  and  frankness.  We  owe  that  to  ourselves,  to 
the  State,  and  to  the  Union.  .  .  .  The  only  slave  territories  that  have  been 
joined  to  the  original  Union  were  received  with  their  slaves,  and  the 
guarantees  accorded  to  the  old  States  were  extended  to  them  and  kept  in 
good  faith.  May  we  not  require  them  in  even-handed  justice  that  free 
territories  shall  be  added  to  the  Union  without  change  ?  And  who  and 
what  kind  of  men  at  the  North  will  demand  anything  else  ?  I  should, 
indeed,  consider  myself  regardless  of  a  becoming  state  pride,  recreant  to 
the  impulses  of  humanity  and  to  all  the  obligations  resting  upon  me  as  a 
man,  if  I  should  falter  on  this  question.  I  will  not  speak  of  the  motives 
and  actions  of  others ;  but  occupying  the  stand  I  do,  if  I  should  fail  to 
maintain  the  principles  of  the  resolutions  I  should  be  entitled  to  the 
opprobrium  of  an  outraged  constituency,  and  to  the  scorn  of  every  man 
worthy  to  breathe  the  free  air  of  our  native  hills,  or  to  drink  the  pure  water 
of  their  crystal  springs." 

In  another  part  of  his  speech  Mr.  Hamlin  urged  the  adoption  of 
his  resolutions  on  the  ground  that  it  would  also  shape  any  further 
legislation  Maine  might  make  on  this  issue.  But  he  particularly 
favored  this  act  because  he  believed  that  it  would  have  a  moral  effect. 
Years  afterwards  Mr.  Hamlin  was  questioned  about  this,  and  he 
broke  his  habit  of  taciturnity  about  himself  to  say  that  he  regarded 
the  offering  of  these  resolutions  as  one  of  the  most  important  acts  of 
his  life.  He  did  not  make  any  explanation  of  this,  but  the  events 
that  follow  seem  to  offer  the  explanation.  The  legislature  passed  the 
resolutions  with  only  six  dissenting  votes  out  of  one  hundred  and 
thirty  in  the  House.  Standing  at  the  head  of  the  column  of  States, 


ELECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  175 

Maine's  official  and  political  acts  have  always  carried  weight.  Mr. 
Hamlin's  resolutions  were  looked  on  as  the  Pine  Tree  State's  formu 
lated  views  on  the  extension  of  slavery,  and  nine  years  later  were 
practically  the  principles  adopted  by  the  young  Republican  party  at 
its  first  presidential  campaign. 

The  legislature  adjourned  in  July  to  welcome  President  Polk,  the 
first  chief  magistrate  to  visit  Maine  since  Andrew  Jackson.  Mr.  Polk 
was  received  at  Augusta  with  many  honors.  William  P.  Haines  made 
the  speech  of  welcome,  and  he  and  Mr.  Hamlin  were  the  President's 
honorary  escort  in  his  departure  from  the  city.  Mr.  Polk  made  a 
very  favorable  impression  on  the  people  of  Maine.  He  was  a  speaker 
of  no  mean  ability,  and  was  an  undoubtedly  sincere  Union  man.  Born 
and  brought  up  at  the  South,  he  regarded  slavery  as  a  patriarchal 
institution,  and  earnestly  desired  that  agitation  against  slavery  should 
cease.  His  sentiments  are  to  be  found  in  his  speech  at  Augusta  on 
this  occasion.  His  ideas  of  disunion,  and  the  evils  that  would  follow, 
may  now  be  read  with  a  clearer  understanding  of  the  man  who  uttered 
them  than  he  received  in  his  lifetime.  Mr.  Polk  said  in  part : l  — 

"  Sir,  in   other  countries  the  monarch  rules  —  he  is  the  sovereign 

—  but  in  this  country,  thank  God,  we  know  no  monarch,  no  sovereign 

—  save  the  people.  .  .  .   Sir,  under  our  republican  system  we  are  all 
equals.    It  is  the  noblest  structure  of  human  government  ever  devised 
by  the  wisdom  of  man.     This  government,  founded  by  our  ancestors, 
is  intrusted  to  our  keeping,  and  we  owe  it  to  ourselves,  to  posterity, 
and  to  mankind  to  cherish  and  preserve  it.   ...  And  permit  me  to 
add,   that  he  who  would  upturn  and  destroy  this  fairest   fabric  of 
human  wisdom  would  inflict  an  irreparable  evil  upon  mankind. 

"  Sir,  the  government  under  which  we  live  is  one  of  compromise. 
Embracing  interests  so  opposite,  and  comprehending  within  its  limits 
so  many  degrees  of  latitude,  with  production  so  varied  and  pursuits  so 
dissimilar,  it  could  not  well  have  been  established  upon  any  other 
basis  than  that  of  mutual  concession.  That  band  of  statesmen,  the 
noblest  the  sun  ever  shone  upon,  whose  wisdom  gave  birth  to  our  glo 
rious  Constitution,  declared  it  to  have  been  founded  in  compromise. 
The  spirit  of  Washington  presided  in  their  counsels,  and  concession 
characterized  their  deliberations.  They  gave  us  their  present  insti 
tutions,  and  what  do  we  witness  as  a  result  of  their  influence  and 
operations  ?  .  .  .  a  territory  inhabited  by  a  thriving,  an  industrious,  a 
contented,  happy,  and  free  people.  Who,  then,  I  repeat,  will  have  the 
boldness  to  strike  a  blow  at  this  fair  framework  ?  ...  It  is,  there 
fore,  to  a  Union  of  the  States,  sir,  that  we  must  look  as  the  pole-star 
to  guide  us  onward  in  the  career  of  prosperity  and  greatness.  .  .  . 
Sir,  let  that  Union  be  dissolved,  and  these  States  pass  into  petty  prin- 
1  Reported  in  the  Augusta  Tri-lVeekly,  July,  1847. 


176  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

cipalities,  with  jarring  interests,  and  incessantly  at  war  with  each 
other,  and  the  last  hope  in  the  capacity  of  man  for  self-government  is 
fled  forever.  Our  example  is  now  spread  abroad  to  the  world  —  the 
result  of  our  experiment  is  watched  with  intense  interest.  .  .  .  Sir, 
how  shall  the  local  jealousies  which  disturb  us  compare  with  the 
great  object  of  binding  and  continuing  this  free  and  happy  people  ? 
.  .  .  Why,  then,  should  the  thought  be  entertained  that  this  Union 
should  be  dissolved  into  its  original  elements  ?  Let  us  rally  round 
the  Union  as  our  safeguard.  At  that  altar,  thank  God,  we  may  all 
worship,  and  in  pleading  for  the  preservation  of  our  institutions,  pray 
for  the  advancement  of  the  good  of  mankind."  .  .  . 

In  December,  1847,  news  came  from  Washington  that  Senator  Fair- 
field  had  unexpectedly  succumbed  to  a  surgical  operation.  The  tidings 
of  his  sudden  death  caused  great  sorrow  in  Maine,  for  it  was  gener 
ally  believed  that  he  was  a  man  of  national  possibilities.  The  imme 
diate  result  of  Fairfield's  untimely  end  was  the  reopening  of  the  old 
fight  between  the  anti-slavery  and  pro-slavery  wings  of  the  Maine 
Democracy  to  nominate  a  man  to  fill  out  Fairfield's  unexpired  term 
of  three  years.  Mr.  Hamlin's  defeat  in  1846  served  to  strengthen 
him  with  the  anti-slavery  wing  of  his  party,  and  they  brought  him 
forward  again  as  their  candidate.  The  pro-slavery  men  again  opposed 
him  for  the  same  reasons  as  in  1846,  and  even  more  vehemently 
on  account  of  his  course  in  the  preceding  legislature.  For  the  fol 
lowing  six  months  a  warmly  contested  canvass  was  carried  on  among 
the  members  elect  of  the  legislature,  and  the  bitter  cry  was  heard 
again  :  "Anything  to  beat  Hamlin."  1 

For  a  second  time  Mr.  Hamlin  had  to  fight  the  party  machine,  and 
the  opposition  to  him  was  more  formidable  than  in  his  first  campaign, 
although  it  was  not  as  cunningly  managed.  There  were  four  candi 
dates  against  him  this  time,  and  it  was  thought  by  his  opponents 
that  this  would  draw  strength  away  from  him.  The  candidates  repre 
sented  different  shades  of  opinions  and  convictions  on  the  slavery 
question  —  from  the  hard-headed  Hunker  Democrat  to  the  artful 
dodger  who  sheltered  himself  behind  the  Constitution,  while  trying 
to  ascertain  which  way  the  wind  was  blowing.  The  best  known 
was  Nathan  Clifford,  who,  as  a  member  of  the  Cabinet,  had  the 
moral  if  not  the  practical  support  of  the  administration.  Mr.  Folk's 
courtesy  and  sense  of  propriety  precluded  him  from  interfering  in 
behalf  of  his  friend,  Mr.  Clifford,  nevertheless  the  government  office 
holders  in  Maine  were  in  sympathy  with  the  administration,  and 
constituted  a  strong  Clifford  machine.  Ex-Governor  Anderson  was 
also  a  candidate,  and  still  retained  a  large  personal  following.  The 

1  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  Leander  Valentine,  on  March  2,  1848:  "  I  am  to  be  hunted 
down  with  the  ferocity  of  bloodhounds." 


ELECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  177 

third  was  Samuel  Wells,  a  man  of  force,  who  became  governor  of 
the  State  a  few  years  afterwards.  A  fourth  candidate  was  John  D. 
McCrate,  a  member  of  Congress,  who  was  friendly  to  Mr.  Hamlin. 

John  W.  Dana  was  governor,  and  he  had  been  elected  as  an  anti- 
slavery  man.  In  his  message  to  the  legislature  of  1847,  Mr.  Dana 
took  strong  grounds  against  the  doctrine  of  slavery  extension,  and  for 
this  he  was  commended  by  Mr.  Hamlin  in  his  speech  on  the  Wilmot 
Proviso,  which  is  partially  reproduced  in  preceding  pages.  But  while 
Mr.  Dana  was  naturally  inclined  against  the  institution  of  slavery,  he 
was  a  type  of  the  well-meaning  men  of  his  day  who  allowed  themselves 
to  be  guided  in  their  difficulties  by  the  fetich  of  party  fealty.  Men 
of  this  kind  preached  party  duty  first,  and  that  a  Democrat  should 
"  vote  for  the  devil,  if  the  regular  party  nominee."  The  emancipa 
tion  of  the  American  voter  from  this  fetich  is  a  story  by  itself.  It 
will  suffice  now  to  say  that  the  events  that  led  to  the  crisis  of  1860 
found  Mr.  Dana  a  convert  to  slavery,  because  it  was  supported  by  a 
majority  of  his  party.  His  change  of  position  was  indicated  at  this 
time  by  his  appointment  of  Wyman  B.  S.  Moor  to  fill  Fairfield's  seat 
until  the  legislature  acted.  This  was  a  distinct  triumph  for  the 
avowed  pro-slavery  element  of  the  Democratic  party.  Moor  was  a 
leader  of  that  faction,  and  had  publicly  announced  his  opposition  to 
the  Wilmot  Proviso. 

With  the  pro-slavery  element  in  control  of  the  party  machinery, 
and  two  of  its  men  in  the  United  States  Senate,  the  outlook  was  not 
encouraging  for  Mr.  Hamlin  at  first.  But  appearances  were  deceitful ; 
the  appointment  of  Moor  caused  an  awakening  of  anti-slavery  senti 
ment  throughout  Maine.  It  forced  a  direct  issue  between  principles 
rather  than  men,  and  caused  the  defeat  of  the  pro-slavery  men.  They 
contested  every  inch  of  the  ground  from  the  beginning  of  the  fight. 
An  idea  of  the  extreme  lengths  to  which  they  went  in  their  efforts  to 
defeat  Mr.  Hamlin  may  be  gathered  from  the  position  Senator  Bradbury 
took.  When  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate  in  1846,  he  took  a  con 
servative  attitude  towards  the  slavery  question,  and  his  election  was 
regarded  as  a  draw  between  the  two  factions.  Mr.  Hamlin  threw  his 
strength  to  Mr.  Bradbury  in  the  belief  that  it  would  be  better  to  send 
him  to  the  Senate  than  an  avowed  pro-slavery  man.  Mr.  Bradbury 
acknowledged  his  obligations  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  professed  his  inten 
tion  of  standing  by  him  in  the  future.  But  he  was  a  man  of  a  gentle 
nature  and  conservative  disposition ;  the  internal  wranglings  of  his 
party  disturbed  him. 

But  Mr.  Hamlin  had  active  and  reliable  friends.  Ezra  B.  French 
was  still  secretary  of  state;  Alfred  Reddington,  adjutant-general,  and 
Samuel  Cony,  who  was  afterwards  governor  of  Maine,  was  then  the 
land  agent.  Mr.  Hamlin' s  friends  in  the  Senate  were  Thomas  Dyer, 


178  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

3d,  Ira  T.  Drew,  Samuel  W.  Fox,  Samuel  Mayhall,  Charles  Holden, 
Hiram  Chapman,  Adams  Treat,  Benjamin  B.  Thomas,  Henry  Rich 
ardson,  Oilman  M.  Burleigh,  William  R.  Flint,  Jacob  Hale,  and  Wil 
liam  Tripp.  In  the  House  were  Hugh  D.  McClellan,  the  Speaker, 
George  M.  Freeman,  Leander  Valentine,  Nathan  White,  Ziba  Thayer, 
John  Thissell,  Stephen  D.  Jennings,  Jamfcs  Patten,  Jr.,  John  Tobin, 
George  P.  Sewall,  William  Merriam,  Ebenezer  Knowlton,  Willard  P. 
Harriman,  and  others  who  were  prominent  in  the  political  affairs 
of  their  day.  They  were  not  only  good  anti-slavery  men,  but  they 
were  also  practical,  and  experienced  in  the  ways  of  politicians.  They 
profited  by  the  lesson  of  the  previous  senatorial  election,  and  won 
their  victory  when  perhaps  one  false  move  might  have  defeated  them. 

When  the  legislature  convened,  the  pro-slavery  men  were  confident 
that  they  had  Mr.  Hamlin  beaten.  Their  plan  was  to  enter  their  four 
candidates  in  the  Senate  caucus,  and  ultimately  concentrate  their 
strength  on  the  one  who  should  develop  the  largest  following  and  pit 
him  against  Mr.  Hamlin,  in  hopes  of  forcing  a  deadlock,  as  they  had 
done  in  1846.  Mr.  Hamlin' s  friends  prudently  refrained  from  disclos 
ing  their  strength  for  the  reason  that  a  knowledge  of  their  numbers 
might  lead  the  corrupt  element  that  seduced  David  Dunn  in  1846 
to  attempt  a  renewal  of  dishonorable  tactics.  They  said  nothing, 
but  quietly  accepted  the  professions  of  the  pro-slavery  men  at  their 
face  value,  and  suggested  that  an  agreement  be  made  that  both  sides 
support  the  party  nominee,  whoever  he  might  be.  Confident  that 
they  could  beat  the  Hamlin  forces  in  the  Senate,  the  pro-slavery 
men  bound  themselves  to  this  agreement.  Among  themselves  they 
argued  with  no  little  merriment  that  if  they  could  nominate  their  man 
in  the  Senate,  and  if  the  House  should  select  Mr.  Hamlin,  there 
would  be  no  party  nominee,  and  in  that  contingency  they  would  be 
free  to  carry  out  their  original  programme. 

Each  house  held  its  caucus  on  the  same  day  —  May  29.  The 
House  nominated  Mr.  Hamlin  by  a  handsome  majority,  as  was  gen 
erally  believed  it  would.  Interest  was  focused  on  the  Senate.  On  the 
first  ballot  Mr.  Hamlin  lacked  a  few  votes  necessary  to  nominate  him. 
He  had  a  plurality  over  each  of  the  four  candidates  against  him,  but 
not  a  majority  over  all.  The  balance  of  power  was  held  by  a  few  men 
who  had  been  waiting  to  see  which  way  the  tide  was  going  to  turn 
before  taking  sides.  They  naturally  favored  the  nomination  of  an 
anti-slavery  man,  but  they  did  not  like  the  idea  of  going  counter  to 
the  dictates  of  the  machine.  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends,  for  this  reason, 
did  not  throw  their  full  strength  on  the  first  ballot.  On  the  second 
ballot  they  increased  Mr.  Hamlin's  vote  by  one ;  on  the  third  by  two, 
and  on  the  fourth  the  wavering  senators  joined  the  Hamlin  forces 
and  gave  him  fourteen  votes,  a  majority  of  one  over  Clifford,  Wells, 


SENATOR  HAMLIN.     AET.  39. 


ELECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  179 

Anderson,  and  McCrate.  The  pro-slavery  men  were  dumfounded  at 
the  result,  but  when  they  recovered  from  their  surprise,  they  found 
their  pledges  to  support  the  nominee  staring  them  in  the  face.  They 
could  do  nothing  but  redeem  their  promise,  and  they  acquiesced  in 
Mr.  Hamlin's  nomination,  comforting  themselves  by  reminding  each 
other  that  his  term  was  only  three  years,  and  that  in  the  mean  time 
they  could  prepare  themselves  for  the  fight  against  him  in  1851. 
These  pledges  they  kept,  as  will  appear  later.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  duly 
declared  the  nominee,  and  elected  United  States  senator.  Elijah  L. 
Hamlin  was  a  member  of  the  House,  and  as  a  Whig  voted  for  George 
Evans,  the  nominee  of  his  party.  A  few  weeks  later  Elijah  L.  Ham 
lin  was  nominated  by  the  Whigs  as  their  candidate  for  governor,  and 
Senator  Hamlin  had  to  take  the  stump  against  his  brother,  who  was 
defeated. 

The  same  month  in  which  Mr.  Hamlin  was  elected  to  the  Senate, 
the  National  Democratic  Convention  assembled  at  Baltimore  to  nomi 
nate  a  candidate  for  President.  The  events  of  the  Polk  administra 
tion  proved  that  the  slavery  leaders  were  the  power  behind  the  throne 
of  the  Democracy,  and  there  were  signs  of  a  bitter  struggle  for  the 
mastery  of  this  convention.  The  factional  differences  between  the 
New  York  Democracy  had  precluded  the  renomination  of  Mr.  Polk. 
Mr.  Van  Buren  still  desired  a  vindication,  and  his  friends  cherished  a 
desire  for  revenge  on  the  Southern  Democracy  for  setting  him  aside 
in  1844.  The  sudden  death  of  Silas  Wright  reopened  old  wounds, 
and  his  followers  in  New  York  were  opposed  to  Mr.  Folk's  renomina 
tion  on  account  of  his  course  in  rejecting  advice  he  had  sought  from 
Governor  Wright  in  appointing  his  secretary  of  the  treasury.  Thus 
the  anomalous  spectacle  was  presented  of  anti-slavery  and  pro-slavery 
Democrats  joining  hands  to  punish  the  slave  power  of  their  party. 
This  faction,  led  by  Mr.  Van  Buren,  was  known  as  the  Barnburners  ; 
the  other,  led  by  William  L.  Marcy,  the  Secretary  of  State,  was  called 
the  Hunkers.  Each  sent  a  delegation  to  the  convention,  and  refused 
reasonable  offers  of  compromise.  The  Barnburners  withdrew  and 
announced  their  intention  of  making  war  on  the  ticket,  should  it 
displease  them. 

This  action  on  the  part  of  the  Barnburners  not  only  rendered  Mr. 
Folk's  renomination  inadvisable,  but  also  peremptorily  forbade  the 
selection  of  Mr.  Marcy,  who  was,  perhaps,  the  ablest  leader  of  the 
pro-slavery  faction,  next  to  Mr.  Calhoun.  The  convention  was  there 
fore  restricted  to  making  its  choice  from  General  Lewis  Cass,  James 
Buchanan,  and  Levi  Woodbury,  who  were  the  chief  candidates  con 
sidered.  Of  these  three  Mr.  Hamlin  preferred  Woodbury.  He  knew 
Woodbury  personally ;  he  believed  him  to  be  safe  on  the  slavery 
question,  and  to  be  amply  qualified  by  ability,  character,  and  expe- 


i8o  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

rience  to  fill  the  presidency.  He  had  also  been  one  of  Andrew 
Jackson's  lieutenants,  having  been  secretary  of  the  treasury  during 
Jackson's  second  term.  He  had  been  senator,  and  was  now  associate 
justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  In  short,  Woodbury  was  a  wheel-horse 
of  the  Democracy,  and  would  have  been  a  good  President.  General 
Cass  was  a  man  of  high  personal  characfer  and  pronounced  ability, 
but  he  took  the  politician's  view  of  slavery  and  did  not  seem  to  see 
the  moral  side  of  it.  Mr.  Buchanan  appeared  to  Mr.  Hamlin  to  be 
too  pliant  and  weak  to  be  President.  The  convention  was  dominated 
by  the  Southern  wing,  and  its  leaders,  not  daring  to  put  forward  one 
of  their  own  men,  dictated  the  nomination  of  General  Cass  in  the 
belief  that  he  was  a  "Northern  man  with  Southern  principles."  It 
is  perfectly  proper  to  add  that  when  events,  in  1 860-61,  opened  Gen 
eral  Cass's  eyes  to  the  dangers  of  slavery,  he  proved  his  loyalty  to 
the  Union  by  withdrawing  from  Buchanan's  Cabinet. 

The  nomination  of  General  Cass  was  displeasing  to  Mr.  Van  Buren 
and  his  friends.  They  charged  that  General  Cass,  by  allowing  the 
use  of  his  name  in  the  convention  of  1840,  contributed  to  the  defeat 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  They  decided  to  bolt  Cass,  and  called  a  con 
vention  of  their  own  at  Buffalo.  Mr.  Van  Buren  professed  his  con 
cessions  to  the  principles  of  Free-Soil,  and  in  this  move  the  more 
optimistic  of  the  anti-slavery  men  thought  they  saw  the  dawn  of  a 
better  day.  The  result  was  that  a  sympathetic  movement  was  begun 
among  the  Free-Soilers  of  both  parties  to  cooperate  in  forming  a  new 
party  at  this  convention.  Good  and  true  anti-slavery  men  favored 
this  movement  and  came  to  Buffalo.  There  were  Democrats  present, 
such  as  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Preston  King,  James  S.  Wadsworth,  John 
A.  Dix,  David  Dudley  Field,  and  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  New  York. 
Among  the  Whigs  was  Charles  Francis  Adams,  and  among  the 
Abolitionists  was  Joshua  R.  Giddings.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  nomi 
nated  for  President,  and  Mr.  Adams  for  Vice-President.  The  Whigs 
completely  begged  the  issue  of  slavery  extension  by  nominating  Gen 
eral  Zachary  Taylor  on  his  military  record  as  their  platform.  All  that 
the  public  knew  about  General  Taylor  at  the  time  was  that  he  was  a 
good  soldier  who  was  highly  respected  by  his  associates,  and  was 
also  a  large  slaveholder.  The  situation  did  not  seem  promising  to 
anti-slavery  Democrats.  General  Cass  apparently  pledged  himself 
to  oppose  the  principles  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  by  writing  what  was 
called  the  Nicholson  letter.  Senator  Hamlin  was  a  strong  party  man, 
and  it  was  his  custom  to  stand  by  his  party.  He  believed  that  great 
results  in  national  affairs  could  be  best  obtained  through  party 
cooperation,  but  he  also  held  that  parties  erred  like  men  and  were  to 
be  judged  as  men  were.  He  was  disappointed  at  the  defeat  of  Wood- 
bury,  and  he  was  disturbed  over  General  Cass's  apparent  repudiation 


ELECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  181 

of  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  But  he  was  not  in  the  habit  of  judging  men 
before  he  tried  them,  or  leaping  before  he  looked.  He  saw  Gen 
eral  Cass,  and  from  him  obtained  a  definite  statement,  that  if  he 
should  be  elected  President  he  would  not  veto  a  bill  prohibiting  the 
extension  of  slavery  into  territory  then  free.1  In  the  political  game 
between  the  Northern  and  Southern  leaders  of  the  Democracy,  Gen 
eral  Cass  appeared  to  believe  that  it  was  the  North's  time  to  take  its 
turn.  But  if  Senator  Hamlin  found  General  Cass's  position  incon 
sistent  with  his  own  ideas  of  truth  and  candor,  he  also  found  equal 
insincerity  in  the  professions  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  He  well  knew  the 
lengths  to  which  a  political  feud  would  carry  men,  and  he  also  under 
stood  that  the  Buffalo  convention  was  manipulated  by  the  friends  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren.2  He  concluded  that  they  were  animated  by  a  desire 
of  revenge  rather  than  by  a  sincere  wish  to  promote  the  principles  of 
Free-Soil.  There  was  a  final  consideration  that  decided  Mr.  Hamlin 
to  stand  by  his  party.  He  had  been  elected  to  the  Senate  as  an  anti- 
slavery  leader,  and  it  was  a  part  of  his  duty  to  keep  his  party  in 
Maine  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  slave  power.  If  he  left  his 
party  he  would  lose  his  hold  on  it,  and  there  was  now  a  pro-slavery 
Democrat  from  Maine  in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Bradbury.  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  engaged  in  the  difficult  task  of  "  leading  his  constituents  out  of 
the  woods,"  and  by  remaining  with  them  he  exerted  an  influence  he 
never  could  wield  outside  of  his  party.  His  reasoning  was  vindicated 
within  one  year  by  events.  Cass  was  defeated,  and  Van  Buren  en 
joyed  the  exquisite  satisfaction  of  polling  more  votes  in  New  York 
than  Cass  did.  All  Van  Buren  wanted  was  revenge,  for  after  beating 
Cass,  Mr.  Van  Buren  threw  his  Free-Soil  professions  to  the  winds 
and  returned  to  full  alliance  with  his  party  as  a  pro-slavery  man.  In 
the  words  of  Henry  Wilson,  then  a  Free-Soil  Whig,  "Who  then  could 
have  imagined  that  within  one  brief  year  the  very  men  who  made  this 
gallant  fight  .  .  .  should  return  to  the  ranks  they  had  so  effectually 
broken,  .  .  .  aid  by  voice  and  vote  in  again  placing  in  power  the  men 
who  were  found  ready  to  indorse  the  wicked  compromise  of  1850  ? "  3 

1  When  a  candidate  for  reelection  to  the  Senate  in  1851,  Senator  Hamlin  wrote 
to  George  F.  Emery,  of  Portland,  as  follows:    "I  had  such  information  as  led 
me  honestly  to  believe  that  Cass  would  never  veto  a  bill  prohibiting  slavery.     I 
believed  so ;  and  was  I  not  in  a  position  to  aid  all  who  with  me  went  for  Free- 
Soil  ?     Could  I  not  stand  up  in  the  Senate,  demand  a  restriction  of  slavery,  and 
demand  it  on  the  ground  that  I  went  for  Cass's  election  with  that  expectation  ? 
I  believed  then,  as  I  do  now,  that  I  could  truly  aid  the  cause  of  freedom  by  my 
course.     What  the  Free-Soil  men  will  do,  I  cannot  tell.     I  only  know  that  I  will 
battle  faithfully  for  Free-Soil,  whether  defeated  or  successful." 

2  Lincoln  satirized  the  elastic  plank  of  the  Buffalo  convention  by  saying  that 
it  reminded  him  of  what  the  Yankee  peddler  said  of  a  pair  of  trousers  he  had  for 
sale,  "  large  enough  for  a  man  and  small  enough  for  a  boy." 

8  Wilson's  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,  vol.  ii.  p.  158. 


CHAPTER   XVIII 

MR.    HAMLIN    IN    THE    SENATE  ' 

THE  golden  age  of  American  oratory  was  still  in  its  glory  when 
Mr.  Hamlin  entered  the  Senate.  Webster  was  at  the 'height  of  his 
powers  and  authority.  Calhoun,  although  on  the  decline,  was  still 
the  master  mind  of  his  party.  The  return  of  Clay  reunited  this 
Titanic  trio  for  the  last  time  in  the  Senate.  Another  great  figure 
was  Benton,  the  Roman  of  his  party.  The  most  brilliant  campaign 
orator  of  this  period  was  Thomas  Corwin,  and  he  was  one  of  the 
senators  from  Ohio.  Willie  P.  Mangum  and  George  E.  Badger,  of 
North  Carolina,  John  McPherson  Berrien,  of  Georgia,  John  M.  Clay 
ton,  of  Delaware,  John  J.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,  and  Reverdy 
Johnson,  of  Maryland,  were  a  notable  group  of  high-minded,  culti 
vated,  able  statesmen,  and  pro-slavery  Union  Whigs,  who  represented 
a  conservative  element  that  was  soon  to  be  supplanted  by  the  aggres 
sive  Southern  wing  of  the  Democratic  party.  Jefferson  Davis  was 
now  recognized  in  the  Senate  as  a  coming  leader  of  that  faction,  and 
an  aspiring  heir  to  Calhoun's  mantle.  With  him  David  R.  Atchison, 
of  Missouri,  David  L.  Yulee,  of  Florida,  James  M.  Mason,  of  Vir 
ginia,  author  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  formed  a  group  of  historic  in 
terest.  John  Davis,  of  Massachusetts,  and  William  L.  Dayton,  of  New 
Jersey,  represented  the  element  of  the  Whig  party  that  was  merged 
into  the  Republican  party  eight  years  later  and  nominated  Mr.  Day 
ton  for  Vice- President.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  forging  to  the  front 
as  the  leader  of  that  wing  of  the  Northern  Democracy  that  regarded 
slavery  as  a  political  rather  than  a  moral  issue,  and  was  considered  as 
a  presidential  candidate.  General  Sam  Houston,  of  Texas,  brave, 
able,  and  picturesque,  was  a  Southern  man  of  the  Jackson  type,  and 
believed  by  many  to  be  a  coming  President.  Still  another  presiden 
tial  possibility  was  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  able  and  statesmanlike, 
and  now  an  opponent  to  the  slave  power.  Charles  G.  Atherton,  of 
New  Hampshire,  author  of  the  Atherton  gag,  and  Jesse  D.  Bright,  of 
Indiana,  who  was  subsequently  expelled  from  the  Senate  for  treason, 
were  conspicuous  as  Northern  men  with  Southern  principles.  Roger 
S.  Baldwin  and  John  M.  Niles  were  worthy  representatives  of  Con 
necticut.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  was  a  Southern  leader  of 
distinction  who  was  highly  esteemed  by  his  opponents  for  his  per- 


EARLY  ASSOCIATES  IN  THE  SENATE. 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


MR.    HAMLIN   IN   THE   SENATE  183 

sonal  qualities.  Andrew  Pickens  Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  was  im 
pulsive  and  generous  by  nature,  and  his  impassioned  utterances  rarely 
left  a  sting.  Henry  S.  Foote,  of  Mississippi,  brilliant  but  erratic,  was 
the  disturbing  factor  in  the  Senate,  and  often  as  much  a  thorn  to  the 
disunionists  as  to  the  anti-slavery  party.  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  a  self- 
made  man  of  ability  and  character,  and  the  soldierly  John  A.  Dix 
maintained  a  conservative  attitude  towards  slavery,  the  policy  the 
New  York  Democracy  generally  followed.  In  John  P.  Hale,  brilliant 
and  whole-souled,  the  anti-slavery  party  had  a  devoted  champion  who 
had  stood  virtually  alone  until  Mr.  Hamlin  entered  the  Senate.  An 
other  indication  of  the  great  changes  working  among  the  masses  at 
the  North  was  the  fact  that  Salmon  P.  Chase  had  already  been  chosen 
the  successor  to  William  Allen,  of  Ohio.  Simon  Cameron,  the 
shrewdest  political  manager  this  country  has  yet  produced,  was  begin 
ning  his  long  career  as  a  senator  from  Pennsylvania.  In  truth,  the 
Senate  of  1848  was  an  assembly  of  great  and  interesting  men,  nearly 
all  of  whom  consciously  or  unconsciously  helped  cast  the  shadows  of 
the  drama  of  1860.  The  place  this  Senate  holds  in  history  is  told  in 
Mr.  Elaine's  well-chosen  words  :  "  At  no  time  before  or  since  in  the 
history  of  the  Senate  has  its  membership  been  so  illustrious,  its  weight 
of  character  and  ability  so  great." 

The  senate  chamber  was  the  room  now  occupied  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  Modeled  after  the  Grecian  theatre,  it 
was  noted  for  its  fine  acoustic  properties.  The  proceedings  were  con 
ducted  with  great  dignity  and  decorum,  although  an  occasional  bitter 
personal  encounter  took  place.  Senatorial  courtesy  had  not  yet 
reached  that  stage  of  development  which  transformed  the  Senate  into 
an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance.  Vice- President  Dallas  was  the 
presiding  officer,  and  he  was  truly  the  embodiment  of  senatorial  dig 
nity  and  diplomatic  courtesy.  The  two  senators  from  Arkansas  dif 
fered  as  to  pronunciation  of  the  name  of  their  State.  Mr.  Dallas  rose 
above  the  difficulty  by  recognizing  one  as  the  "senator  from  Arkansas," 
and  the  other  as  "  the  senator  from  Arkansaw."  Ideas  of  dress  as 
well  as  of  etiquette  prevailed  that  are  now  absent  from  the  Senate. 
There  was  a  recognized  senatorial  toga,  and  this  was  the  claw-ham 
mer  coat.  Certain  deferential  customs  were  maintained  in  the  public 
intercourse  among  the  senators,  to  accentuate  the  importance  of  the 
senatorial  function.  For  example,  when  a  punctilious  orator  had  to 
refer  to  a  remark  of  a  colleague,  he  would  usually  say,  "  It  fell  from 
the  senator,"  as  if  he  had  shed  words  of  wisdom. 

Behind  the  scenes  the  senators  relaxed  themselves.  They  were 
like  lawyers  who,  after  having  launched  their  thunder  at  each  other 
in  court,  found  recreation  in  enjoying  each  other's  society.  The  god 
like  Webster  would  sometimes  signalize  his  release  from  duties  by 


i84  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

wrapping  his  powerful  arms  around  Mason  and  Douglas,  and  give  them 
a  bear-like  hug.  Calhoun  ceased  to  be  a  Spartan,  and  became  one 
of  the  most  delightful  of  men.  Henry  Clay's  imperious  manner  van 
ished,  and  he  was  soon  the  centre  of  a  story-telling  group.  Benton 
was  no  longer  the  Roman,  but  a  cordial,  warm-hearted  man,  who 
seemed  to  have  no  other  object  than  to  entertain  his  friends.  Andrew 
Pickens  Butler,  after  one  of  his  attacks  on  John  P.  Hale,  would  seek 
what  was  known  as  the  "  cave  in  the  wall,"  and  having  cooled  down, 
would  engage  in  repartee  and  anecdote  with  his  anti-slavery  antagonist 
with  the  enjoyment  of  a  generous  nature.  Jefferson  Davis,  high-bred 
and  courteous,  was  active  in  the  social  life  of  the  Senate.  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  enjoyed  pleasant  personal  relations  with  Webster,  Clay,  and  the 
Great  Nullifier,  although  he  did  not  believe  in  their  principles.  From 
the  first  he  was  drawn  to  Benton  as  the  representative  Jackson  Dem 
ocrat  of  his  day,  and  the  relations  he  sustained  with  the  latter  are  a 
chapter  for  another  place  in  these  pages.  He  early  formed  a  close 
social  and  party  intimacy  with  Jefferson  Davis,  the  story  of  which  is 
to  be  told  elsewhere. 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  entered  the  Senate,  Congress  was  once  more 
embroiled  in  the  Oregon  controversy,  which  had  been  renewed  since 
he  left  the  House.  This  time  the  question  of  Oregon's  rights  arose 
for  final  settlement,  and  thus  it  happened  that  Mr.  Hamlin  took  his 
seat  in  the  Senate  in  season  to  help  Oregon  save  herself  from  slavery. 
While  this  was  a  famous  struggle  in  its  day  and  severely  agitated  the 
country,  it  was  overshadowed  by  the  greater  events  that  ensued.  It 
is  of  historical  importance  and  personal  interest  to  this  narrative.  In 
the  latter  stage  of  the  Oregon  controversy  may  be  found  the  genesis 
of  the  plan  to  bring  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to  the 
aid  of  the  slave  power.  The  debate  also  led  Mr.  Hamlin  to  make 
his  first  anti-slavery  speech  in  the  Senate.  This  speech,  by  the  way, 
resulted  in  interesting  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  was  then  a  member 
of  the  House,  in  Mr.  Hamlin.  He  heard  it  and  gave  it  his  warm 
approval. 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  was  in  the  House,  it  will  be  recalled,  the  bill 
was  passed  granting  Oregon  territorial  government,  and  prohibiting 
slavery  within  her  borders.  Although  the  people  of  Oregon  de 
manded  a  free  government,  the  pro-slavery  Senate  was  bold  enough 
to  repudiate  the  first  principles  of  self-government  by  refusing  to  pass 
the  bill  in  the  face  of  a  strong  demand.  But  action  could  be  delayed 
no  longer  now.  Lawless  men  were  flocking  to  Oregon,  and  the  citi 
zens  of  the  territory  were  compelled  to  take  the  law  into  their  own 
hands.  President  Polk  referred  to  this  in  a  message  to  Congress. 
Further  delay  by  Congress  to  give  Oregon  the  simple  means  of  self- 
defense  from  marauders  was  certain  to  create  a  national  scandal. 


MR.   HAMLIN   IN   THE   SENATE  185 

What  Oregon  asked  was  what  had  been  granted  to  other  territo 
ries,  —  Iowa,  for  instance,  —  the  machinery  of  law  and  the  right  to 
regulate  her  own  internal  affairs.  Why  was  Oregon  singled  out  as 
an  exception  to  the  general  rule  ?  It  was  plain  now  to  the  leaders 
of  the  slave  party  that  they  must  show  their  colors  and  make  their 
intentions  known.  What  they  wanted  was  to  force  slavery  into  all 
territory  out  of  which  States  were  likely  to  be  formed  in  the  near 
future.  This  territory  then  included  Oregon,  Upper  and  Lower  Cali 
fornia,  and  New  Mexico. 

This  scheme  was  generally  understood  throughout  the  North  ;  but 
it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  slave  party  had  not  yet  directly 
acknowledged  its  purpose,  and  was  not  a  unit  in  working  to  this  end 
until  the  Oregon  controversy  came  up  for  final  settlement.  Undoubt 
edly  the  leaders  %of  the  slave  party  intended  to  make  as  fierce  a 
fight  as  possible  for  the  possession  of  Oregon  as  well  as  California 
and  New  Mexico  ;  but,  failing  in  the  case  of  the  former  territory, 
they  planned  to  make  use  of  the  controversy  over  Oregon  as  a  basis  of 
compromise  in  dealing  with  the  other  territories.  They  were  deter 
mined  not  to  lose  the  hard-earned  results  of  the  Mexican  war,  —  Cal 
ifornia  and  New  Mexico.  The  thought  that  they  might  infuriated 
them.  Events  were  therefore  ripe  for  a  fight  to  a  finish,  so  to  speak, 
when  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  at  the  beginning  of  this  session  of  Con 
gress,  introduced  a  bill  organizing  a  government  in  Oregon  similar 
to  that  which  Congress  had  granted  to  Iowa,  and  which  forbade  the 
introduction  of  slavery.  John  P.  Hale  offered  an  amendment  em 
bracing  the  principles  of  tlje  Ordinance  of  1787.  These  measures 
together  were  too  much  for  the  slavery  leaders.  Their  pent-up  anger 
escaped  ;  they  threw  prudence  to  the  winds,  and  in  their  wrath  they 
let  out  their  desires.  Mr.  Calhoun  had  the  audacity  of  his  wishes. 
He  boldly  proclaimed  his  doctrine,  that  "the  national  flag  carries 
slavery  wherever  it  floats."  He  laid  down  some  dogmas  in  support 
of  this  doctrine,  that  "  Congress  had  no  right  to  prevent  a  citizen 
of  a  slave  State  from  emigrating  with  his  slave  property  to  any  ter 
ritory,  and  holding  his  slaves  there  in  servitude;"  that  "the  people 
of  such  territory  have  no  right  to  legislate  adversely  thereto,"  and 
that  "  Congress  has  no  right  to  vest  such  authority  in  a  territorial 
government." 

The  significance  of  these  declarations  was  that  the  slave  contro 
versy  had  entered  on  a  new  stage.  The  terms  "  Whigs  "  and  "  Dem 
ocrats  "  had  little  meaning  now  among  the  Southern  members  of 
Congress.  They  rallied  around  the  standard  of  Calhoun,  and  accepted 
his  declaration  that  "the  national  flag  carries  slavery  wherever  it 
floats  "  as  their  shibboleth.  Conservative  Whigs,  such  as  Berrien,  of 
Georgia,  and  Clayton,  of  Delaware,  worked  with  Jefferson  Davis,  the 


i86  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

leader  of  the  young,  aggressive  Southern  Democracy.  Mr.  Davis 
made  an  extreme  speech,  in  which  he  defined  the  slave  as  a  chattel, 
and  claimed  that  for  that  reason  the  owner  could  take  his  property 
wherever  he  liked.  According  to  this  the  doctrine  of  state  rights 
was  inoperative  in  a  free  State  if  a  slaveholder  chose  to  appear  in  it 
with  his  "  property."  But  the  debate  popularized  this  theory  with 
the  slave  party,  and  it  was  adopted  as  a  cardinal  principle,  whereas 
before  it  had  been  tentatively  presented.  Although  Mr.  Davis' s 
speech  was  extreme,  it  sounded  the  note  of  compromise.  He  was  a 
spokesman  of  the  slave  party,  and  its  leaders  were  now  evidently 
looking  beyond  Oregon  and  at  California  and  New  Mexico. 

But  there  was  nothing  to  compromise,  and  so  much  the  better  for 
the  slave  power.  If  it  could  hoodwink  the  Northern  congressmen 
into  believing  that  a  compromise  was  the  only  way  out  of  the  diffi 
culty,  it  was  sure  to  gain  a  point.  Mr.  Clayton,  of  Delaware,  moved 
that  the  Douglas  bill  be  referred  to  a  select  committee  of  eight,  — 
four  from  the  North  and  four  from  the  South.  This  motion  appealed 
equally  to  the  senators  who  supported  slavery,  and  those  who  believed 
in  "  the  glue  of  compromise,"  and  those  who  worshiped  the  function 
of  committee  deliverance.  Only  fourteen  senators  opposed  it,  and 
among  them  were  Messrs.  Hamlin,  Hale,  Dix,  Niles,  Baldwin,  and 
John  Davis.  Two  of  the  Northern  men  appointed  were  Jesse  D. 
Bright,  of  Indiana,  who  was  expelled  from  the  Senate  for  treason 
in  1862,  and  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New  York,  an  honorable  man, 
but  one  who  never  saw  the  slave  power  in  its  true  light  until  the  war. 
Mr.  Dickinson  said  that  he  beheld  "a  gleam  of  sunshine"  in  Mr.  Clay 
ton's  motion.  That  is  why  he  was  placed  on  the  committee.  There 
was  but  one  anti-slavery  man  on  this  committee,  —  S.  S.  Phelps,  of 
Vermont.  It  was  a  packed  court. 

The  deliverance  of  this  committee  was  called  the  Clayton  compro 
mise.  It  was  an  extraordinary  affair.  Instead  of  dealing  with  Oregon 
exclusively,  or  with  each  territory  separately,  the  committee  lumped 
the  three  territories  together  in  a  log-rolling  scheme.  Instead  of 
taking  action  on  the  slavery  question,  it  dodged  and  recommended 
that  the  matter  be  referred  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States.  This  was  a  crafty  plan,  and  it  failed  by  a  miracle.  The  court 
was  a  strong  pro-slavery  body,  and  although  its  members  were  pure 
and  high-minded  men,  they  were  biased,  and  so  strongly  tinctured 
with  slavery  ideas  that,  had  they  sat  on  this  question,  Oregon,  Califor 
nia,,  and  New  Mexico  would  have  been  doomed  to  slavery,  or  the  final 
struggle  might  have  been  precipitated  then.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
add  that  the  anti-slavery  senators  fought  this  bill  resolutely,  and  the 
main  discussion  was  on  the  abstract  and  concrete  questions  that  sla 
very  involved.  Mr.  Hamlin's  speech  differed  somewhat  from  the 


MR.    HAMLIN   IN  THE   SENATE  187 

general  order  of  remarks  heard  in  the  Senate.  While  he  denounced 
the  institution  of  slavery  with  characteristic  bluntness  and  force,  his 
speech  is  more  interesting  as  an  exposition  of  the  character  of  the 
bill.  In  this  respect  it  is  one  of  the  best  to  be  found  in  the  "  Con 
gressional  Record."  He  condemned  the  bill  as  a  fraud,  a  snare,  and 
a  delusion.  The  speech  was  widely  circulated  in  pamphlet  among 
the  anti-slavery  documents  of  the  time. 

This  was  the  year  of  '48,  "  the  year  of  revolutions,"  when  a  demo 
cratic  movement  swept  over  Europe  and  seemed  to  presage  the 
springing  up  of  republican  institutions  all  over  the  Old  World.  Mr. 
Hamlin,  in  opening  his  remarks,  pictured  in  a  few  terse  sentences  the 
contrast  afforded. 

"  It  is  indeed  startling,"  said  he,  "  that  in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  —  in  this  model  republic,  with  the  sun  of  liberty  shining  upon  us, 
and  while  the  governments  of  Europe  are  tottering  to  their  base  from 
the  lights  reflected  from  our  own,  and  while  they  are  striking  down  the 
shackles  of  tyranny  over  the  minds  of  men,  — we  have  been  gravely  discuss 
ing  the  proposition  whether  we  will  not  create  by  law  the  institution  of 
human  slavery  in  territories  now  free.  Such  is  the  question  in  direct  terms 
before  us  ;  such,  in  fact,  is  the  issue  now.  Sophistry  cannot  evade  it ; 
metaphysics  cannot  escape  it.  ...  The  crisis  is  now  upon  us.  ...  We 
are  about  to  shape  and  mould  the  character  of  these  territories,  which  in 
time  will  become  a  mighty  empire.  Whether  that  country  shall  present 
all  the  elements  of  a  free  government,  in  which  man  is  elevated  as  an 
intellectual  and  moral  being,  or  whether  the  despotism  of  slavery  shall  im 
print  its  soil,  are  matters  depending  entirely  on  us.  We  must  act.  .  .  . 
The  issue  cannot  be  avoided.  .  .  . 

"  The  bill  like  the  proposition  discussed  by  the  Senate  does  not  profess 
to  establish  slavery  by  law.  It  leaves  slavery  to  extend  itself  by  the  '  silent 
operation '  of  the  law,  without  restriction.  It  does  not  guaranty  slavery ; 
but  will  it  not  permit  slavery  ?  And  after  it  has  found  an  existence,  will  it 
not  demand  a  guaranty?  Thus,  without  inhibition  will  it  not  become  cer 
tain  and  fixed  by  the  process  of  time  ?  .  .  .  I  solemnly  believe  that  this  bill 
will  allow  of  the  extension  of  slavery  as  certainly  as  if  it  created  slavery  in 
express  words.  The  bill,  as  I  understand  it,  concedes  practically  all  the 
ultra-doctrinaires  of  the  South  demand.  Let  us  then  erect  a  barrier  to  this 
tide  of  moral  evil.  ...  It  will  thrill  the  country  like  an  electric  shock  when 
it  is  known  that  the  acquisition  of  territory  from  a  foreign  power  necessarily 
subjects  it  to  the  institution  of  slavery,  that  the  flag  of  this  Union  carries 
slavery  wherever  it  floats.  This  is  a  new  principle  in  the  doctrines  of  sla 
very  propagandism.  It  is  not  the  doctrine  of  the  founders  of  the  republic. 
Democracy  has  been  called  progressive,  but  my  word  for  it,  she  goes  along 
in  the  old-fashioned  stage-coach  style,  while  this  doctrine  of  slavery  propa 
gandism  has  mounted  the  railroad  cars.  ...  I  repeat,  it  will  startle  the 
North  when  it  is  known  that  it  is  gravely  announced  here  that  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States  .  .  carries  with  it  and  extends  the  institution 


1 88  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

of  slavery ;  that  it,  in  fact,  abrogates  the  laws  of  the  free  and  gives  instead 
the  powers  of  servitude.  .  .  .  These  doctrines  are  not  to  be  deduced  from 
the  Constitution,  but  are  in  derogation  of  its  letter  and  spirit ;  that  instru 
ment  is,  in  all  its  terms  and  in  all  its  scope,  an  anti-slavery  instrument.  It 
was  conceived,  it  was  enacted,  it  was  approved  by  the  States  of  this  Union, 
not  in  the  spirit  of  extension  or  creation  of  sjavery,  but  in  a  spirit  which 
looked  to  the  future  emancipation  of  the  slave  in  this  country."  1 

With  this  introduction,  Mr.  Hamlin  discussed  the  Calhoun  dogma, 
that  the  Constitution  contained  within  its  provisions  a  power  to  estab 
lish  and  extend  slavery  over  free  territory.  This  amounted  to  the 
notion  that  as  the  territories  belonged  to  all  the  people,  and  as  the 
Constitution  recognized  slavery,  it  therefore  authorized  the  institution 
in  the  territories.  Mr.  Hamlin  quoted  from  articles  one  and  four  of  the 
Constitution,  and  showed  that  it  simply  recognized  slavery  as  exist 
ing  ;  it  did  not  provide  for  the  creation  or  extension  of  the  institution. 
In  one  instance,  the  Constitution  spoke  of  slaves  as  a  basis  of  taxation 
and  representation,  and  in  the  other  with  regard  to  the  laws  requiring 
the  free  States  to  return  fugitive  slaves.  That  was  all.  The  falsity 
of  the  interpretation  that  the  supporters  of  slavery  placed  on  the  Con 
stitution  was  exposed  by  Mr.  Hamlin  in  these  words  :  — 

"The  argument  that  slavery  is  recognized  by  the  Constitution  is  used  as 
an  equivalent  to  establishing  it.  The  laws  of  the  State  support  and  main 
tain  it,"  Mr.  Hamlin  continued,  "  not  the  Constitution.  It  is  a  state  insti 
tution  resting  on  the  local  law  of  the  State,  without  the  aid,  without  the 
support,  without  the  maintenance,  of  the  Constitution  in  any  way  whatever. 
...  If  the  institution  of  slavery  is  one  which  has  its  foundation  in  the 
Constitution,  and  not  one  resting  upon  the  laws  of  the  State,  where  is 
the  limit  to  its  extension  ?  What  is  the  next  step  in  the  application  of  the 
argument  ?  After  you  have  overrun  your  territories,  what  power  can  pre 
vent  the  slaveholder  from  coming  into  the  free  States  with  his  slaves  ?  If 
his  right  is  a  constitutional  one,  if  .he  rests  his  claim  there,  and  is  cor 
rect,  a  state  law  could  not  affect  him,  because  it  would  be  in  conflict  with 
the  Constitution.  .  .  .  The  Constitution  gives  no  right,  it  creates  no  right;  it 
merely  recognizes  a  right  which  is  created  by  the  laws  of  the  State.  That 
slavery  is  a  local  institution  there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  courts  of  nearly 
all  the  States  have  so  decided.  .  .  .  The  moment  a  slave  goes  beyond  the 
limits  of  a  State  where  slavery  exists,  he  becomes  free.  Slavery,  therefore, 
must  look  alone  to  local  laws  for  its  support. 

"  I  hold  that  the  Constitution  in  and  of  itself,  and  by  its  express  language, 
authorizes  Congress  to  inhibit  this  institution  in  our  territories.  .  .  .  What 
is  the  language  of  this  clause  of  the  Constitution  ?  '  Congress  shall  have 
power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting 
the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the  United  States.'  " 

Mr.   Hamlin  traced  the  history  of  this  clause.     No   such  power 
1  For  example,  the  slave  trade  was  abolished. 


MR.    HAMLIN   IN   THE   SENATE  189 

existed  in  the  articles  of  confederation,  and  when  the  Constitution 
was  formed  this  power  was  granted  to  Congress.  It  was  exercised 
by  numerous  presidents,  and  declared  valid  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

"  Again,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin,  "  the  power  is  contained  in  the  bill  upon 
which  we  are  acting.  It  continues  the  laws  of  Oregon  in  force  for  three 
months  after  the  meeting  of  the  legislature.  It  provides  in  the  territories 
of  California  and  New  Mexico  that  the  legislative  power  shall  not  pass  any 
laws  on  the  subject  of  religion  or  slavery.  ...  If  the  Constitution  was 
silent,  as  it  is  not,  yet  under  that  power  which  can  acquire  we  can  most 
certainly  govern.  It  matters  little  where  you  can  find  the  power  to  acquire ; 
if  you  do  acquire  you  must  have  the  power  to  govern.  The  first  is  the 
major,  the  second  is  the  minor  proposition.  It  would  not  be  good  sense  to 
contend  that  we  have  a  power  to  acquire  public  domain,  and  yet  could  not 
pass  needful  rules  and  regulations  for  its  government.  .  .  .  Casuists  have 
been  known  to  deny  their  own  existence  and  satisfactorily  to  prove  it  to 
their  own  minds.  That  may  be  a  plausible  and  practical  doctrine  when 
contrasted  with  the  one  that  we  have  no  power  to  govern  our  own  terri 
tories.  .  .  . 

"  Having  the  power  to  act,  what  is  the  responsible  duty  which  I  feel  im 
posed  on  me  ?  It  is  that  I  should  exert  all  the  power  which  the  Constitu 
tion  gives  to  exclude  the  institution  of  slavery  from  our  territories  now  free, 
because  it  is  a  social,  moral,  and  political  evil.  That  such  is  its  character 
needs  no  argument  to  prove.  They  are  conceded  facts  —  supported  by  the 
declarations  and  admonitions  of  the  best  and  wisest  men  of  the  South, 

"  '  In  thoughts  that  breathe  and  words  that  burn.' 

"  I  would  resist  the  introduction  of  that  institution  in  justice  to  a  superior 
race  of  men,  — men  who  are  capable  of  a  higher  state  of  social  and  political 
refinement.  I  would  institute  such  governments  as  are  best  calculated  to 
advance  the  true  interests  of  our  own  Caucasian  race,  and  not  degrade  the 
dignity  of  labor  by  fastening  upon  it  the  incubus  of  slavery.  I  would  resist 
it  because  I  would  not  invoke  or  use  the  name  of  Democracy  to  strike 
down  as  with  the  iron  mace  of  a  despot  the  principles  of  social  equality 
and  freedom.  I  would  not  profane  the  sacred  name  of  Freedom  while  using 
it  to  impose  a  tyranny  upon  the  minds  or  persons  of  men.  Jefferson  has 
said  that  *  God  has  no  attribute  which  can  take  sides  with  us  in  such  a 
cause.'  The  eloquent  Pinckney  has  declared  that  'the  earth  itself,  which 
teems  with  profusion  under  the  cultivating  hand  of  the  freeborn  laborer, 
shrinks  into  barrenness  from  the  contaminating  sweat  of  the  slave.'  Sir, 
my  course  is  a  plain  one,  and  clear  from  all  doubt.  Our  position  is  un 
questionable.  We  stand  in  defense  of  free  soil  and  resist  aggressive 
slavery,  and  we  demand  enactments  for  the  protection  of  free  soil  against 
this  aggression.  We  will  not  disturb  that  institution,  but  we  will  stand  in 
defense  of  the  freedom  of  our  soil  as  right  in  principle  and  beneficial  to 
free  white  labor  in  all  parts  of  our  common  country." 

Mr.  Hamlin  next  discussed  compromise,  and  in  connection  with 


i9o  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

that  subject  he  revealed  again  the  fraudulent  nature  of  the  bill  and 
the  crooked  record  of  the  slave  party  in  dealing  with  Oregon.  He 
briefly  related  the  history  of  Oregon's  efforts  to  secure  a  free  govern 
ment,  and  charged  the  pro-slavery  Senate  with  killing  every  bill  the 
House  passed  for. Oregon's  relief.  The  Douglas  bill  had  a  provision 
inhibiting  slavery,  but  it  was  recommitted*to  the  committee  of  eight, 
and  reported  back  "  chained  "  to  other  territorial  bills,  with  the  anti- 
slavery  provision  so  modified  that  it  secured  freedom  for  Oregon  for 
three  months  only  after  the  first  territorial  legislature  should  meet. 

"  This  bill,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin,  "  is  called  by  some  a  compromise  ;  all  that 
I  can  see  which  entitles  it  to  that  name  is  that  it  does  provide  that  the  laws 
in  Oregon  which  exclude  slavery  shall  remain  in  force  for  three  months. 
A  compromise,  indeed !  .  .  .  Why  was  the  law  regarding  the  exclusion  of 
slavery  not  permitted  to  remain  in  force  until  the  territorial  legislature 
should  see  fit  to  change  it  ?  Why  abrogate  and  then  compel  them  to 
change  their  laws  ?  Sir,  it  is  not  worth  the  name  of  compromise.  This  is 
the  fundamental  objection  :  It  repeals  all  the  laws  of  the  territory  after 
three  months,  and  the  seventeenth  section  provides  that  '  All  laws  passed 
by  the  legislative  assembly  shall  be  submitted  to  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  if  disapproved,  shall  be  null  and  of  no  effect,'  thus  mak 
ing  the  legislative  acts  of  Oregon  depend  upon  our  approval  or  disapproval. 
Is  it  not,  then,  literally  true  that  this  bill  concedes  the  free  principle  to 
Oregon  for  only  three  months,  after  which  it  must  depend  on  our  action 
here  ? " 

Mr.  Hamlin  next  exposed  two  grossly  inconsistent  features  of  the 
bill,  and  the  causes  of  their  adoption.  One  gave  Oregon  a  territorial 
government  with  the  right  to  elect  a  legislature  ;  the  other  denied 
California  and  New  Mexico  a  territorial  government  and  legislature, 
but  vested  all  authority  in  the  governors,  secretaries,  and  judges,  to 
be  appointed  by  the  President,  and  forbade  them  passing  any  laws 
respecting  religion  and  slavery.  Mr.  Hamlin  stigmatized  the  provi 
sion  relating  to  California  and  New  Mexico  as  creating  an  "  odious 
oligarchy."  He  asked  :  — 

"  Why  adopt  one  system  for  Oregon  and  another  for  California  ?  Is  it 
said  that  the  people  of  California  are  not  yet  suited  to  participate  in  a  free 
government  or  in  the  enactment  of  laws  ?  If  such  were  the  fact,  why 
wholly  exclude  them  from  all  rights  ?  But  senators  know  that  even  at 
this  day  there  are  some  five  or  six  thousand  American  citizens  there,  and 
they  are  ruthlessly  excluded.  Is  their  capacity  for  free  government  to  be 
mistrusted  ?  Is  it  not  rather  from  the  fact  that  they  would  set  up  a  free 
government  that  they  are  deprived  of  all  power?  I  know  there  is  a  mixed 
population  in  California ;  and  so  there  is  in  Oregon  ;  but  the  same  limita 
tions  and  restrictions  which  apply  in  one  case  can  be  applied  in  the  other. 
The  right  of  voting  has  been  confined  in  Oregon  to  the  *  free  white  inhab- 


MR.   HAMLIN   IN   THE   SENATE  191 

itants.'  The  same  limitations  may  apply  to  California.  No  sound  distinc 
tion  can  be  drawn  in  these  cases  ;  yet  a  republican  government  is  estab 
lished  in  one  case  and  an  oligarchy  in  the  other.  ...  Is  it  not  better  to 
authorize  our  own  people  to  participate  in  this  government  and  allow  the 
free  Castilian  race  the  same  power  ?  Is  it  not  sound  policy  as  well  as  cor 
rect  in  principle  ?  Will  it  not  fraternize  them  with  our  people  and  our 
government  ?  On  the  other  hand,  without  power  in  the  local  laws  by  which 
they  are  governed,  will  they  not  be  alien  to  our  Union  and  un-fraternal  to 
our  people  ?  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  all  laws  which  would  be  passed 
in  California,  as  in  Oregon,  would  be  subject  to  the  approval  or  disapproval 
of  Congress.  This  system  is  wholly  repugnant  to  our  form  of  government. 
It  is  in  violation  of  the  fundamental  principle  which  recognizes  the  '  consent 
of  the  governed '  as  the  basis  of  government." 

Mr.  Hamlin's  most  convincing  exposition  of  the  artful  character 
and  insincere  purpose  of  the  bill  was  made  when  he  took  up  the  claim 
that  the  measure  was  framed  to  settle  the  question  of  slavery  in  the 
territories  by  referring  the  matter  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  from  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  territory.  It  actually  pre 
vented  such  a  reference.  He  read  a  clause  in  the  bill  which  provided 
that  appeals  from  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  territory  should  "  be 
taken  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  in  the  same  man 
ner,  and  under  the  same  regulations,  as  from  the  Circuit  Court  of  the 
United  States."  But  it  happened,  as  Mr.  Hamlin  demonstrated,  that 
the  right  of  appeal  from  the  Circuit  Court  to  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  was  granted  "  where  the  matter  in  dispute  exceeds 
the  sum  of  two  thousand  dollars."  Thus,  slaves  that  were  worth  less 
than  this  sum  were  barred  out  from  taking  an  appeal.  On  this  and 
other  points  Mr.  Hamlin  said  :  — 

"The  settlement  of  the  question  of  slavery  by  this  bill,  it  is  said,  is  to  be 
determined  by  the  Supreme  Court.  .  .  .  This  is  the  first  instance  in  the 
history  of  legislation  where  a  question  purely  of  a  historical  character  has 
been  transferred  to  the  judiciary.  It  is  avoiding  what  necessarily  belongs 
to  us  to  determine.  Is  this  the  part  of  wisdom,  or  manly  dignity  and  firm 
ness,  to  avoid  settlement  of  a  question  which  is  political  and  which  belongs 
to  us  ?  I  think  not.  .  .  .  Suppose  slavery  steals  into  the  territories,  as  it  will 
(under  the  bill),  how  can  the  slave  avail  himself  of  this  right  of  appeal  ? 
Who  is  to  aid  him  in  the  first  instance  to  obtain  his  writ  of  habeas  corpus 
on  which  to  try  his  right  to  freedom  ?  And  if  he  should  get  that  process 
and  take  his  first  step,  how  could  he  appeal  ?  Who  would  be  his  surety  ? 
And  at  the  distance  of  three  thousand  miles  from  Washington,  by  what 
means  could  he  reach  the  court  ?  This  right  of  appeal,  if  it  existed  by  law, 
could  have  no  practical  effect  whatever.  It  leaves  all  unsettled,  in  fact, 
while  two  lines  in  a  law  we  may  pass,  by  simply  inhibiting  the  institution, 
will  settle  all.  ...  If  it  could  apply  to  one  case  it  would  be  powerless  in 
thousands.  It  is  all  delusive.  It  does  not  allow  an  appeal  at  all. 


i92  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

"  How,  then,  stands  the  case  ?  You  establish  a  government  in  Cali 
fornia  ;  a  governor  and  secretary  are  appointed  by  the  President,  and  three 
judges  who  are  not  removable.  To  them  you  submit  the  legislative  power 
of  the  territory;  you  deny  them  the  power  to  legislate  at  all  upon  the  sub 
jects  of  religion  and  slavery,  even  if  every  person  in  the  territory  should 
desire  to  exclude  the  latter.  You  deprive  the*  people  of  the  right  to  act  at 
all5  —  you  refuse  to  act  here,  nearly  one  half  of  the  Senate  denying  the 
power  to  act.  Is  this  not  virtually  building  up  a  wall  around  that  territory 
which  will  and  which  must  serve  as  a  protection  to  that  institution  ?  What 
is  the  origin  of  slavery  ?  It  is  never  created  by  law ;  it  steals  into  territory 
and  then  claims  a  law  to  recognize  it.  ...  It  exists  by  brute  force,  in  vio 
lation  of  the  rights  of  everything  human  or  divine.  .  .  . 

"Looking  to  the  lights  of  other  days  —  the  patriots  of  other  times  — 
the  eloquent  warnings  which  we  have  from  our  Washington,  Madison,  our 
Jefferson,  our  Mason,  aye,  and  from  our  Pinckney,  too,  and  all  that  long 
list  of  patriotic  men  of  the  South  who  have  adorned  this  Union,  who  have 
pointed  out  the  evils  that  would  come  upon  us  by  perpetuating  and  extend 
ing  this  institution,  I  owe  it  to  the  constituents  whom  I  represent,  to  our 
posterity,  to  all  the  toiling  millions  who  are  seeking  an  asylum  in  our  land, 
to  embrace  this  opportunity  of  opposing,  with  unshaken  firmness,  any 
attempt  to  introduce  or  permit  this  institution  to  flow  into  any  territory 
now  free.  Let  these  vast  and  fertile  regions  be  preserved  for  the  cultiva 
tion  of  free  labor  and  free  men,  so  well  calculated  to  advance  the  arts  of 
civilization.  Do  this,  and  the  busy  millions  of  future  ages  shall  bless  our 
acts  with  grateful  hearts." 

The  story  of  Oregon's  struggle  for  free  soil  should  be  followed  to 
the  end  in  order  to  get  a  complete  idea  of  the  tenacity  of  the  slave 
power  in  its  desire  to  make  Oregon  a  slave  State.  The  debate  con 
tinued  for  several  days,  and  on  the  morning  of  July  22,  at  eight 
o'clock,  after  a  continuous  session  of  twenty-one  hours,  the  compro 
mise  bill  was  passed  by  eleven  majority.  Among  those  who  voted 
against  this  surrender  to  the  slave  power  were  Messrs.  Hamlin,  Hale, 
John  Davis,  William  Allen,  Bradbury,  Dayton,  Dix,  Niles,  Corwin. 
Badger,  of  North  Carolina,  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  Metcalfe,  of  Ken 
tucky,  were  the  only  Southern  senators  who  were  still  obedient  to 
their  implied  duty. 

But  Oregon  was  still  to  be  saved.  When  the  bill  was  sent  to  the 
House,  Alexander  H.  Stephens  moved  that  the  measure  be  tabled,  and 
his  motion  prevailed.  The  bill  had  a  chance  of  success  in  the  House, 
where  the  arguments  for  compromise  were  potent  also.  Whether 
Mr.  Stephens  threw  away  this  opportunity  by  reason  of  timidity  or 
an  attack  of  mental  blindness  was  a  matter  of  speculation.  While 
he  did  not  always  serve  the  slave  power  blindly,  the  fact  is  obvious 
that  the  cause  of  freedom  in  this  instance  received  opportune  aid 
from  one  who  was  generally  allied  with  the  slave  party. 


MR.    HAMLIN    IN   THE   SENATE  193 

Still  the  struggle  continued.  Caleb  B.  Smith,  in  February,  had 
introduced  into  the  House  a  bill  to  organize  a  territorial  government 
in  Oregon,  and  it  was  passed  in  March  by  a  large  majority,  in  spite 
of  the  leaders  of  the  slave  party,  who  objected  to  its  free  clause.  In 
August,  Mr.  Douglas  introduced  this  bill  into  the  Senate,  with  an 
amendment  applying  the  Ordinance  of  1787  to  Oregon,  with  the  rea 
son,  "  Inasmuch  as  said  territory  is  north  of  the  parallel  of  36°  30' 
north  latitude,  usually  known  as  the  line  of  the  Missouri  Compromise." 
Once  more  a  bitter  debate  ensued  on  the  question  of  slavery — the 
alleged  rights  and  wrongs  of  the  North  and  the  South.  Mr.  Douglas 
told  the  Senate  that  the  Ordinance  of  1787  had  been  incorporated  in 
his  bill  by  the  Committee  on  Territories,  in  which  it  was  formed, 
because  "it  desired  that  no  senator  should  commit  himself  on  the 
great  question."  But  this  artful  plea  induced  only  two  senators  to 
vote  for  the  amendment,  —  Mr.  Douglas  himself  and  Bright.  Yet 
the  everlasting  merits,  virtues,  and  necessities  of  compromise  were 
again  officially  brought  before  the  Senate,  and  that  weary  body  agreed 
by  eleven  majority  to  Mr.  Douglas's  next  proposition,  to  extend  the 
Missouri  Compromise  line  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Mr.  Hamlin  voted 
against  this  compromise,  and  it  is  an  instructive  and  interesting  cir 
cumstance  that  among  his  companions  in  this  vote  were  John  C.  Cal- 
houn  and  Daniel  Webster,  the  latter  having  spoken  strongly  against 
the  attempt  to  rob  Oregon  of  her  rights. 

But  all  this  manoeuvring  in  the  Senate  went  for  naught.  The 
House,  with  only  three  dissenting  votes,  rejected  the  compromise 
amendment  when  it  came  from  the  Senate,  and  the  bill  was  returned. 
The  genius,  courage,  and  force  of  Benton  came  to  the  rescue.  He 
moved  that  the  Senate  recede  from  the  amendment.  Perhaps  it  was 
the  indiscreet  utterance  of  John  C.  Calhoun,  that  "  the  great  strife 
between  the  North  and  South  is  ended,  the  separation  of  the  North 
and  South  is  complete,"  that  was  the  final  cause  which  decided  the  fate 
of  the  bill  to  give  Oregon  her  freedom.  At  all  events,  John  Bell  and 
Sam  Houston  disavowed  Calhoun's  sentiments  as  representative  of 
the  South,  and  General  Houston  was  among  those  who  changed  their 
votes.  The  debate  continued  day  and  night,  until  the  exhausted 
Senate  was  driven  to  close  it  on  August  13,  at  nine  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  after  an  all-night  session.  At  midnight,  before  the  vote 
was  taken,  the  incorrigible  Foote  announced  his  ability  and  intention 
of  speaking  continuously  for  two  days  and  nights.  The  senators 
expressed  their  willingness  to  have  him  try  it.  He  was  actually 
speaking  at  nine  o'clock  the  next  morning,  when  debate  was  shut  off. 
Mr.  Douglas,  General  Houston,  and  a  few  other  senators  followed  the 
lead  of  Benton  in  changing  their  votes,  and  by  a  majority  of  four 
votes  the  unprecedented  struggle  between  the  anti-slavery  and  pro- 


194  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

slavery  parties,  that  had  lasted  for  many  months,  was  closed,  and  Ore 
gon  was  a  free  territory  forever. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Hamlin  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  he  heard  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  who  was  serving  his  first  and  only  term  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  make  much  of  a 
mark  as  a  legislator  or  debater ;  he  was  in 'the  House  too  short  a  time 
to  make  his  peculiar  personality  felt  to  a  great  extent  in  shaping  legis 
lation.  Mr.  Hamlin  first  heard  Mr.  Lincoln  spoken  of  as  a  "  rattling 
stump  orator,"  the  "champion  story-teller  of  the  House,"  and  the 
"most  striking-looking  man  in  Congress."  The  general  impression 
about  Lincoln,  as  Mr.  Hamlin  related  in  subsequent  years,  was  that 
he  was  the  personification  of  geniality  and  democracy,  a  faithful 
worker,,  and  always  ready  for  a  good  story.  He  was  often  seen  in  the 
cloak-room  of  the  House  tilted  back  in  a  chair,  with  his  legs  crossed, 
and  a  crowd  around  him  listening  to  the  fund  of  interesting  and  amus 
ing  stories  that  rolled  out  of  him. 

The  day  Mr.  Hamlin  made  his  speech  on  the  compromise  bill,  he 
observed  among  his  auditors  a  man  who  towered  up  above  the  out 
siders  who  crowded  the  outer  aisles  of  the  Senate  floor,  like  an  oak  in 
a  forest  of  saplings.  His  appearance  was  so  unusual  —  of  immense 
size,  loosely  hung  frame,  homely,  but  expressive  face  —  that  Mr. 
Hamlin  could  not  fail  to  note  him.  Mr.  Hamlin  knew  that  it  must  be 
Lincoln,  and  he  observed  that  Lincoln  followed  his  speech  with  appar 
ent  interest,  nodding  his  head  from  time  to  time,  as  a  sign  of  approval, 
when  Mr.  Hamlin  made  a  good  point  against  slavery. 

A  few  days  after  this  Mr.  Hamlin  was  called  into  the  House,  where 
he  found  Lincoln  in  the  middle  of  a  speech.  Part  of  the  speech 
was  of  the  rough-and-tumble  order  he  made  in  his  early  days,  when 
he  was  struggling  to  get  a  hearing  with  the  masses  in  Illinois ;  but 
the  most  was  pure  good-nature.  While  Lincoln's  face  was  homely, 
and  his  movements  seemed  awkward,  when  his  face  was  lighted  up 
with  a  smile,  his  countenance  took  on  an  appearance  of  irresistible 
good-humor  and  frankness,  and  men  felt  drawn  to  him.  When  he 
reached  the  heart  of  his  subject,  he  was  bubbling  over  with  fun,  and 
had  the  House  completely  under  the  spell  of  his  humor  and  magnet 
ism.  Although  Mr.  Lincoln  was  speaking  at  the  expense  of  the 
Democrats,  they  enjoyed  it  immensely.  Members  crowded  around 
him  to  hear  every  word  he  said.  He  completely  dominated  the  situa 
tion.  Mr.  Hamlin  never  forgot  this  scene,  which  was  a  unique  illus 
tration  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  power  over  his  audiences.  When  Mr.  Hamlin 
entered  the  House,  the  future  President  was  saying  in  his  quaint, 
droll  way :  — 

"  By  the  way,  Mr.  Speaker,  did  you  know  that  I  am  a  military  hero  ?  Yes, 
sir,  in  the  days  of  the  Black  Hawk  war,  I  fought,  bled,  and  came  away. 


MR.   HAMLIN   IN   THE   SENATE  195 

Speaking  of  General  Cass's  career  reminds  me  of  my  own.  I  was  not  at 
Stillman's  defeat,  but  I  was  about  as  near  it  as  Cass  was  to  Hull's  surren 
der  ;  and  like  him  saw  the  place  very  soon  afterwards.  It  is  quite  certain 
that  I  did  not  break  my  sword,  for  I  had  none  to  break  ;  but  I  bent  a  mus 
ket  pretty  badly  on  one  occasion.  If  Cass  broke  his  sword,  the  idea  is  he 
broke  it  in  desperation  ;  I  bent  the  musket  by  accident.  If  General  Cass 
went  in  advance  of  me  in  picking  whortleberries,  I  guess  I  surpassed  him 
in  charges  upon  the  wild  onions.  If  he  saw  any  live,  fighting  Indians,  it 
was  more  than  I  did,  but  I  had  a  good  many  bloody  struggles  with  the  mos 
quitoes  ;  and  although  I  never  fainted  from  loss  of  blood,  I  can  truly  say  I 
was  often  very  hungry.  Mr.  Speaker,  if  I  should  ever  conclude  to  doff 
whatever  our  Democratic  friends  may  suppose  there  is  of  black  cockade 
federalism  about  me,  and  thereupon  they  shall  take  me  up  as  their  candi 
date  for  the  presidency,  I  protest  they  shall  not  make  fun  of  me  as  they  have 
of  General  Cass  by  attempting  to  write  me  into  a  military  hero." 

Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  meet  until  after  the  presiden 
tial  campaign  of  1860.  Almost  the  first  thing  Mr.  Lincoln  said  was 
in  reference  to  the  speech  Mr.  Hamlin  made  on  the  Oregon  Com 
promise  Bill. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

THE    COMPROMISES    OF    1850 

WHEN  General  Zachary  Taylor  was  inaugurated  President  on  March 
4,  1 849,  the  opponents  and  supporters  of  slavery  knew  that  a  great 
crisis  was  imminent,  and  prepared  themselves  for  the  struggle.  The 
contest  was  over  the  disposition  of  the  territory  acquired  from  Mexico. 
The  interests  involved  were  immense,  for  they  included  the  region 
that  now  mostly  comprises  California,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and 
other  territory.  Texas,  which  had  also  been  a  part  of  Mexico,  was 
already  in  the  Union  as  a  slave  State.  Now,  as  the  slave  power  had 
planned  and  fought  the  war  with  Mexico,  its  leaders  were  naturally 
anxious  to  obtain  the  results  of  their  scheming.  In  the  waning  hours 
of  the  Polk  administration  Mr.  Calhoun  attempted  to  rush  a  bill 
through  Congress,  attached  to  the  general  appropriation  bill  "  extend 
ing  the  Constitution  to  the  ceded  territory."  Once  again,  Mr.  Cal 
houn  enunciated  his  peculiar  doctrine  that  "  the  flag  carries  slavery 
wherever  it  floats."  This  was  trying  to  steal  a  march  on  the  incom 
ing  administration.  Daniel  Webster  exposed  the  flaw  in  Calhoun's 
argument  as  applied  to  the  territories  by  showing  that  the  Constitu 
tion  was  for  the  States,  not  for  the  territories,  and  that  the  latter  to 
enjoy  its  benefits  must  organize  themselves  into  States.  Courtesy 
and  fairness  to  the  new  administration  should  have  deterred  Mr.  Cal 
houn  from  this  course ;  but  he  was  the  genius  of  the  slave  power,  and 
pressed  the  issue  to  a  vote.  Smarting  under  defeat,  Mr.  Calhoun 
called  the  famous  secret  meeting  of  the  Southern  congressmen,  and 
issued  his  inflammatory  address  to  the  South,  advising  disunion,  as 
plainly  as  he  dared,  in  case  the  anti-slavery  party  should  succeed  in 
saving  the  new  territory  from  the  peculiar  institution,  under  General 
Taylor's  administration. 

This  was  the  situation  that  confronted  General  Taylor  when  he 
became  President,  and  very  few  people  knew  what  he  would  do. 
Probably  no  man  ever  came  to  the  presidency  with  so  little  known 
about  him  as  Zachary  Taylor.  When  he  was  nominated  by  the  Whigs 
for  President,  they  were  not  sure  that  he  was  a  good  party  man. 
Webster  denounced  the  nomination  as  one  "  unfit  to  be  made,"  and 
Clay  at  first  refused  to  take  part  in  the  campaign.  He  was  believed 
by  the  general  public  to  be  a  gallant  officer,  and  an  honest,  rough-and- 


THE   COMPROMISES   OF   1850  197 

ready  kind  of  a  man,  and  the  popular  opinion  was  that  he  would 
eventually  serve  as  the  figurehead  to  an  administration  that  would 
be  conducted  by  other  men.  But  the  leaders  of  the  Whigs  who  sug 
gested  General  Taylor  as  their  party  candidate  were  not  mistaken  in 
their  estimate  of  him.  Although  he  had  lived  most  of  his  life  on  the 
frontier,  and  had  never  even  voted,  he  was  nevertheless  well  informed 
about  public  men  and  measures,  and  had  his  own  ideas  about  con 
ducting  his  administration.  Removed  from  the  scene  of  excitement 
at  the  national  capital,  General  Taylor  had  clearly  perceived  the  rock 
towards  which  the  ship  of  state  was  drifting.  When  he  took  the 
helm  he  displayed  the  same  sagacity,  coolness,  judgment,  and  patri 
otism  that  had  distinguished  him  as  a  commander  on  the  battlefield. 

When  Congress  convened,  in  December,  1849,  f°r  tne  first  time 
under  President  Taylor's  administration,  the  situation  was  complicated 
by  unexpected  happenings  in  California.  The  discovery  of  gold  on 
the  Pacific  slope,  late  in  the  previous  year,  had  drawn  an  immense 
army  of  men  thither  from  the  free  States  and  elsewhere.  Within  a 
marvelously  short  time,  California  had  more  than  enough  citizens 
within  her  borders  to  fulfill  the  requirements  of  admission  to  the 
Union.  The  presence  of  lawless  adventurers  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  made  it  necessary  to  organize  a  state  government  at  once  to 
preserve  life  and  property.  A  constitutional  convention  was  called  ; 
Thomas  Butler  King,  of  Georgia,  who  was  in  California,  and  was  act 
ing  as  the  agent  of  the  slave  power,  endeavored  to  induce  the  conven 
tion  to  adopt  a  constitution  permitting  slavery  to  be  established  in  the 
new  State.  But  the  free-soil  element  triumphed,  and  California  asked 
Congress  to  admit  her  as  a  free  State.  Yet,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
the  vast  majority  of  the  people  in  California  had  voted  against  the 
introduction  of  the  peculiar  institution,  Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  follow 
ers  boldly  conspired  to  plant  slavery  on  their  soil.  Their  action 
was  all  the  more  indefensible  in  view  of  their  loud  professions  to 
be  the  champions  of  the  old-fashioned  Democratic  doctrine  of  per 
sonal  liberty.  But  while  the  leaders  of  the  slave  power  at  first  pro 
claimed  their  intention  of  making  California  a  slave  State,  they  finally 
admitted  among  themselves  their  inability  to  accomplish  their  entire 
purpose,  and  planned  to  take  California  by  the  throat  in  order  to 
effect  a  compromise  from  which  they  could  gain  some  advantage.  In 
brief,  their  ultimate  hope  was  to  force  the  anti-slavery  party  into  an 
agreement  whereby  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  would  be  extended 
across  the  country  to  the  Pacific  slope.  This  would  greatly  increase 
the  area  of  slavedom,  though  taking  only  a  part  of  California. 

President  Taylor's  action  was  therefore  awaited  with  great  anxiety 
by  the  entire  nation,  for  the  initiative  lay  with  him.  He  promptly 
acted,  and  in  his  first  and  only  annual  message  to  Congress  he  dealt 


198  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

both  the  slave  power  and  Mr.  Calhoun  a  heavy  blow  by  recommend 
ing  the  immediate  admission  of  California  as  a  free  State,  and  the 
keeping  of  New  Mexico  under  military  government  until  it  should 
be  sufficiently  populated  to  become  a  State.  These  were  the  chief 
features  of  the  message ;  the  other  suggestions  it  contained  need  not 
be  detailed.  A  circumstance  that  increased  the  anger  of  the  slave 
party  was  that  the  President  was  himself  a  Southerner  and  a  slave 
holder.  An  incident  that  gave  the  message  a  bitter  personal  flavor 
was  General  Taylor's  contemptuous  treatment  of  Mr.  Calhoun.  It 
leaked  out  that  the  Great  Nullifier  had  requested  the  President-elect, 
through  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Clayton,  to  make  no  references  in 
his  message  to  the  fears  he  entertained  for  the  safety  of  the  Union. 
General  Taylor's  reply  was  to  add  a  paragraph,  in  which  he  empha 
sized  his  apprehensions,  and  announced  his  intention  of  doing  all 
within  his  power  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  Union.  When  the 
slave  party  took  in  the  full  significance  of  the  President's  message, 
Congress  became  a  volcano  of  wrath,  and  a  veritable  battle  between 
giants  was  begun  over  the  direct  issue  of  the  restriction  or  extension 
of  slavery,  when  Henry  Clay  came  forward  with  his  famous  compro 
mise  measures,  and  changed  the  course  of  events. 

Clay  was  profoundly  alarmed  over  the  fierce  struggle  that  was 
raging  in  Congress,  and  he  returned  to  the  Senate  with  the  hope 
that  he  might  prevent  a  crisis  by  effecting  a  compromise  over  the 
questions  at  issue.  He  came  in  the  role  of  a  peacemaker,  and  his 
knowledge  of  the  fact  that  his  own  end  was  not  far  distant  gave 
unwonted  solemnity  and  earnestness  to  his  efforts.  He  knew  that  he 
was  engaged  in  his  last  great  life's  work,  and  that  personally  he  had 
no  material  reward  to  hope  for.  His  mission  was  honorable,  disinter 
ested,  and  eminently  patriotic.  He  sincerely  believed  that  he  could 
divert  the  danger  of  disunion,  and  perhaps  settle  the  slavery  question 
on  a  basis  where  it  might  work  out  a  peaceful  solution.  But  the  sal 
vation  of  the  Union  was  his  paramount  object,  and  it  was  in  this  spirit 
that  he  offered  his  compromise  measures.  These,  in  brief,  provided 
for  the  admission  of  California ;  the  organization  of  government  in 
the  remaining  territory  acquired  from  Mexico  ;  adjustment  of  the 
disputed  boundary  of  Texas,  and  the  allowance  of  $10,000,000  to  that 
State  for  the  payment  of  her  debt ;  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  in 
the  District  of  Columbia ;  more  effectual  provisions  for  the  recovery  of 
fugitive  slaves.  Mr.  Clay's  measures  of  compromise  not  only  at  first 
provoked  a  heated  controversy,  but  also  caused  a  serious  breach  in  his 
own  party.  President  Taylor  vehemently  opposed  Mr.  Clay's  plan 
and  the  Southern  extremists.  Mr.  Calhoun's  last  speech,  which  was 
read  for  him  in  the  Senate,  rejected  the  Clay  compromise  proposition, 
and  predicted  the  coming  of  disunion.  Benton  threw  his  powerful 


THE   COMPROMISES   OF   1850  199 

weight  against  Clay  ;  Webster  was  for  compromise.  The  President 
remained  firm,  and  a  deadlock  between  Congress  and  the  Executive 
now  seemed  imminent. 

As  the  debate  waxed  fiercer,  the  radical  side  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  nature 
became  more  noticeable,  and  the  causes  are  of  personal  and  historical 
interest.  During  the  five  years  Mr.  Hamlin  had  been  in  Congress,  he 
had  steadily  opposed  the  encroachments  of  the  slave  power,  and  with 
great  mortification  he  had  seen  it  increase  the  area  of  slavedom 
through  alliances  with  Northern  congressmen.  He  repudiated  the 
Clay  compromise  bill,  because  he  was  unwilling  to  compromise  his 
principles,  and  also  because  he  believed  that  the  time  had  come  when 
the  anti-slavery  people  should  make  a  supreme  effort  to  drive  the 
slave  party  away  from  free  soil,  even  if  the  disunion  element  should 
attempt  ultimate  measures.  On  general  principles,  Mr.  Hamlin  had 
little  faith  in  "the  glue  of  compromise ;"  the  Clay  compromise  mea 
sures  he  regarded  as  bad  and  dangerous ;  the  proposed  fugitive  slave 
law l  was  to  him  an  atrocious  thing,  and  he  would  have  opposed  the 
omnibus  bill  on  that  account  alone.  But  the  main  consideration  with 
Mr.  Hamlin  now  was  the  necessity  of  making  a  final  stand  against  the 
enemy,  even  if  it  provoked  a  crisis. 

There  is  a  glimpse  revealed  of  his  heart-felt  grievances  in  the  fol 
lowing  letter  he  wrote  William  P.  Haines  on  May  4,  1849  :- 

"  I  thank  you  most  truly  for  your  kind  appreciation  of  my  course  during 
the  brief  time  I  have  held  a  place  in  the  Senate.  I  feel  the  importance  of 
the  position,  and  it  shall  be  my  anxious  effort  to  pursue  that  course  which 
shall  be  neither  rash  nor  diffident  upon  the  slavery  question.  I  can  only 
say  that  my  course  is  taken  and  will  be  adhered  to,  come  weal  or  woe  to 
me.  ...  I  will  resist  firmly  but  not  factiously  the  extension  of  human  sla 
very  into  regions  where  it  does  not  now  exist.  Your  generous  approval  is 
cheering,  and  the  more  so  because  I  have  at  times  felt  a  terrible  pressure 
upon  me  in  my  official  position.  .  .  . 

"  This  troublesome  question  might  have  been  settled  long  ago  if  the 
North  had  honestly  and  firmly  represented,  through  the  press  and  public 
servants,  the  sentiment  of  her  people.  The  South  was  ready  to  acquiesce. 
But,  alas  !  the  patronage  of  the  government  was  thrown  into  the  contest.  . .  . 
Many  Northern  men  surrendered  the  right  in  order  to  '  stand  well  at  head 
quarters.'  .  .  .  But  I  still  look  to  the  future,  with  faith  and  confidence  that 
the  right  will  triumph  over  the  wrong,  and  that  we  and  those  who  come 
after  us  shall  rejoice  in  the  consummation  of  correct  principles.  So  may 
God  in  his  mercy  order  it. 

1  Mr.  Hamlin,  John  P.  Hale,  William  H.  Seward,  and  other  anti-slavery  senators 
did  not  vote  on  this  measure.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  paired,  and  undoubtedly  the  others 
were.  The  Congressional  Globe  did  not  record  pairs  at  that  time.  Mr.  Hamlin's 
opposition  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  known  through  his  speeches,  and  his 
pair  was  understood. 


200  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

"  We  have  had  rich  times  here.  Moral  treason,  blustering,  and  gasconade 
have  been  the  Southern  staple.  Within  the  past  week  some  severe  rebukes 
have  been  given  in  the  Senate  by  Clay  and  by  some  men  in  the  House.  A 
different  temper  is  plainly  manifest.  The  result  will  be  that  the  North  will 
not  be  frightened  by  the  utterance  of  such  stuff,  and  those  who  talk  of  dis 
union  as  flippantly  as  schoolgirls  will  regret  and  repent  of  their  course. 
We  have  had  one  dissolution  convention  l  at  the  North,  and  those  who  en 
gaged  in  it  acquired  an  infamy  that  still  clings  to  them.  Those  at  the  South 
who  pursue  the  same  course  will  meet  with  the  same  fate. 

"  Well,  I  like  Henry  Clay  !  He  is  a  bold  man.  I  like  him  for  that.  He 
is  an  honest  man  in  my  opinion.  The  rebukes  which  he  gave  Foote  were 
well  timed.  He  is  an  anti-slavery  man  at  heart,  and  really  I  believe  he 
would  be  an  Abolitionist  at  the  North.  He  goes  as  far  as  he  can  now.  .  .  . 
California  will  come  in  and  no  mistake !  .  .  .  On  the  admission  of  Califor 
nia  I  rather  think  you  may  hear  from  me." 

Although  Senator  Hamlin  was  politically  opposed  to  President 
Taylor,  and  favored  an  aggressive  anti-slavery  policy,  nevertheless 
circumstances  brought  him  close  to  the  President,  and  enabled  him  to 
gauge  "  Old  Rough -and-Ready  "  at  his  true  worth.  Mr.  Hamlin  was 
first  called  to  the  White  House  on  executive  business  connected  with 
the  Senate,  and  it  appears  that  President  Taylor  and  he  liked  each 
other's  prompt  way  of  transacting  business.  It  would  also  appear 
that  the  President  in  these  interviews  revealed  to  Mr.  Hamlin  a  more 
intimate  knowledge  of  public  men  and  affairs  than  it  was  supposed 
he  possessed.  After  Mr.  Hamlin  had  had  several  conferences  with 
President  Taylor,  he  was  surprised  one  day  by  receiving  a  peremp 
tory  summons  to  come  to  the  White  House.  When  Mr.  Hamlin 
presented  himself,  the  President,  without  any  preliminary  remarks, 
proceeded  to  address  him  in  his  blunt,  characteristic  way  as  follows :  — 

"  Senator  Hamlin,  I  know  you  to  be  an  honest  man.  You  and  I 
don't  belong  to  the  same  party,  but  I  know  you  well  enough  now  to 
believe  that  you  will  give  your  President  your  honest  advice  for  his 
own  good  when  he  asks  it.  Now  the  Whigs  in  Maine  are  disputing 
over  the  patronage,  and  I  want  you  to  tell  me  who  are  the  best  men 
to  appoint." 

"  Yes,  sir,  you  are  my  President,"  replied  Mr.  Hamlin  laughingly, 
"  and  as  a  good  citizen  of  this  republic  I  will  cheerfully  and  gladly 
obey  your  orders,  even  in  assisting  you  to  settle  family  quarrels  in 
your  party." 

"  Good !  "  said  "  Old  Rough-and-Ready  "  with  a  laugh,  and  then 
clasping  his  hands  behind  his  back,  and  tilting  his  head  to  one  side, 
he  began  to  pace  up  and  down  the  room,  discussing  the  various  candi 
dates  for  office  in  Maine  who  had  been  presented  to  him.  President 
Taylor  would  discuss  the  candidates  like  this  :  — 
1  The  Hartford  convention. 


THE  COMPROMISES   OF   1850  201 

"What  do  you  think  of  this  man?  Isn't  honest?  Then  I  won't 
appoint  him.  What  do  you  think  of  that  man  ?  Is  n't  a  good  Whig  ? 
Then  I  won't  appoint  him.  These  men  you  say  are  honest  and  com 
petent  ?  Then  I  will  send  their  names  to  the  Senate." 

This  occurred  within  a  short  time  after  Congress  had  convened,  in 
December,  1849,  when  the  debate  over  California  was  beginning. 
Not  long  afterwards,  and  before  Mr.  Hamlin  had  made  a  public 
declaration  of  his  opinions  on  the  Clay  compromises,  he  received 
another  imperative  summons  from  the  President.  Then  a  dramatic 
incident  occurred  that  suggests  what  might  have  happened  if  Gen 
eral  Taylor  had  lived  out  his  term,  and  also  explains  why  Union 
men  like  Mr.  Hamlin  had  supreme  faith  in  him.  As  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  entering  the  White  House  he  almost  ran  into  Robert  Toombs, 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  and  Thomas  L.  Clingman,  who  were  still 
leaders  in  the  House,  and  were  now  high  priests  in  the  inner  councils 
of  the  slave  power.  They  came  hurriedly  out  of  the  President's  room 
with  angry  looks  on  their  faces  and  talking  in  loud  voices.  They 
had  every  appearance  of  being  thoroughly  enraged,  and  they  were  so 
engrossed  in  denouncing  some  one  that  they  did  not  see  Mr.  Hamlin 
at  first.  When  they  looked  up  and  recognized  him  they  started,  and 
one  of  them  said  sharply  :  "  What  are  you  doing  here  ?  " 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  surprised,  but  his  feelings  were  turned  to  amaze 
ment  when  he  was  forthwith  admitted  to  the  President's  room  and 
saw  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation  apparently  unable  to  control 
himself.  "  General  Taylor,"  to  quote  Mr.  Hamlin's  words,  "  was 
rushing  around  the  room  like  a  caged  lion ;  "  his  face  was  almost  livid 
with  anger  ;  he  was  fiercely  muttering  to  himself  and  shaking  his  fist 
at  imaginary  foes.  He  was  so  completely  carried  away  by  his  feel 
ings  that  he  passed  Mr.  Hamlin  three  or  four  times  without  noticing 
him.  But  when  President  Taylor  saw  Mr.  Hamlin  he  stopped  with  a 
start,  and  then  rushing  up  to  him,  asked,  — 

"  Did  you  see  those  damned  traitors  ?  They  have  been  making 
demands  concerning  my  administration,  and  threatened  that  unless 
they  were  acceded  to  the  South  would  secede.  But  if  there  are  any 
such  treasonable  demonstrations  on  the  part  of  the  Southern  leaders, 

I  will  hang  them  ; them,  I  will  hang  them  as  high  as  I 

hung  spies  in  Mexico,  and  I  will  put  down  any  treasonable  movement 
with  the  whole  power  of  the  government,  if  I  have  to  put  myself  at 
the  head  of  the  army  to  do  it." 

"  Mr.  Hamlin,  what  are  you  doing  in  the  Senate  with  the  omnibus 
bill  ?  " 

"  Mr.  President,"  replied  Mr.  Hamlin,  "  I  believe  the  bill  wrong  in 
principle,  and  am  doing  what  I  can  to  defeat  it." 

"That  is  right,"  rejoined  President  Taylor,  his  excitement  breaking 


202  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

out  again;  "stand  firm;  don't  yield  ;  it  means  disunion,  and  I  am 
pained  to  learn  that  we  have  disunion  men  among  us.  Disunion  is 
treason ;  and  if  the  disunionists  attempt  to  carry  out  their  schemes 
while  I  am  President,  I  will  hang  them."  1 

Taylor  was  in  no  mood  to  transact  the  business  for  which  he 
had  sent  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  the  latter,  "perceiving  it,  quickly  with 
drew,  after  warmly  commending  the  President  for  his  firmness,  and 
expressing  his  own  opinion  of  the  actions  of  the  disunionists.  As 
Mr.  Hamlin  was  coming  out  of  the  White  House,  he  met  Thurlow 
Weed,  of  New  York,2  one  of  the  powers  of  the  Whig  party.  Mr. 
Weed  was  close  to  General  Taylor,  and  Mr.  Hamlin,  knowing  that, 
stopped  long  enough  to  tell  him  that  he  would  find  him  greatly 
agitated.  Mr.  Weed  at  once  hurried  to  the  President's  room  and 
found  him  still  excited.  He  repeated  to  Mr.  W7eed  what  he  had 
told  Mr.  Hamlin,  in  almost  the  same  language,  assuring  Mr.  Weed 
of  his  intention  to  check  any  disunion  movement  that  might  be  set 
on  foot  while  he  was  President.  Then  President  Taylor  added  some 

1  Condensed  accounts  of  this  incident  are  published  in  Wilson's  Rise  and  Pall 
of  the  Slave  Power,  vol.  ii.  p.  529,  and  Thurlow  Weed's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  178. 

2  Thurlow  Weed  wrote  Mr.  Hamlin  as  follows  :  — 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  8th,  1876. 

DEAR  MR.  HAMLIN,  —  You  will  have  seen,  I  suppose,  that  Messrs.  Stephens 
and  Toombs  deny  that  there  was  a  stormy  interview  between  themselves  and  Gen 
eral  Taylor  on  the  occasion  to  which  I  referred  in  a  letter  to  the  Herald.  In  my 
reply  to  Mr.  Stephens  (which  I  hope  you  saw),  I  found  evidence  that  both  gentle 
men  made  disunion  speeches  on  the  subject  and  the  occasion  in  question.  And  in 
reply  to  Mr.  Stephens's  statement  that  he  and  his  colleague  (Mr.  Toombs)  "fa 
vored  the  admission  of  California,"  I  proved  by  the  record  that  Mr.  Toombs 
voted  against  such  admission,  and  that  Mr.  Stephens  was  absent  or  did  not  vote. 

I  think  that  Mr.  Stephens  and  Toombs  base  their  denial  on  the  ground  that 
they  did  not  require  General  Taylor  to  veto  a  bill  that  had  not  passed.  Mr. 
Toombs  says  that  he  and  Mr.  Stephens  had  "  earnest "  conversations  with  Gen 
eral  Taylor  about  the  policy  of  his  administration.  That  policy,  you  will  remem 
ber,  had  been  enunciated  in  an  executive  message. 

You  met  Messrs.  Stephens,  Toombs,  and  Clingman  coming  out  of  the  White 
House.  I  met  them  passing  from  the  house  to  the  avenue.  You  saw  General 
Taylor  before  I  did.  Will  you  favor  me  with  your  recollection  of  what  General 
Taylor  said  to  you  on  that  occasion,  that  I  may  make  your  letter  a  part  of  my 
response  to  Mr.  Stephens. 

The  struggle  between  freedom  and  slavery  during  that  session  of  Congress  was 
the  "beginning  of  the  end."  Had  General  Taylor  lived,  the  "Compromise  Mea 
sures,"  including  the  atrocious  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  would  have  encountered  a  veto. 
That  might  have  precipitated  the  rebellion.  You  and  I  know  with  what  devoted 
courage  and  patriotism  General  Taylor  would  have  stood  by  the  Union. 

The  presidential  ticket  unites  all  phases  and  shades  of  opposition  to  bogus 
Democracy  in  this  State,  supplemented  by  a  good  state  ticket.  New  York  may 
be  "scored  "  for  Hayes  and  Wheeler. 

Very  truly  yours, 

THURLOW  WEED. 


THE   COMPROMISES   OF    1850  203 

information  that  was  of  peculiar  interest  in  the  light  of  subsequent 
events.1  He  said  that  the  ultra  members  of  Congress  from  the 
Southern  States  had  presumed  on  his  acquiescence  in  their  views  be 
cause  he  was  a  Southern  man  and  a  slaveholder ;  that  before  he  had 
been  placed  in  a  position  that  made  it  his  duty  to  examine  both  sides 
of  the  question,  he  had  entertained  and  expressed  views  differing 
widely  from  his  then  sentiments.  Relying  on  the  assurances  of 
distinguished  Southern  statesmen  that  the  North  was  "aggressive," 
and  that  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution  were  in  danger,  he  had 
written  a  letter  to  his  son-in-law,  Jefferson  Davis,  saying  that  he 
was  ready  to  stand  with  the  South  in  maintaining  all  the  guarantees 
of  the  Constitution ;  but  that  since  it  had  become  his  duty  to  look 
carefully  into  the  merits  of  the  controversy,  he  had  satisfied  himself 
that  the  exactions  and  purposes  of  the  South  were  intolerant  and 
revolutionary.  He  added  that  he  regarded  Davis  as  the  chief  con 
spirator  in  the  scheme  which  Toombs,  Clingman,  and  Stephens  had 
enunciated. 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Weed,  General  A.  Pleasanton  presented  some 
significant  testimony  that  throws  further  light  on  President  Taylor's 
feelings  about  the  disunion  element  and  the  measures  he  proposed  to 
adopt  to  check  it.  General  Pleasanton  served  under  General  Taylor  in 
the  Mexican  war,  and  when  ordered,  in  June,  1850,  to  rejoin  his  com 
mand  in  New  Mexico  called  on  the  President,  who  said  to  him,  — 

"  I  am  glad  you  are  going  to  New  Mexico.  I  want  officers  of  judgment 
and  experience  there.  These  Southern  men  in  Congress  are  trying  to 
bring  on  a  civil  war.  They  are  now  organizing  a  military  force  in  Texas 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  possession  of  New  Mexico  and  annexing  it  to 
Texas,  and  I  have  ordered  the  troops  in  New  Mexico  to  be  reinforced,  and 
directed  that  no  armed  force  from  Texas  be  permitted  to  go  into  that  terri 
tory.  Tell  Colonel  Monroe  "  (commanding  in  New  Mexico)  "  that  he  has 
my  entire  confidence,  and  if  he  has  not  force  enough  to  support  him  "  (and 
then  his  features  assumed  the  firmest  and  most  determined  expression)  "  I 
will  be  with  you  myself  ;  but  I  will  be  there  before  those  people  shall  go 
into  that  country  to  have  a  foot  of  that  territory.  The  whole  business  is 
infamous  and  must  be  put  down." 

Mr.  Hamlin  paid  as  close  attention  as  he  could  to  the  California 
question,  from  its  inception  in  the  previous  session  of  Congress  until 
its  settlement  in  this  session.  He  took  no  part  in  the  debate,  how 
ever,  until  it  was  prolonged  into  March,  when  he  arose  to  speak,  chiefly 
for  the  purpose  of  exposing  the  tortuous  line  of  argument  the  Southern 
senators  had  pursued,  and  the  glaring  inconsistency  of  their  course. 
It  must  be  admitted  that  although  the  Southern  senators  were  on  the 

1  See  History  of  the  United  States  from  the  Compromise  of  iSjo,  by  James 
Ford  Rhodes,  vol.  i.  p.  134. 


204  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

wrong  side  of  the  California  question,  they  nevertheless  made  the 
most  of  a  poor  case.  The  debate  from  day  to  day  was  a  brilliant 
contest  between  brilliant  men,  but  in  its  entirety  the  Southern  argu 
ment  against  the  admission  of  California  was  an  extraordinary  record 
of  inconsistency  and  bold  quibbling.  The  slave  power  tore  California 
from  Mexico  to  make  a  new  slave  State,  and  when  her  people  organ 
ized  a  free  state  government,  the  slave  party  would  have  denied  Cali 
fornia  admission  for  the  alleged  reasons  that  it  would  not  be  lawful 
to  admit  California,  because  Congress  had  not  granted  her  permission 
to  form  a  constitution  ;  that  aliens  had  voted  at  the  election  when 
the  people  of  California  proposed  to  organize  a  state  government  ; 
that  there  was  not  a  sufficiently  large  population  to  warrant  Congress 
to  give  California  statehood,  and  also  that  the  territory  of  California 
was  too  large  for  a  State. 

These  claims  Mr.  Hamlin  answered  by  the  facts  of  history.  Up  to 
the  time  of  the  debate  more  States  had  been  admitted  to  the  Union 
without  an  enabling  act  of  Congress,  and  it  was  also  shown  that  no 
objection  had  been  raised  to  the  admission  of  Texas  and  other  States 
on  the  score  of  an  alleged  insufficient  population,  or  undue  extent  of 
territory,  or  voting  of  aliens.  But  whenever  beaten  on  these  lines, 
the  Southern  senators  would  return  with  greater  vehemence  to  the 
general  plea  that  slavery  should  be  extended  to  California,  to  "pre 
serve  the  equality  of  the  States,"  and  also  to  "  maintain  the  principle 
of  non-intervention."  Now,  while  the  senators  who  were  fighting  the 
slave  party  undoubtedly  had  the  better  of  the  argument,  it  neverthe 
less  appears  from  a  careful  reading  of  their  speeches  that  they  failed 
to  see  the  fundamental  flaw  in  the  slave  party's  attitude  towards  Cali 
fornia  ;  if  they  did  see  it,  they  did  not  take  advantage  of  their  oppor 
tunity  to  place  their  opponents  in  an  embarrassing  position.  Mr. 
Hamlin  observed  this  flaw,  and  on  March  5,  1850,  the  day  after  Mr. 
Calhoun's  last  speech  was  heard  in  the  Senate,  he  took  the  floor  to 
show  the  slave  party  that  it  had  forgotten  one  important  fact,  that 
California  was  applying  for  admission  into  the  Union  under  precisely 
the  very  conditions  the  slavery  leaders,  including  Mr.  Calhoun,  had 
laid  down  the  year  before. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  speech  was  widely  commented  on  in  the  newspaper 
press,  and  in  several  New  England  publications  little  pictures  of  the 
scene  that  was  presented  form  an  interesting  preface  to  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  remarks.  His  style  and  manner  of  speech-making  had  consid 
erably  changed  from  the  time  he  entered  the  House  at  thirty-three, 
fresh  from  the  farm  and  country  courts,  with  defects  in  style  pardon 
able  in  one  who  had  had  an  incomplete  education.  He  spoke  in  a 
plainly  worded  way  with  the  evident  purpose  of  making  a  very  com 
plicated  problem  clear  to  the  average  understanding.  One  corre- 


THE  COMPROMISES   OF   1850  205 

spondent,  commenting  on  Mr.  Hamlin's  simple  method  of  speech-mak 
ing,  wrote  :  "  The  argument  was  clear  and  luminous  throughout,  and 
showed  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  not  only  a  master  of  the  subject,  but 
had  authentic  facts  and  evidence  to  prove  his  position.  It  was  decid 
edly  the  most  logical  and  forcible  argument  that  I  have  heard  or 
read  on  this  side  of  the  question,  and  amounted  to  a  demonstration 
that  California  ought  to  be  admitted  without  unnecessary  delay. 
These  manly  and  patriotic  sentiments,  though  unsavory  to  some  of 
the  ultra  Southern  members,  were  pronounced  in  such  a  spirit  of 
courtesy  and  good  taste  as  to  conciliate  rather  than  to  offend,  cannot 
fail  to  have  a  good  effect  in  settling  the  great  question  amicably  for 
the  best  interests  of  the  country.  .  .  .  Mr.  Hamlin  was  listened  to 
with  profound  attention  from  all  parts  of  the  House.  This  speech 
will  place  him  on  lofty  ground  as  a  statesman  of  enlarged  and  com 
prehensive  views,  worthy  of  the  confidence  of  the  nation." 

Another  correspondent  wrote  :  "  The  Southern  members  were  un 
usually  restive  under  his  remarks,  and  with  their  accustomed  courtesy 
interrupted  Mr.  Hamlin  with  interrogatories,  until,  finding  him  armed 
at  all  points  and  a  little  too  caustic  for  their  comfort,  they  concluded 
to  submit  to  their  chastisement  with  as  good  a  grace  as  they  could. 
.  .  .  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  are  jubilant.  I  understand  they  at  once 
subscribed  for  five  thousand  copies  for  public  circulation." 

In  opening  his  remarks,  Mr.  Hamlin  maintained  that  there  should 
be  only  one  subject  before  the  Senate  in  the  current  debate,  and  that 
was  the  admission  of  California  into  the  Union.  He  commented,  in 
passing,  on  the  unparalleled  opposition  which  had  been  offered  to 
California,  and  enumerated  the  irrelevant  subjects  that,  had  been 
brought  into  discussion,  —  slavery,  the  formation  of  territorial  govern 
ments,  and  the  boundary  of  Texas.  He  said  these  questions  should 
be  legitimately  submitted  to  the  Senate  for  action  in  their  proper 
places,  and  that  they  should  not  be  permitted  to  delay  the  admission 
of  California  into  the  Union.  He  reminded  the  Senate  that  the  peo 
ple  of  California  had  rights,  and  they  asked  no  entangling  alliances. 
Mr.  Hamlin  was  therefore  opposed  to  submitting  all  these  questions 
to  the  special  committee  appointed  at  Mr.  Clay's  request,  and  favored 
referring  the  California  question  to  the  proper  committee  in  accordance 
with  Colonel  Benton's  plan,  with  instructions  to  disconnect  all  unre 
lated  subjects,  that  the  Senate  might  then  act  only  on  the  admission 
of  California. 

But  while  Mr.  Hamlin  desired  to  pursue  the  main  theme  of  his 
argument,  he  paused  to  rebuke  the  cry  of  disunion  which  had  been 
raised  during  the  debate,  and  to  charge  point-blank  that  the  purpose 
was  to  frighten  the  country  into  a  state  of  alarm  wherein  the  con 
spirators  hoped  they  might  accomplish  their  objects.  "There  need 


206  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

be  no  alarm,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin  ;  "  this  Union  will  stand  as  a  monument 
of  grandeur,  glory,  and  greatness  long  after  every  senator  here  shall 
have  crumbled  into  dust.  The  affections  of  our  people  will  cling  to  it 
and  sustain  it  in  spite  of  the  madness  of  party  and  politicians." 

Mr.  Hamlin  then  proceeded  to  the  rea>  question,  "whether  a  new 
sister  State  should  be  added  to  the  Union."  He  examined  first  the 
rights  of  the  people  of  California  to  form  a  constitution,  and  next  the 
duty  of  Congress,  in  order  to  answer  the  quibbles  of  the  slave  party 
that  the  people  of  California  had  no  right  to  erect  a  state  govern 
ment  without  a  preliminary  permission  from  Congress.  Mr.  Hamlin 
asserted  that  the  people  of  California  had  proceeded  in  the  right  way, 
and  he  showed  that  they  had  acted  in  accordance  with  precedent,  and 
had  not  violated  the  Constitution.  He  demonstrated,  moreover,  that 
the  initiative  in  organizing  a  state  government  resided  in  the  people 
of  a  territory,  and  that  it  was  only  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress 
to  act  upon  the  admission  of  a  State.  Article  four,  section  three,  of 
the  Constitution  says:  "New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Con 
gress  into  this  Union,"  which  means  that  Congress  cannot  "create" 
a  State.  Mr.  Hamlin  pursued  this  line  farther  to  show  that  the  Con 
stitution  was  not  only  silent  as  to  the  power  of  creating  a  State,  but 
that  the  constitutional  convention  did  not  even  consider  such  a  ques 
tion.  Madison,  in  the  forty-third  number  of  the  "  Federalist,"  wrote, 
"  The  eventual  establishment  of  new  States  seems  to  have  been  over 
looked  by  the  framers  of  the  instrument  (the  Constitution)." 

In  connection  with  this,  and  before  citing  his  precedents  in  support 
of  California's  action,  Mr.  Hamlin  embarrassed  the  pro-slavery  sen 
ators  by  reading  them  their  own  opinions  on  the  power  of  Congress 
in  the  matter  of  "creating  States,"  as  expressed  by  the  Judiciary 
Committee  at  the  previous  session  of  the  Senate,  when  the  question 
of  admitting  California  first  arose.  This  opinion  was  delivered  by 
Senator  Berrien,  of  Georgia,  who  was  now  opposing  the  admission  of 
California,  and  it  was  in  part  as  follows :  "  The  power  conferred  by 
the  Constitution  on  Congress  is  to  admit  new  States,  not  to  create 
them.  According  to  the  theory  of  our  government,  the  creation  of 
a  State  is  an  act  of  popular  sovereignty,  not  by  ordinary  legislation. 
It  is  by  the  will  of  the  people  of  whom  the  State  is  composed, 
assembled  in  convention,  that  it  is  created."  Mr.  Hamlin  emphasized 
his  advantage  by  expressing  his  belief  that  this  opinion  was  a  doctrine 
to  which  he  subscribed,  because  it  was  the  doctrine  of  the  Constitu 
tion. 

The  fact  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  year  before  the  anti- 
slavery  senators  proposed  to  authorize  California  to  erect  a  state 
government,  and  the  pro-slavery  senators  checkmated  them  by  assert 
ing,  through  the  Judiciary  Committee,  that  the  people  of  California 


THE   COMPROMISES   OF   1850  207 

should  take  the  lead.  Their  private  reason  was  that  the  slave  power 
was  making  desperate  efforts  to  carry  the  territorial  election  in  Cali 
fornia  and  put  a  pro-slavery  clause  in  her  constitution.  But  now 
that  this  effort  had  been  defeated  and  the  situation  changed,  Judge 
Berrien  and  his  friends  did  not  enjoy  the  grim  irony  of  fate.  To 
admit  that  the  opinion  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  was  good  doctrine 
now  was  to  admit  that  California  had  fulfilled  all  requirements  for 
admission,  and  that  those  who  were  opposing  her  admission  stulti 
fied  themselves  by  so  doing.  Judge  Berrien  was  in  the  worst  plight 
of  all  the  pro-slavery  senators,  because  he  was  responsible  for  the 
advantage  Mr.  Hamlin  had.  He  interrupted  Mr.  Hamlin  precipi 
tately,  and  propounded  an  evasive  question  which  "  ran  up  a  squirrel 
track." 

"  Is  it  the  purpose  of  the  senator,"  he  asked,  "  to  deduce  from  that 
report  the  inference  that  it  was  the  opinion  of  the  Judiciary  Committee 
that  it  belonged  to  the  territories,  without  the  sanction  of  Congress,  to 
erect  themselves  into  States  ?  If  so,  he  misunderstands  that  report.  The 
sovereignties,  in  the  view  of  that  committee,  only  become  incipient  with 
the  authorization  of  Congress  to  form  a  constitution.  When  that  authoriza 
tion  is  obtained,  then,  and  not  until  then,  the  territory  can  proceed  to  act  in 
the  erection  of  a  State  and  the  formation  of  a  government  and  constitution." 

Mr.  Hamlin  replied  :  "  I  do  not  think  that  there  was  any  necessity  for  the 
honorable  senator  from  Georgia  to  interrupt  me.  I  speak  in  all  kindness. 
I  was  not  speaking  of  the  power  of  the  territory  to  erect  a  territorial  or  a 
state  government,  whether  authorized  by  Congress  or  not,  but  of  the  power 
of  Congress  to  create  a  state  government.  I  quoted  the  report  made  by 
the  senator  from  Georgia  for  that  and  no  other  purpose  ;  but,  taking  the 
language  of  that  report,  I  must  be  permitted  to  declare  that  I  find  in  it  no 
such  explanation  as  that  which  the  senator  has  just  now  seen  fit  to  give  us. 
It  is  undoubtedly  right  for  the  senator  from  Georgia  to  make  any  explana 
tion  he  may  now  deem  fit ;  but  the  report  itself  nowhere  affirms  or  denies 
the  power  of  the  people  of  the  territories  to  erect  themselves  into  a  State 
without  the  previous  assent  of  Congress ;  nor  does  it  claim  that  such 
assent  must  be  given.  That  belongs  to  the  explanation  of  the  senator  from 
Georgia." 

Senator  Berrien  replied  :  "That  was  not  the  question  before  the  com 
mittee.  It  was,  whether  an  unauthorized  body  could  erect  a  State." 

This  was  a  palpable  evasion  of  the  point  at  issue,  and  Mr.  Hamlin 
answered  :  — 

"  That  report  has  been  quoted  for  the  purpose  I  have  already  stated ; 
but  I  propose  to  inquire  into  the  very  point  which  the  senator  from  Georgia 
has  suggested  in  his  interruption. 

"  My  first  proposition  is  that  Congress  has  not  the  power  to  create  a 
State.  My  second,  that  the  people  of  this  territory  of  California  have. 
Congress  having  failed  to  make  a  territorial  government  for  the  people  of 


208  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

California,  it  is  clearly  within  the  power  of  the  people  inhabiting  that  ter 
ritory  to  create  a  state  government,  as  they  have  already  done,  to  present 
their  constitution  here  and  ask  to  be  admitted  as  one  of  the  sovereign 
States.  They  are  the  persons  to  act,  not  we ;  they  are  the  persons  more 
directly  interested,  and  who  have  the  poweik  California  has  acted  from 
right  as  well  as  from  necessity.  .  .  .  We  have  been  told  in  these  halls  that 
we  have  no  power  to  create  a  territorial  government.  That  is  one  doc 
trine.  Another  is,  now,  that  the  people  of  the  territory  have  no  power  to 
erect  themselves  into  a  State.  Taking  both  propositions,  and  presenting 
them  to  the  people  of  a  territory,  we  may  ask  in  what  manner  can  they 
institute  a  state  government?  Or  in  what  manner  can  they  become  a  part 
of  this  Union  ?  We  speak,  sir,  in  just  praise  of  the  character  of  our  coun 
try,  —  its  influence  upon  other  nations  and  other  people ;  but  to  my  mind 
there  is  no  single  feature  in  all  our  government  better  calculated  to  spread 
abroad  its  true  character,  —  there  is  no  incident  in  the  history  of  our  peo 
ple,  our  government,  of  which  we  maybe  more  justly  proud,  —  than  the 
institution  of  this  government  in  California  among  a  people  assembled 
there  from  every  State  of  the  Union,  virtually  without  law. 

"  And  when  it  was  declared  that  the  bowie  knife  and  the  revolver  would 
be  the  common  law  of  the  land,  they,  in  obedience  to  the  ...  lessons  of 
civil  government,  and  the  rights  of  which  they  had  learned  while  citizens 
of  the  States,  —  they  assembled  themselves  together,  and  from  the  existing 
necessity  erected  themselves  into  a  State.  ...  No  other  people  on  the 
face  of  this  globe  thus  brought  together,  save  those  who  have  been  edu 
cated  in  our  States,  .  .  .  would  have  thus  formed  themselves  into  a  State. 
.  .  .  Without  that  education  and  training  they  received  in  the  States,  the 
bowie  knife  and  the  revolver  would  have  been  the  common  law  of  their 
land.  It  is,  indeed,  a  sublime  spectacle  to  witness  the  order  and  deport 
ment  of  these  people.  It  should  excite  a  just  pride  in  every  breast,  and 
create  a  living  faith  in  the  capacity  of  man  for  self-government. 

"  Now,  sir,  I  hold  that  the  people  of  that  territory  have  by  the  law  of 
nature,  by  that  law  which  God  gave  to  man,  a  right  to  form  themselves  into 
a  government  for  the  protection  of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi 
ness.  Our  government  is  based  upon  that  right ;  its  foundations  are  laid 
deep  and  broad  upon  that  principle.  It  was  the  assertion  of  that  princi 
ple,  —  the  right  of  the  people  to  self-government,  the  right  to  institute  a 
government  to  suit  themselves,  a  government  to  protect  their  lives,  liberty, 
and  property,  —  it  was  in  recognition  of  that  principle  that  the  first  blood 
of  the  Revolution  fertilized  the  soil  of  Lexington.  It  was  in  recognition 
of  that  principle  that  the  declaration  of  1776  was  signed.  It  was  in  recog 
nition  of  that  principle  that  this  government  was  reared  .  .  .  and  is  this 
day  sustained.  .  .  . 

"  Sir,  allow  me  to  read  from  the  Declaration  of  Independence  :  '  We  hold 
these  truths  to  be  self-evident :  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they 
are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights ;  that  among 
these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  that  to  secure  these 
rights  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers 


THE   COMPROMISES   OF   1850  209 

from  the  consent  of  the  governed  ;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government 
becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or 
abolish  it,  and  to  institute  a  new  government.'  .  .  . 

"  It  is  too  late  to  controvert  these  doctrines.  .  .  .  They  have  been  incor-  ' 
porated  as  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  State.  The  senator  from 
Alabama  (Clement  C.  Clay,  Jr.),  if  I  understood  him  the  other  day,  contro 
verted  and  denied  these  propositions.  Allow  me  to  read  from  the  Consti 
tution  of  Alabama :  *  All  political  power  is  inherent  in  the  people,  and  all 
free  governments  are  founded  on  their  authority  and  instituted  for  their 
benefit ;  and,  therefore,  they  have  at  all  times  an  inalienable  and  indefea 
sible  right  to  alter,  reform,  or  abolish  their  form  of  government  in  such 
manner  as  they  may  think  expedient '  (Mr.  Hamlin  emphasized  the  word 
'  abolish '  in  order  to  show  Southern  authority  for  the  course  the  people 
of  California  had  in  abolishing  the  military  government  that  had  been  estab 
lished  in  their  territory  in  order  to  form  a  state  government). 

"  I  will  also  read  from  the  Constitutions  of  Arkansas  and  Maine  :  '  All 
power  is  inherent  in  the  people.  .  .  .  They  have  at  all  times  an  unqualified 
right  to  alter,  reform,  or  abolish  their  governments  in  such  manner  as  they 
think  proper '  —  Constitution  of  Arkansas.  '  All  power  is  inherent  in  the 
people.  .  .  .  They  have,  therefore,  an  unalienable  and  indefeasible  right  to 
institute  government,  to  alter,  reform,  or  totally  change  the  same,  when 
their  safety  and  happiness  require  it,'  —  Constitution  of  Maine. 

"  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Connecticut,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 
Ohio,  Indiana,  Mississippi,  Illinois,  Michigan,  Florida,  Wisconsin,  Iowa, 
and  other  States  affirm  the  same  sovereign  and  unlimited  capacity  of  the 
people  to  form  their  constitutions.  Now,  we  are  told  that  the  people  of 
California,  having  been  denied  by  Congress  any  government,  have  no  right 
to  erect  themselves  into  a  State.  The  right  of  a  people  to  form  a  State  in 
such  a  case  is  a  proposition  which  I  do  not  see  fit  to  argue.  ...  I  prefer 
rather  to  give  authorities  and  precedents." 

Mr.  Hamlin  next  patiently  reviewed  the  charge  that  President  Tay 
lor  had  interfered  in  the  California  election,  and  had  inspired  General 
Riley,  the  military  governor  of  the  territory,  to  take  the  lead  in  calling 
a  state  convention.  This  charge  was  trivial,  almost  frivolous,  and  the 
feet  that  the  slave  party  should  press  it  shows  how  it  grasped  at 
straws.  The  immense  activity  the  people  of  California  manifested 
in  organizing  a  state  government  evidenced  a  spontaneous  desire  to 
make  California  a  State.  When  Mr.  Hamlin  showed  how  vague  and 
conflicting  the  evidence  of  executive  interference  was,  Senator  King, 
of  Alabama,  and  Senator  Downs,  of  Louisiana,  interrupted  to  inter 
pose  their  inferences  and  hearsay  evidence  —  no  facts.  But  Mr.  Ham 
lin  was  armed  at  these  points  ;  he  produced  General  Riley's  procla 
mation,  and  the  correspondence  of  Thomas  Butler  King,  which  proved 
that  General  Riley  had  issued  his  proclamation  long  after  the  people 
of  California  bad  called  their  primary  meetings,  and  before  Mr.  King 


210  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

arrived  in  California,  —  the  first  man  to  go  to  that  territory  from 
Washington  after  General  Taylor  had  become  President,  and  himself 
an  agent  of  the  slave  power  !  There  were  no  more  questions  or  inter 
ruptions  from  the  Southern  senators  on  this  score,  and  Mr.  Hamlin 
took  up  the  next  point.  • 

This  was  the  claim  that  the  constitutional  election  in  California 
was  void  on  the  grounds  that  aliens  had  voted.  Mr.  Hamlin  not  only 
demonstrated  that,  under  the  treaty  with  Mexico,  Mexicans  who  chose 
to  live  in  California  were  to  be  regarded  as  American  citizens  and 
therefore  had  a  right  to  vote,  but  that  it  was  the  custom  among  the 
territories  in  forming  state  governments  to  allow  alien  citizens  to  cast 
their  ballots.  He  produced  voluminous  evidence  to  establish  this  fact, 
mentioning  the  cases  of  Maine,  Illinois,  and  Michigan,  without  com 
ment  or  criticism ;  but  he  took  occasion  to  say  in  passing,  that  this 
was  a  question  which  the  territories  should  decide,  and  had  decided, 
for  themselves  ;  it  was  the  first  time  he  had  heard  it  raised  in  Con 
gress,  when  objection  was  made  to  the  custom. 

Mr.  Hamlin  turned  now  to  review  the  history  of  numerous  States 
which  had  organized  their  respective  governments  without  the  per 
mission  of  Congress,  and  had  been  admitted  into  the  Union.  There 
were  nine,  — Vermont,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Maine,  Arkansas,  Michi 
gan,  Florida,  Texas,  and  Iowa.  Eight  had  been  admitted  with  a 
previous  act  of  Congress,  and  thus  the  rule  up  to  the  present  sanc 
tioned  the  act  of  California.  Mr.  Hamlin  in  connection  with  this 
briefly  cited  the  facts  in  the  case  of  the  nine  States ;  and  his  remarks 
on  the  action  of  Tennessee  were  of  special  interest.  John  C.  Cal- 
houn,  in  his  speech  the  day  before,  had  asserted  that  Tennessee  had 
applied  for  admission  to  the  Union  without  the  permissory  act  of 
Congress,  and  for  that  reason  had  been  remanded  back  to  a  territorial 
condition.  Mr.  Calhoun  claimed  that  California  afforded  a  parallel 
case,  and  argued  that  on  this  account  Congress  should  deny  her  ad 
mission. 

Mr.  Hamlin  took  sharp  issue  with  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  by  reciting  the 
historical  facts  proved  that  Mr.  Calhoun  had  made  an  egregious  blunder. 
Mr.  Hamlin  stated  that  Tennessee  was  ceded  to  the  United  States 
by  North  Carolina,  with  the  provision  that  she  should  be  admitted  to 
the  Union  when  she  had  a  population  of  sixty  thousand  inhabitants. 
That  condition  was  fulfilled  in  1796,  and  Tennessee,  forming  a  con 
stitution  and  fixing  her  own  boundary  without  the  consent  of  Con 
gress,  applied  for  admission  into  the  Union.  The  Constitution  was 
presented  to  the  Senate  accompanied  by  a  message  from  the  Presi 
dent.  Both  these  circumstances  occurred  in  the  case  of  California. 
A  committee  from  the  Senate  recommended  that  Tennessee  be  re 
manded  back  to  a  territorial  condition  inasmuch  as  there  had  been  no 


THE   COMPROMISES   OF   1850  211 

census  taken  by  the  government  in  that  territory,  and  also  because 
Congress  had  not  yet  decided  how  many  States  should  be  made  out 
of  Tennessee.  But  the  House  refused  to  concur  in  this  action,  the 
Senate  receded  from  its  position,  and  Tennessee  was  brought  into  the 
Union.  • 

The  most  interesting  thrust  Mr.  Hamlin  made  at  Mr.  Calhoun  was 
in  reading  the  following  extract  from  the  latter's  speech  of  February, 
1849:  "  Sir,  I  hold  it  to  be  a  fundamental  principle  of  our  political 
system,  that  the  people  have  a  right  to  establish  what  government 
they  may  think  proper  for  themselves  ;  that  every  State  about  to 
become  a  member  of  this  Union  has  a  right  to  form  its  government 
as  it  pleases  ;  and  that,  in  order  to  be  admitted,  there  is  but  one  quali 
fication,  and  that  is  the  government  shall  be  republican.  There  is 
no  express  provision  to  that  effect,  but  it  results  from  that  important 
section  which  guarantees  to  every  State  in  this  Union  a  republican 
form  of  government." 

In  commenting  on  Mr.  Calhoun's  change  of  position,  Mr.  Hamlin 
said  that  he  had  encouraged  the  people  to  go  to  California  to  do  the 
very  thing  they  had  done.  He  added  that  he  could  continue  to 
quote  until  the  sun  went  down  from  Southern  statesmen,  orators,  and 
newspapers,  who  professed  their  willingness  to  leave  this  question  of 
slavery  to  the  people  of  the  territory.  After  having  encouraged  the 
people  of  California  to  take  this  step,  it  was  too  late  to  resist  the 
admission  of  their  State. 

One  of  the  most  transparent  objections  raised  to  California  was 
that  her  territory  was  too  large  for  one  State.  Mr.  Hamlin  turned 
this  objection  to  advantage  by  asking  the  Southern  senators  why  they 
had  not  protested  against  the  admission  of  Texas  on  the  same  score. 
No  complaints  or  objections  against  Texas  on  account  of  her  size 
were  even  heard,  and  yet  if  the  boundaries  of  Texas,  which  were  in 
dispute,  should  be  compressed  into  their  narrowest  limits,  Texas  would 
yet  remain  larger  than  California,  and  be  able  to  support  a  population 
ten  times  larger.  As  to  the  charge  that  California  had  an  insufficient 
population,  Mr.  Hamlin  asked  why  Mr.  Clay,  of  Alabama,  had  passed 
over  the  case  of  Florida,  which  had  less  than  50,000  inhabitants 
when  she  applied  for  admission ;  and  he  also  asked  why  objections 
were  not  made  to  Texas  on  the  same  score,  when  she  sought  entrance 
into  the  Union  with  a  population  of  about  80,000.  California,  from 
reliable  information,  had  a  population  of  from  1 10,000  to  120,000,  and 
it  was  increasing  with  astonishing  rapidity. 

In  closing,  Mr.  Hamlin  briefly  declared  that  the  facts  of  the  case 
warranted  the  immediate  admission  of  California,  and  that  he  thought 
there  was  only  one  question  to  be  determined,  and  that  was  whether 
the  Constitution  presented  was  republican.  He  believed  that  it  was, 


212  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

and  that  it  was  evidence  of  the  character  of  her  people,  who  were 
worthy  and  intelligent  men  who  had  gone  to  their  new  home  to 
build  up  a  republic  and  make  it  one  of  the  marts  of  commerce  which 
shall  connect  us  with  the  distant  East.  "  They  have  gone  there  and 
asserted  their  rights  as  citizens,"  Mr.  Hamiin  concluded,  "and  have 
come  here  asking  us  to  admit  them  into  this  Union.  That,  sir,  is  the 
real  question  for  our  decision,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  California  is 
to  be  welcomed  into  this  Union,  and  that  her  star  is  to  stud  with 
other  stars  our  national  flag." 

Of  the  numerous  comments  on  Mr.  Hamiin' s  speech,  the  following 
from  the  Washington  correspondence  of  the  "  New  York  Evening 
Post,"  William  Cullen  Bryant,  editor,  is  selected  to  show  the  effect  of 
the  speech  on  the  anti-slavery  press  and  people  of  the  times  :  — 

"  Mr.  Hamiin  addressed  the  Senate  at  length,  and  made  one  of  the  most 
able  and  eloquent  pleas  for  the  immediate  unconditional  admission  of  Cali 
fornia  yet  heard  in  either  branch  of  Congress.  Mr.  Hamiin  took  an  early 
occasion  to  correct  Mr.  Calhoun  in  his  misstatement  of  facts  yesterday,  but 
Mr.  Calhoun  did  not  think  it  expedient  to  defend  his  own  assertions, 
though  they  were  not  yet  a  day  old  ;  and  it  was  very  remarkable  that  when 
Mr.  Hamiin  contradicted  Mr.  Calhoun's  statement  respecting  the  admis 
sion  of  Tennessee,  neither  of  the  senators  from  that  State  saw  fit  to  sustain 
the  South  Carolina  senator. 

"  Mr.  Hamiin  showed,  by  a  mass  of  evidence  that  cannot  be  evaded  or 
resisted,  that  neither  the  present  nor  the  late  administration  had  exerted 
any  influence  to  prevent  the  adoption  of  the  anti-slavery  clause  of  the  Con 
stitution  (of  California),  and  he  took  the  last  plank  from  beneath  the  feet 
of  his  opponents  by  quoting  from  their  own  previous  declarations  to  prove 
that  California  now  presented  herself  for  admission  under  the  very  condi 
tions  which  they  themselves  prescribed  a  year  ago. 

"  I  own  I  was  surprised  to  see  him  catch  even  Mr.  Calhoun  in  this  awk 
ward  predicament.  Following  Mr.  Calhoun  through  his  tortuous  career 
on  these  territorial  questions,  he  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  Senate  a 
paragraph  from  a  speech  of  his  in  February,  1849,  in  which  he  declared 
himself  ready  to  receive  California  with  open  arms  and  clasp  her  to  his 
heart,  when  her  own  people  came  here  with  institutions  established  by  their 
own  free  will  and  congenial  to  their  ideas  and  wishes,  provided  only  her 
government  was  republican  in  form. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  I  consider  this  speech  of  the  senator  from  Maine 
one  of  the  most  satisfactory  refutations  yet  delivered  of  the  special  plead 
ings  by  which  it  is  sought  now  to  exclude  California.  As  an  argument  it 
covers  the  whole  ground,  and  seems  to  me  unanswerable.  Mr.  Hamiin  has 
established  by  his  effort  of  to-day  a  reputation  of  one  of  the  first  debaters 
in  the  Senate." 

William  Pitt  Fessenden,  then  preparing  to  enter  public  life,  wrote 
to  Mr.  Hamiin  :  — 


THE   COMPROMISES   OF   1850  213 

"  I  Congratulate  you  on  your  speech,  which  is  highly  spoken  of,  and 
which  I  have  read,  so  far  as  it  has  appeared  in  the  i  Argus.'  I  like  it 
very  much.  It  gives  much  better  satisfaction  to  men  of  all  parties  here  than 
Mr.  Webster's.  If  you  have  a  copy  to  spare,  I  should  like  much  to  receive 
one." 

The  next  speech  the  Senate  heard  was  one  of  momentous  interest. 
This  was  Webster's  memorable  yth  of  March  speech.  The  great 
expounder  was  filled  with  fear,  and  he  launched  his  thunder  not  at 
the  slavery  propagandists,  but  at  the  abolitionists  and  the  anti-slavery 
people  ;  he  held  them  responsible  for  the  agitation,  and  he  supported 
the  Clay  compromise  measures  as  the  surest  means  of  saving  the 
Union  from  the  danger  that  threatened  it.  Webster's  speech  fell 
on  the  opponents  of  slavery  extension  like  a  clap  of  thunder  from 
the  clear  sky.  They  received  it  as  a  recantation  of  principle,  the 
ruin  of  a  noble  career,  and  the  turning  back  of  the  hands  on  the  clock 
of  time.  In  their  sore  grief  they  charged  Webster  with  bidding  for 
Southern  support  for  the  presidency.  Old  friends  fell  away  from 
him ;  and  yet  the  effect  of  his  speech  was  to  turn  Northern  sentiment 
towards  compromise.  Webster's  sun  went  down,  and  his  defeat  for 
the  presidency  in  1852  probably  broke  his  heart. 

This  speech  is  of  both  historical  and  personal  interest  to  these 
pages.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Webster,  in  the  course  of  his  remarks, 
took  occasion  to  refer  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  speech  on  California,  and  also 
to  compliment  him  on  his  opposition  to  the  annexation  of  Texas. 
But  there  was  little  in  common  between  the  two  men,  and  their  rela 
tions  were  purely  functionary.  Then,  again,  Webster  was  a  Whig, 
and  had  been  long  in  public  life,  while  Mr.  Hamlin  was  compara 
tively  a  beginner.  Yet  Mr.  Hamlin's  opinions  of  Webster  and  his 
course  at  this  juncture  are  interesting.  In  the  main  he  coincided  in 
the  latter-day  verdict  that  Webster  was  influenced  almost  wholly  by 
patriotic  motives.  His  passion  was  his  overwhelming  love  for  the 
Union,  and  his  great  mind  clearly  saw  the  conflict  impending  that 
broke  only  ten  years  later.  He  wished  to  avert  it ;  he  feared  strife ; 
he  could  not  take  the  public  entirely  into  his  fears  without  incurring 
the  danger  of  precipitating  a  crisis.  He  deliberately  imperiled  his 
great  name  and  fame  in  what  he  sincerely  believed  to  be  a  patriotic 
cause.  His  paramount  object  was  the  salvation  of  the  nation;  all 
else,  even  his  own  career,  was  subsidiary. 

But  while  Mr.  Hamlin  at  the  time  of  Webster's  departure  recog 
nized  his  main  motive,  he  nevertheless  was  of  the  opinion  that  he 
erred.  He  criticised  Webster's  lack  of  courage  to  meet  the  emer 
gency  with  firmness,  and  place  the  responsibility  where  a  Southern 
President  and  slaveholder  said  it  belonged.  Mr.  Hamlin  also  criti 
cised  Webster's  morals.  He  always  severely  reflected  on  his  loose 


214  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

financial  habits,  and  his  notion  that  it  was  right  for  him  to  advocate 
private  bills  in  the  Senate  for  pay.  "A  man,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin, 
"who  is  careless  about  money  matters  cannot  always  be  honest." 
But  he  rarely  failed,  out  of  his  sense  of  justice,  to  mitigate  his  criti 
cism  of  Webster  by  praising  his  great  life's  work  in  expounding  the 
Constitution,  which,  as  has  been  happily  said,  "  had  the  force  of  con 
stitutional  amendments." 

The  sudden  death  of  General  Taylor  and  the  accession  of  Millard 
Fillmore  to  the  presidency  secured  the  success  of  the  Clay  com 
promise  bill.  It  will  probably  always  be  a  fascinating  subject  of  spec 
ulation  among  historians  as  to  the  results  of  President  Taylor's  policy, 
had  he  lived  to  enforce  it.  It  seems  reasonable  to  conclude  that  his 
ability,  courage,  and  military  experience  would  have  made  him  master 
of  the  situation.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  Mr.  Fillmore  did  not  possess 
the  strength  and  alertness  necessary  to  meet  an  emergency  similar  to 
that  which  threatened  General  Taylor.  Mr.  Fillmore  signed  the  Fugi 
tive  Slave  Law,  although  he  had  been  identified  with  the  anti-slavery 
wing  of  the  Whig  party,  and  for  that  reason  was  nominated  for  Vice- 
President.  Later  generations  that  can  have  no  partisan  feelings  about 
this  probably  will  extend  to  Mr.  Fillmore  the  same  consideration  they 
extend  to  his  counselor,  Daniel  Webster.  This  generous  view  of  the 
case  would  at  least  incline  them  to  believe  that  it  was  Mr.  Fillmore's 
natural  conservatism,  timidity,  and  lack  of  strength  which  governed 
him  in  his  course  rather  than  personal  ambition.  But  whatever  were 
his  motives,  the  facts  remain  that  he  was  not  called  on  to  meet  the 
crisis,  and  that  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  for  which  he  was  partially 
responsible,  became  a  great  factor  in  educating  the  masses  of  the 
North  against  the  iniquities  and  horrors  of  slavery.  It  was  reserved 
for  another  man  to  appear  when  the  hour  of  action  arrived.  Mr. 
Hamlin  spoke  of  Mr.  Fillmore  personally  as  a  clean,  upright,  dignified 
man,  of  an  imposing  presence  and  naturally  genial  disposition.  His 
mental  habits  were  somewhat  sluggish,  but  he  was  a  man  of  ability, 
and  with  the  exception  of  his  course  towards  the  compromises  of  1850 
gave  the  country  a  good  administration. 

One  more  incident  remains  to  be  related  in  connection  with  Mr. 
Hamlin's  work  in  this  session  of  Congress,  which  closed  his  first  term 
as  a  senator.  A  movement  was  in  progress  to  abolish  the  brutal  cus 
tom  of  flogging  that  still  existed  in  the  navy.  John  P.  Hale  was  the 
foremost  leader  in  Congress  in  this  move,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  heartily 
cooperated  with  him.  There  was  decided  opposition.  The  general 
objection  against  abolishing  flogging  was  the  plea  that  the  officers  of 
the  navy  favored  it.  There  were  also  senators  who  maintained  that 
Congress  had  no  right  to  interfere  with  the  discipline  of  the  navy. 
Mr.  Hamlin  rejected  both  these  arguments.  He  favored  the  abolish- 


THE   COMPROMISES   OF   1850  215 

ment  of  flogging  on  humane  principles,  and  also  because  he  had 
obtained  authoritative  information  that  in  the  opinion  of  the  most 
intelligent  and  efficient  officers  of  the  navy  this  mode  of  punishment 
was  detrimental  to  the  service.  One  of  his  authorities  was  the  Rev. 
Walter  Colton,  who  had  been  for  many  years  a  chaplain  in  the  navy, 
and  was  a  writer  of  considerable  popularity  in  his  day.  Mr.  Colton 
had  served  under  Commodore  R.  H.  Stockton,  and  these  two  were 
prime  movers  in  this  humane  crusade  against  a  barbarous  cruelty. 

Mr.  Hamlin  made  a  brief  speech  in  answer  to  Yulee,  of  Florida,  and 
other  Southern  senators  who  opposed  the  abolishment  of  flogging. 
The  main  points  he  made  were  that  flogging  belonged  to  another  age, 
that  its  abolition  was  desired  by  men  of  all  creeds,  religions,  and  poli 
tics,  for  humane  reasons,  and  that  to  abolish  flogging  would  make  the 
sailor  more  of  a  man.  Senator  Dawson,  of  Georgia,  interrupted  Mr. 
Hamlin  to  assert  that  there  was  little  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  bill 
before  Congress.  Mr.  Hamlin  replied  in  amazement  :  "  Well,  the  bill 
passed  the  House  by  a  majority  of  130,  and  I  should  think  that  that 
represented  a  sentiment.  If  it  does  not,  then  I  should  like  to  have  the 
gentleman  explain  what  it  does  mean  or  represent." 

Nevertheless,  the  bill  did  not  pass  the  Senate.  A  year  or  two  after 
wards  Commodore  Stockton  entered  the  Senate,  and  by  tacking  a  bill 
to  abolish  flogging  in  the  navy  as  a  rider  on  another  measure,  secured 
its  passage.  Then  he  resigned  from  the  Senate. 


CHAPTER   XX 

MR.  HAMLIN'S  WORK  IN  THE  SENATE 

THE  tumult  that  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  raised,  subsided 
after  their  adoption.  Congress  was  no  longer  an  arena  of  wrath  and 
wrangling,  and  a  more  moderate  tone  prevailed  throughout  the  coun 
try.  While  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  provoked  indignation  at  the 
North,  and  served  in  itself  to  keep  alive  the  agitation  against  slavery, 
yet,  coming  after  the  tempestuous  times  that  accompanied  the  dis 
cussion  and  enactment  of  the  Clay  compromise  plan,  the  period  that 
followed,  and  preceded  the  breaking-down  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
was  one  of  comparative  quietude.  But  this  was  not  strange.  The 
North  was  governed  by  its  commercial  and  manufacturing  interests, 
and  they  were  alarmed  over  the  conflict  the  slavery  question  precipi 
tated  in  Congress.  Capital  is  proverbially  timid.  The  moneyed  inter 
ests  of  the  North  demanded  a  cessation  of  the  strife.  There  were 
cotton  Whigs  and  conscience  Whigs,  dough-face  Democrats  and  anti- 
slavery  Democrats.  To  use  a  common  expression,  money  talked. 
The  North  might  have  lapsed  into  its  former  condition  of  cowardly 
indifference  to  slavery  if  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  had  not  remained 
in  force  to  prick  its  conscience.  Both  political  parties  professed 
their  willingness  to1  make  a  fair  test  of  the  compromise  plan,  and 
eventually  the  acceptance  of  the  measures  of  1850  became  a  test  of 
party  fealty  in  both  great  political  organizations. 

When  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  was 
repealed  in  1854,  through  the  efforts  of  conspirators,  not  through  the 
movements  of  events,  it  is  not  strange  that  this  comparatively  peace 
ful  interval  misled  some  of  the  far-sighted  statesmen  of  the  day.  It 
is  easy  to  look  back  over  the  printed  pages  of  history,  and  wonder,  - 
but  the  infallible  prophet  had  not  yet  arrived.  While  it  may  not  be 
worth  while  to  speculate  on  what  would  have  happened  if  the  slavery 
propagandists  had  let  the  Missouri  Compromise  alone,  it  is  neverthe 
less  interesting  to  note  the  attitude  of  some  of  the  leading  men  of  the 
country.  The  extreme  hopeful  view  was  expressed  by  Benton  when 
he  said  to  Charles  Sumner  :  "  You  have  come  on  the  scene  too  late, 
sir.  Not  only  have  our  great  men  passed  away,  but  the  great  issues 
have  been  settled  also.  The  last  of  these  was  the  United  States 
bank,  and  that  has  been  overthrown  forever.  Nothing  is  left  you, 


MR.   HAMLIN'S   WORK   IN   THE   SENATE  217 

sir,  but  puny  sectional  questions  and  petty  strifes  about  slavery  and 
fugitive  slave  laws,  involving  no  national  interests."  l  Abraham  Lin 
coln,  who  was  already  recognized  as  an  anti-slavery  leader  of  great 
prominence,  said  at  this  time  that  he  was  losing  his  interest  in  poli 
tics,  and  that  it  was  not  awakened  until  the  attack  on  the  Missouri 
Compromise  was  begun.  John  P.  Hale,  whose  term  in  the  Senate 
expired  in  1853,  left  Washington,  not  to  return  to  New  Hampshire 
to  resume  his  fight  against  slavery,  but  to  go  to  New  York  to  prac 
tice  law  in  that  metropolis. 

Senator  Hamlin  did  not  subscribe  to  the  optimistic  view  his  friend 
Benton  took,  and  more  will  be  said  on  that  point  later  ;  but  while  he 
did  not  believe  that  the  slavery  question  was  settled  by  the  compro 
mise  measures  of  1850,  he  did  not  foresee  or  think  the  conflict  would 
be  so  shortly  renewed.  His  private  letters,  his  words  to  his  intimate 
friends  and  family,  show  that  he  was  troubled  in  mind  and  brooded 
over  the  situation.  His  exact  words  on  several  occasions  are  recalled  : 
"  This  thing  of  slavery  will  sooner  or  later  try  to  subvert  the  govern 
ment,  but  I  do  not  expect  it  will  happen  in  my  day."  In  other 
words,  while  there  were  no  clouds  gathering  on  the  political  horizon, 
Mr.  Hamlin  yet  felt  that  there  were  elements  of  a  future  storm  brew 
ing.  He  pointed  out  the  conditions.  Here  was  slavery ;  it  had  proved 
itself  to  be  a  curse  ;  only  evil  had  come  out  of  it,  and  he  held  it  to  be 
a  self-evident  proposition  that  it  would  continue  a  source  of  trouble 
as  long  as  it  was  allowed  to  exist.  All  the  compromises  in  the  world 
could  not  palliate  its  wickedness,  and  yet  life  was  vouchsafed  it  by 
the  Constitution.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  in  his  eyes  an  in 
human  thing,  and  was  certain  to  increase  Northern  repugnance  to 
slavery.  Two  civilizations  were  growing  up  in  the  country  and  trend 
ing  apart.  How  long  could  this  go  on  ?  This  was  the  question  that 
perplexed  him. 

The  chief  reason  Senator  Hamlin  had  for  believing  that  the  solu 
tion  of  the  problem  would  not  be  reached  in  his  day  is  another  striking 
proof  of  his  large  faith  in  men  and  his  strong  belief  in  those  whom 
he  respected.  He  hoped  that  the  slave  party  was  now  convinced 
that  the  North  would  not  have  the  loathsome  institution  on  its  soil ; 
he  trusted  in  the  honor  of  Sam  Houston,  Jefferson  Davis,  Robert 
M.  T.  Hunter,  Willie  P.  Mangum,  John  McPherson  Berrien,  George 
E.  Badger,  John  Bell,  John  M.  Clayton,  Andrew  P.  Butler,  Howell 
Cobb,  and  other  Southern  statesmen  whom  he  respected,  to  abide  by 
the  law  of  the  land  and  keep  slavery  a  local  institution.  He  did  not 
believe  in  the  fire-eaters,  nor  did  he  believe  that  they  represented 
the  South.  Their  threats  of  disunion  were  in  his  eyes  the  bluster  and 
froth  of  vain,  petulant,  and  overbearing  men,  and  he  ignored  them. 
1  Ben  :  Parley  Poore's  Reminiscences,  vol.  i.  p.  409. 


2i8  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

While  there  were  many  red-hot  speeches  in  Congress  on  the  sla 
very  question  during  this  interval  of  three  years,  they  were  of  an 
intermittent  nature,  and  Congress  returned  to  its  duty  of  attending 
to  the  regular  business  of  the  nation.  A  business  era  of  vast  impor 
tance  to  the  United  States  had  set  in,  and  the  best  energies  of  the 
country  were  now  enlisted  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  time. 
The  discovery  of  gold  in  California  marked  an  epoch  in  the  develop 
ment  of  our  Western  domains.  Cities,  towns,  and  hamlets  sprang  up 
on  the  Pacific  slope  as  if  by  magic.  Great  plans  were  projected  for 
establishing  rapid  communication  between  the  East  and  the  West  by 
means  of  transcontinental  railroad  lines.  Asa  Whitney,  of  New  York 
city,  who  projected  in  1846  a  railroad  across  the  country,  now  found 
powerful  supporters  at  Washington.  Preparations  for  a  war  that  broke 
out  in  the  Crimea  in  1853  stimulated  our  foreign  trade.  There  was 
a  tentative  movement  here  and  there  to  enlist  the  aid  of  the  govern 
ment  in  assisting  the  American  manufacturers  to  find  markets  in 
South  America  for  his  products.  Domestic  trade  and  subsidiary 
interests  were  generally  promoted.  But  it  is  designed  only  to  out 
line  the  salient  points  in  this  era  of  development  in  order  to  give  an 
idea  of  the  duties  that  were  now  pressed  on  Congress  and  their  effect 
on  Mr.  Hamlin.  The  story  of  his  life  now  takes  up  a  new  phase  of 
his  career,  and  gives  the  keynote  to  his  course  of  action  during  the 
remainder  of  his  public  life. 

Mr.  Hamlin  became  a  business  senator,  and  from  choice.  Personal 
ambition  dictated  another  course.  He  might  have  enhanced  his 
reputation  by  devoting  himself  to  one  or  more  subjects  on  which  to 
make  himself  a  special  authority  —  such  as  slavery,  the  tariff,  or  the 
financial  question.  Many  a  senator  or  representative  has  achieved 
national  prominence  by  making  a  specialty  of  one  subject,  although 
taking  a  low  rank  as  a  practical  legislator.  But  Mr.  Hamlin  was  in 
different  about  his  fame.  It  may  be  repeated  that  he  rarely  wrote 
out  a  speech,  and  seldom  was  known  to  revise  one.  He  disliked  to 
talk  about  himself.  In  his  later  days  his  aversion  for  the  newspaper 
interviewer  was  notorious.  The  truth  is  Mr.  Hamlin's  governing  idea 
of  life  was  that  "one  should  do  the  duty  that  lies  nearest."  He  was 
also  a  man  of  action  rather  than  words,  and  when  this  great  era  of 
development  began,  he  plunged  into  the  business  of  the  Senate,  and 
accomplished  results  that  are  a  story  by  themselves  and  a  monument 
to  his  attention  to  his  duties.  This  record  in  detail  would  prove  dry 
reading,  but  it  represents  work  that  had  to  be  done,  and  required  close 
attention  and  an  intimate  knowledge  of  government  and  public  affairs. 
Several  subjects  in  connection  with  this  will  present  themselves  else 
where. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  election  to  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   WORK  IN   THE   SENATE  219 

Commerce  was  undoubtedly  a  circumstance  that  contributed  in  a 
large  measure  to  his  development  into  a  business  senator.  He  was 
not  quite  thirty-nine  when  he  entered  the  Senate,  and  during  his  sec 
ond  year  he  was  elected  chairman  of  this  committee.  His  habits  of 
life,  characteristics,  and  public  course  had  not  yet  been  fully  matured, 
and  his  new  duties  tended  to  awaken  and  strengthen  his  natural  pre 
ference  for  action.  The  scope  of  the  work  devolving  upon  the  Com 
mittee  on  Commerce  embraced  a  vast  field,  and  it  was  a  more  impor 
tant  arm  of  business  for  the  government  than  now.  The  nature  of 
its  work  was  more  largely  creative  than  now»;  the  rapid  growth  of  the 
country  constantly  created  new  conditions  that  the  committee  had  to 
meet.  In  brief,  this  committee  was  required  to  give  its  attention  to 
shipping  interests,  the  customs  and  revenue  marine  services,  river  and 
harbor  improvements,  the  life-saving  department,  and  coast  survey. 
The  chairmanship  involved  the  personal  supervision  of  an  immense 
amount  of  detail.  The  incumbent  was  also  chosen  with  regard  to 
his  ability  and  experience  as  a  political  manager,  because  there  was 
much  patronage  connected  with  the  post. 

In  a  year  or  two  after  Mr.  Hamlin  had  been  chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Commerce,  a  marked  change  took  place  in  him ;  he  became 
not  only  a  business  senator,  but  also  a  silent  senator.  This  at  first 
puzzled  his  friends,  who  had  expected  him  to  play  a  conspicuous  part 
in  the  Senate's  debates  and  discussions.  In  the  House  and  state 
legislature  he  had  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  promising  and 
forcible  debaters  and  speakers  in  the  Democratic  party.  He  was 
often  selected  by  his  party  managers  in  the  House  in  preference  to 
older  and  more  experienced  men  to  champion  measures.  His  asso 
ciates  urged  him  to  study  the  graces  of  oratory,  for  they  thought  that 
he  could  develop  oratorical  ability  of  a  high  order.  It  is  not  known 
whether  Mr.  Hamlin  ever  went  to  the  trouble  of  studying  a  model. 
It  is  doubtful  if  he  did.  He  was  original,  and  disposed  to  be  sparing 
of  his  words.  It  was  the  talkative  nature  of  the  legislature  and 
House  and  the  partisanship  of  his  youth  that  impelled  him  to  speak 
in  those  bodies  rather  than  a  desire  to  hear  himself  talk.  When  he 
became  a  member  of  the  Senate,  he  found  its  dignified  tone  and 
deliberate  method  of  procedure  more  to  his  liking.  As  his  predi 
lection  for  work  was  encouraged  by  circumstances,  he  was  soon 
more  active  in  the  committee  room  than  in  the  forum. 

The  congressional  habit  of  talk  was  another  factor  of  this  change 
in  Mr.  Hamlin.  The  long  speech  was  still  in  vogue  among  the  sen 
ators,  and  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  one  to  take  the  larger  part 
of  two  daily  sessions  to  deliver  a  speech.  When  a  senator's  argu 
ments,  ideas,  and  position  were  pretty  well  known,  reiteration  some 
what  palled  on  his  colleagues.  But  some  of  the  senators  of  this  period 


220  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

would  have  flowed  on  forever  like  Tennyson's  brook  if  the  transaction 
of  public  business  had  not  held  them  in  check.  A  reaction  was  set 
ting  in  against  the  long-winded,  ornate  style  of  speech-making  which 
had  long  prevailed.  The  death  of  Calhoun,  Webster's  entrance  into 
the  Cabinet,  and  the  decline  of  Clay  left  few  men  in  the  Senate  with 
the  ability  that  justified  the  taking  of  a  day  of  the  Senate's  time  for  the 
delivery  of  a  speech.  Mr.  Hamlin  grew  impatient ;  his  private  letters 
and  conversation  resounded  with  an  emphatic  protest.  "Congress 
talks  too  much  "  was  the  burden  of  his  complaint,  and  he  saw  no  rea 
son  to  change  his  mind  in  the  days  of  his  retirement.  Many  amusing 
stories  were  related  how  Mr.  Hamlin  would  retire  from  the  Senate  in 
great  displeasure  when  a  verbose  senator  took  the  floor  to  ramble  for 
a  couple  of  hours  on  his  favorite  theme,  "His  Majesty  Myself,"  and 
check  the  transaction  of  public  business.1 

But  while  Senator  Hamlin  virtually  withdrew  from  the  political  dis 
cussions  in  the  Senate,  he  nevertheless  participated  in  the  debates  on 
business  affairs,  and  occasionally  made  set  speeches  when  he  thought 
that  he  ought  to  speak.  He  would  sometimes  rise  to  cut  the  knot  of 
debate  upon  a  question  of  order,  for  he  was  recognized  as  an  author 
ity  on  parliamentary  procedure.  There  was  a  noticeable  change  in 
his  style  of  speaking.  His  remarks  on  business  matters  were  usually 
very  brief,  concise,  exact,  without  a  superfluous  word ;  his  speeches 
were  modeled  on  the  same  plan,  and  presented  facts  marshaled  in 
perfect  order  with  little  or  no  attempt  to  rise  into  flights  of  eloquence. 
His  remarks  in  connection  with  the  government  reports,  as  they 
appear  in  the  "  Congressional  Record,"  cover  a  wide  range  of  topics  ; 
he  dealt  with  these  subjects  as  only  a  man  could  who  was  entitled  to 
speak  with  authority  and  exact  knowledge.  Without  going  into  detail 
now,  it  may  be  said  that  Professor  Alexander  D.  Bache  and  Professor 
Joseph  Henry  regarded  Mr.  Hamlin  as  their  most  consistent  and  intel 
ligent  supporter  in  the  Senate  when  they  were  engaged  in  developing 
the  coast  survey  and  lighthouse  departments. 

This  general  outline  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  work  in  the  Senate  and  its 
effect  on  him  would  not  be  complete  without  the  explanation  of  a 
seeming  inconsistency  in  the  narrative.  While  Mr.  Hamlin  was  known 

1  Senator  Hamlin  once  said  that  he  agreed  with  the  following  sentiments  which 
Bismarck  expressed  to  his  secretary,  Dr.  Busch,  in  1871 :  "  The  gift  of  oratory  has 
ruined  much  in  parliamentary  life.  Time  is  wasted  because  everyone  who  feels 
ability  in  that  line  must  have  his  word,  even  if  he  has  no  new  point  to  bring  for 
ward.  Speaking  is  too  much  in  the  air,  and  too  little  to  the  point.  Everything  is 
already  settled  in  committees;  a  man  speaks,  therefore,  at  length  only  for  the 
public,  to  whom  he  wishes  to  show  off  as  much  as  possible,  and  still  more  for  the 
newspapers,  who  are  to  praise  him.  Oratory  will,  one  day,  come  to  be  looked 
upon  as  a  generally  harmful  quality,  and  a  man  will  be  punished  who  permits 
himself  to  be  guilty  of  a  long  speech  !  " 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   WORK   IN   THE   SENATE  221 

to  the  end  of  his  career  at  Washington  as  a  silent  senator,  he  yet  be 
came  one  of  the  most  widely  known  campaign  orators  of  his  day. 
There  is  no  contradiction  or  inconsistency.  Mr.  Hamlin  early  imbibed 
the  idea  that  the  Senate  was  a  place  for  the  transaction  of  public  busi 
ness.  He  also  believed  that  a  senator  should  give  an  account  of  him 
self  to  his  constituents.  Then,  again,  he  was  a  born  politician,  and 
loved  the  excitement  of  a  campaign.  This  overbore  his  natural  mod 
esty,  which  inclined  him  to  remain  in  retirement,  and  for  years  he 
regularly  took  the  stump  in  the  service  of  his  party  when  it  needed 
him.  The  speeches  that  Mr.  Hamlin  made  on  the  stump  were  simple 
in  style,  and  always  aimed  at  the  level  of  popular  understanding.  He 
instinctively  gauged  that  level,  and  that  was  one  thing  which  gave 
him  his  hold  on  the  masses  of  the  people.  He  gave  the  rank  and 
file  of  his  party  what  they  could  carry,  assimilate,  and  repeat,  and  no 
more.  His  ideas  on  this  point  are  well  expressed  in  Lincoln's  advice 
to  his  partner,  William  H.  Herndon  :  "  Don't  shoot  too  high  ;  aim 
lower,  and  the  common  people  will  understand  you.  They  are  the 
ones  you  want  to  reach  —  at  least  the  ones  you  ought  to  reach.  The 
educated  and  refined  people  will  understand  you  anyway.  If  you  aim 
too  high,  your  ideas  will  go  over  the  heads  of  the  masses,  and  only  hit 
those  who  need  no  hitting." 

It  is  clear  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  justified  in  pursuing  this  course. 
In  Maine  he  always  had  the  masses  of  the  people  with  him,  though 
his  opponents  might  have  the  party  machinery.  He  knew  that  it  was 
one  thing  to  deliver  a  finished  speech,  and  that  it  was  quite  another 
to  make  one  which  would  influence  the  masses.  The  necessity  of 
keeping  the  slavery  question,  with  its  involved  and  rapidly  changing 
phases,  clear  to  the  common  people  was  a  circumstance  in  itself  that 
rendered  it  advisable  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  during  his  first  years  in  the 
Senate,  to  speak  to  the  twelfth  man  in  the  public  jury.  The  result 
was  that  the  voters  of  Maine  always  understood  him,  and  kept  him  at 
Washington  for  over  thirty  years,  without  his  expending  one  cent  for 
other  than  legitimate  purposes. 

It  is  interesting  now  to  note  the  kind  of  men  with  whom  Mr.  Ham- 
lim  was  most  intimately  associated  in  the  Senate  during  this  period 
of  work.  They  were  preeminently  workers.  Prominent  among  them 
were  Thomas  H.  Benton,  Sam  Houston,  John  Davis,  Jefferson  Davis, 
John  Bell,  Willie  P.  Mangum,  George  E.  Badger,  John  McPherson 
Berrien,  Solon  Borland,"'of  Arkansas,  General  Henry  Dodge,  of  Wis 
consin,  and  Alpheus  Felch,  of  Michigan.  The  one  with  whom  Senator 
Hamlin  at  this  time  sustained  the  closest  personal  and  party  rela 
tions  was  Benton,  who  was  the  father  of  the  Senate  and  the  most 
revered  Jackson  Democrat  of  the  times.  His  noble  and  useful  career 
in  the  Senate  was  now  drawing  to  a  close ;  yet,  at  no  time  in  his  long 


222  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN 

and  distinguished  life  had  Benton  more  clearly  revealed  his  true 
qualities  as  a  pure  patriot  and  wise  statesman.  A  Southern  man  by 
birth,  'a  slaveholder,  too,  he  combated  the  Calhoun  party  with  all  his 
great  power  and  force.  The  slave  party  succeeded  in  preventing  his 
reelection  to  the  Senate  in  1850,  after  thirty  years'  service  in  that 
body  ;  but  that  was  a  Pyrrhic  victory,  and  enhanced  Benton's  fame. 

The  measure  of  Benton's  statesmanship  is  to  be  determined  by  the 
immense  influence  he  exerted  in  the  formative  period  of  congres 
sional  legislation,  by  his  honorable,  wise,  and  aggressive  leadership, 
his  personal  qualities  of  integrity,  honor,  moral  courage,  ample  know 
ledge,  and  force.  Thus,  while  Benton's  name  is  not  attached  to 
specific  acts  of  legislation  as  author,  yet  he  was  one  of  the  great 
powers  of  his  day.  He  was  identified  with  many  measures  of  vast 
importance,  and  through  his  management  was  entitled  to  a  large  share 
of  credit  for  their  success.  He  was  Jackson's  right-hand  man  in  his 
fight  against  the  United  States  bank ;  he  was  probably  more  instru 
mental  than  any  other  man  in  inducing  the  government  to  adopt  and 
maintain  the  double  currency  coin  standard  ;  he  promoted  the  home 
stead  movement,  which  was  to  bestow  government  land  on  those  who 
settled  on  it.  He  was  at  that  time  deeply  interested  in  the  develop 
ment  of  the  country's  material  resources,  and  in  certain  plans  to  pro 
mote  its  business  welfare.  One  was  the  building  of  a  Pacific  railroad, 
and  this  he  had  taken  up  again  about  the  time  Mr.  Hamlin  entered 
the  Senate. 

An  amusing  story  is  told  of  the  first  meeting  between  Senator 
Hamlin  and  Colonel  Benton.  The  day  the  former  took  the  oath  of 
senator,  he  sat  down  in  a  seat  near  Benton.  Presently  Mr.  Hamlin 
saw  "Old  Bullion,"  as  Benton  was  called,  looking  at  him  with  a  smile. 
Then,  without  any  preliminary  remark  or  introduction,  Benton  put 
out  his  hand  to  the  new  senator  from  Maine,  and  said  in  a  jocose, 
rhythmical  way:  "Honorable  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Hampden,  Maine. 
Why,  sir,  your  name  ought  to  make  you  President  some  day."  Ben- 
ton,  it  appears,  had  watched  Mr.  Hamlin's  course  in  the  House,  and 
had  picked  him  out  as  a  rising  man.  After  Mr.  Hamlin  entered  the 
Senate,  Benton  displayed  almost  a  paternal  interest  in  his  young  as 
sociate.  He  selected  Mr.  Hamlin  for  the  position  of  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Commerce,  urged  him  to  take  a  more  prominent  part 
in  the  inner  councils  of  his  party,  and  constantly  invited  him  to  his 
house.  Although  Benton  had  pompous  ways,  yet  they  were  pure 
mannerisms.  Mr.  Hamlin  said  that  Benton  was  one  of  the  kindest- 
hearted  men  he  ever  knew,  and  a  most  enjoyable  and  sociable  enter 
tainer.  He  ranked  Benton,  too,  as  one  of  the  greatest  and  best  men 
he  knew  among  the  leading  statesmen  of  the  country. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  relations  with  Jefferson  Davis  throw  some  interesting 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   WORK   IN   THE   SENATE  223 

light  on  the  peculiar  views  Southern  senators  of  a  certain  type  held 
with  regard  to  the  relations  between  the  government  and  the  individual 
States.  These  men  lived  in  communities  where  they  saw  compara 
tively  little  of  business  life,  and,  imbibing  Calhoun's  doctrines,  they 
evolved  ideas  of  their  own.  They  not  only  sincerely  believed  that 
each  State  in  the  Union  was  a  sovereign  nation,  but  they  were  always 
on  the  alert  to  see  that  the  government  took  no  step  which  would 
be  in  their  eyes  an  infringement  on  state  rights.  They  evidently 
thought  the  fathers  of  the  government  attached  no  importance  to  the 
name,  "The  United  States,"  which  they  gave  to  this  nation.  Some 
times  these  Southern  statesmen  were  carried  far  beyond  the  bounds 
of  common  sense  when  they  got  astride  of  their  hobby.  One  was 
Clement  C.  Clay,  Jr.,  of  Alabama,  who  was  known  as  Copperhead  Clay, 
after  the  snake  by  that  name,  on  account  of  his  venomous  attacks  on 
those  whom  he  disliked.  One  of  Clay's  notions  was  that  the  govern 
ment  had  no  right  to  appropriate  money  to  improve  rivers  and  har 
bors.  Once  he  got  appointed  to  the  Committee  on  Commerce,  where 
he  made  no  end  of  trouble.  It  became  necessary  on  a  certain  occa 
sion  for  the  committee  to  recommend  the  appropriation  of  $50,000  to 
render  navigation  safe  in  a  certain  Southern  harbor.  Clay  insisted 
that  the  State  where  the  harbor  existed  should  make  the  improve 
ments,  and  all  the  precedents  in  the  history  of  the  government  could 
not  drive  the  idea  out  of  his  head.  All  the  other  members  of  the 
committee  favored  the  appropriation,  and  after  a  stormy  session  Mr. 
Clay  departed  from  the  meeting  in  a  state  of  high  dudgeon,  threat 
ening  to  invoke  the  aid  of  his  quixotic  Southern  brethren  to  defeat 
the  bill. 

At  this  juncture  Senator  Hamlin  appealed  to  Jefferson  Davis,  who, 
although  impregnated  with  the  Calhoun  idea,  still  believed  that  the 
government  had  a  right  to  pass  measures  which  were  for  the  good  of 
all  the  States.  He  listened  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  recital  of  facts,  and 
when  he  saw  that  a  refusal  to  improve  the  harbor  in  question  might 
endanger  life  and  property,  he  courteously  interrupted  Mr.  Hamlin 
by  saying :  "  No  argument  is  necessary,  Mr.  Hamlin ;  the  interests 
of  humanity  alone  dictate  that  your  appropriation  bill  should  be 
passed,  and  I  will  promise  you  my  support."  Mr.  Davis  was  as  good 
as  his  word.  He  went  among  his  Southern  brethren,  who  were  in  a 
state  of  ferment  over  the  matter,  and  labored  with  them  to  such  good 
effect  that  Mr.  Clay  was  able  to  muster  just  seven  votes  against  Mr. 
Hamlin's  bill. 

On  other  occasions,  Mr.  Hamlin  received  cordial  support  from  Mr. 
Davis,  and  they  soon  established  very  pleasant  personal  relations, 
which  were  not  terminated  until  ten  years  later.  The  military  educa 
tion  Mr.  Davis  had  received  at  West  Point,  and  his  experience  as  an 


224  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

engineer,  had  taught  him  the  need  of  placing  the  simple  demands  of 
civilization  above  the  tenets  of  political  creeds.  But  by  nature  he  was 
more  practical,  sensible,  and  courteous  than  the  other  members  of  the 
extreme  and  aggressive  school  of  Southern  statesmen  with  whom  he 
was  associated.  He  had  a  high  sense  of  personal  honor  and  of  na 
tional  obligations.  One  incident  will  illustrate.  At  the  outbreak  of 
the  Mexican  war,  the  government  advertised  through  the  War  Depart 
ment  for  sappers  and  miners.  As  an  inducement  to  enlist,  it  offered 
to  give  all  who  joined  the  sappers  and  miners  corps  an  education  as 
mining  engineers.  Some  seventy  young  men  enlisted.  Some  were 
from  Maine.  After  the  war  the  government  not  only  failed  to  keep 
its  promise,  but  also  refused  these  men  a  discharge  from  the  army. 
The  reason  is  not  known,  but  there  was  probably  a  red-tape  complica 
tion  at  the  bottom  of  the  matter.  The  soldiers  from  Maine  came  to 
Mr.  Hamlin  in  their  trouble,  and  he  offered  a  bill  discharging  them 
from  the  army.  This  was  referred  to  the  Military  Committee,  of 
which  Jefferson  Davis  was  chairman.  It  appears  that  he  did  not  hear 
Mr.  Hamlin's  argument,  and  he  caused  the  committee  to  report  against 
the  bill,  on  the  ground  that  the  Senate  could  not  interfere  with  the 
executive  management  of  the  army.  The  Senate  accepted  the  com 
mittee's  report  and  rejected  Mr.  Hamlin's  bill.  But  when  Mr.  Hamlin 
saw  that  Mr.  Davis  had  not  grasped  the  principle  involved,  he  called 
Davis  aside,  and  reviewing  the  case,  said  :  — 

"  Davis,  you  do  not  see  the  point.  It  is  this :  the  government  gave 
its  word  to  these  young  men  that  if  they  would  enlist,  it  would  educate 
them  as  mining  engineers.  Now  it  has  not  only  broken  its  pledges, 
but  it  is  even  trying  to  coerce  these  men  into  remaining  in  the  army. 
I  know  you  do  not  believe  that  the  government  should  be  allowed  to 
break  its  pledges." 

Mr.  Hamlin's  explanation  cleared  up  the  misapprehensions  Mr. 
Davis  had  been  laboring  under,  and  he  exclaimed  :  "  You  are  right, 
Hamlin.  I  had  misunderstood  the  case.  The  evidence  you  present 
exhibits  the  case  in  another  light.  I  agree  with  you  ;  the  government 
must  keep  its  promises,  and  I  pledge  you  I  will  do  what  I  can  to  induce 
the  Senate  to  reverse  its  action."  In  a  few  days,  largely  through  Mr. 
Davis's  efforts,  Congress  released  the  soldiers,  and  the  Maine  men,  to 
show  their  appreciation  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  labors  in  their  behalf,  pre 
sented  him  with  a  gold-headed  cane  made  from  the  timber  of  "  Old 
Ironsides." 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  pleasantly  associated  on  the  Committee  on  Com 
merce  with  John  Davis,  of  Massachusetts  ;  General  Dodge,  of  Wiscon 
sin  ;  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee  ;  and  Pierre  Soule,  of  Louisiana.  Perhaps 
during  his  entire  term  of  service  in  Congress,  he  liked  no  senator 
better  than  "  Honest "  John  Davis.  The  senator  from  Massachusetts 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   WORK   IN   THE   SENATE  225 

was  noted  for  his  upright  character,  sound,  practical  mind,  and  gra 
cious,  genial  personality.  He  was  Mr.  Hamlin's  most  active  co- 
operator  during  the  first  four  years  the  latter  was  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Commerce.  Together  they  devised  and  framed  several 
important  and  salutary  measures  of  legislation  that  are  still  in  force. 
One  was  the  well  known  act  "  to  provide  for  the  better  security  of 
the  lives  of  passengers  on  board  vessels  propelled  in  whole  or  in  part 
by  steam." 

The  cause  and  enactment  of  this  measure  may  be  briefly  traced,  to 
give  a  concrete  illustration  of  the  nature  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  most  impor 
tant  work  at  this  time.  Navigation  on  the  waters  of  the  United 
States  had  not  been  properly  regulated,  since  the  advent  of  the  steam 
boat  up  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  appointment  as  the  head  of  the  Committee 
on  Commerce.  An  inadequate  act  was  passed  in  1838.  With  the 
opening  up  of  the  great  West,  followed  by  the  discovery  of  gold  in 
California,  a  feverish  spirit  prevailed  in  the  West  and  Southwest. 
Travel  was  accomplished  under  great  pressure ;  there  was  intense 
rivalry  among  the  steamboat  lines  on  the  Mississippi,  the  Great  Lakes, 
and  the  California  route.  Racing  was  frequent ;  the  management  was 
characterized  by  frightful  recklessness.  There  was  a  long  era  of  apall- 
ing  accidents.  Hundreds  of  steamboats  were  sunk  on  snags,  or  blown 
up,  or  burned  with  a  terrible  loss  of  life  and  property,  where  proper 
navigation  laws  would  have  averted  these  calamities.  The  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  transmitted  to  the  Senate  a  report  on  June  30,  1851, 
which  is  a  horrible  record  of  casualties.  Up  to  1849,  fr°m  the  com 
mencement  of  navigation  by  steam  in  the  United  States,  there  were 
1865  steamers  built  in  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  on  the  Gulf.  Of  that 
number  736  were  destroyed,  419  by  snags,  104  by  fire,  82  by  boiler 
explosions,  and  the  rest  by  bursting  of  pipes,  collapsing  of  flues,  and 
collision.  The  selfishness  of  owners,  reckless  and  incompetent  man 
agement,  lack  of  equipment,  and  inadequate  navigation  laws  were  the 
chief  causes.  In  1851  the  steamer  C.  P.  Griffith  took  fire  on  Lake 
Erie,  and  over  two  hundred  people  were  lost,  although  the  boat  was 
only  a  short  distance  from  shore.  She  had  no  lifeboats  !  The  record 
presented  is  chiefly  of  local  accidents,  but  enough  has  been  given  to 
show  the  conditions  of  travel  on  water  in  this  period. 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  became  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Com 
merce,  steamboat  travel  was  one  of  the  first  subjects  to  which  he  gave 
his  attention.  He  set  the  machinery  in  motion  as  soon  as  possible  to 
effect  a  radical  and  lasting  reform.  Mr.  Davis  cooperated  with  him. 
Together  they  personally  consulted  hundreds  of  navigators,  steamship 
owners,  scientists,  and  travelers,  to  seek  the  proper  remedy.  Together 
they  framed  a  bill,  but  Senator  Davis  had  the  honor  of  taking  charge  of 
it,  and  of  managing  the  measure  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  He  made 


226  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  principal  speech  in  favor  of  the  bill,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  supported 
him.  This  bill  struck  the  evils  of  steamship  management  their  death 
blow.  It  compelled  all  owners  of  public  steamboats  to  license  their 
crafts  ;  established  a  board  of  supervising  inspectors  to  examine  appli 
cants  for  the  positions  of  pilot  and  engineer ;  appointed  inspectors  to 
examine  hulls  and  boilers ;  required  all  passenger  steamers  to  be  pro 
vided  with  metallic  lifeboats,  force  pumps,  fire-buckets,  axes ;  forbade 
the  carrying  of  inflammable  material  as  cargo  without  certain  precau 
tions  ;  prescribed  clear  and  inflexible  rules  for  navigation,  to  avoid  col 
lisions  ;  exacted  the  display  of  the  inspector's  certificate  of  examination 
in  a  conspicuous  place,  and  after  many  other  provisions  fixed  heavy 
penalties  for  disregarding  the  statute. 

This  was  one  of  the  most  advanced  reforms  that  the  government 
effected  before  the  civil  war  in  the  interests  of  civilization.  The 
importance  of  the  measure,  the  wide  field  of  inquiry  it  covered,  the 
selfishness  of  shipowners,  the  opposition  of  certain  senators,  and  the 
usual  delay  between  the  Senate  and  the  House  in  coming  to  an  agree 
ment,  were  obstacles  to  a  speedy  action  by  Congress.  Mr.  Hamlin 
and  Mr.  Davis  worked  on  their  bill  the  larger  part  of  two  years  before 
they  could  act.  Mr.  Davis  presented  the  bill  on  July  7,  1852.  It  was 
passed  the  following  month  with  over  one  hundred  amendments  by 
the  House,  which  Mr.  Davis  advised  the  Senate  to  accept,  chiefly  to 
avoid  further  delay.  Stephen  R.  Mallory,  of  Florida,  who  was  after 
wards  secretary  of  the  Confederate  navy,  was  one  of  the  few  senators 
who  opposed  the  bill.  The  reason  he  gave  was  that  the  progress  in 
the  invention  of  machinery  would  in  time  obviate  the  dangers  of  navi 
gation  in  the  United  States.  When  the  bill  was  enacted  a  salutary 
effect  was  soon  felt.  In  1854  Mr.  Hamlin  had  the  act  strength 
ened  by  further  amendments.  The  certificate  of  inspection,  that  the 
traveler  now  finds  in  every  public  passenger  steamboat  in  this  coun 
try,  is  living  testimony  to  the  work  Mr.  Hamlin  and  John  Davis 
accomplished  many  years  ago  to  save  life  and  property,  and  is  a 
reminder  of  the  era  of  terrible  accidents  and  criminal  negligence  long 
happily  past. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  personally  instrumental  in  placing  on  the  statute 
books  a  reformatory  act  of  great  importance  limiting  the  liabilities 
of  shipowners.  The  old  law  bore  heavily  and  unjustly  in  several 
respects  on  shipowners,  and  they  made  loud  complaints  to  Congress. 
An  illustration  may  be  taken  from  Mr.  Hamlin's  speech,  February  26, 
1851.  If  a  ship  lying  at  a  pier  caught  fire  and  communicated  the 
flames  to  a  neighboring  ship,  the  owner  of  the  second  was  held  re 
sponsible  for  the  cargo  on  his  vessel,  if  it  was  consumed.  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  bill  was  framed  on  the  English  law,  and  held  an  owner  harmless 
in  such  a  contingency,  provided,  of  course,  the  loss  did  not  happen 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   WORK   IN   THE   SENATE  227 

through  any  fault  or  neglect  on  his  part.  Another  section  directed 
that  all  gold  dust,  silver  bullion,  jewelry,  and  other  articles  of  value, 
when  laden  on  a  vessel,  should  be  accompanied  by  a  description  in 
writing  to  be  given  to  the  master.  The  owner  was  thus  apprised  of 
the  risks  he  assumed.  A  third  section  provided  that  the  owner  of 
a  vessel  should  be  liable  only  to  the  full  extent  of  his  ownership  in 
the  vessel.  The  fourth  provided  a  remedy  for  those  who  might  sus 
tain  a  loss  where  the  value  of  a  vessel  and  her  freight  for  the  voyage 
should  not  be  sufficient  to  pay  the  whole  amount  of  the  loss.  A  fifth 
prescribed  that  where  A  chartered  his  vessel  to  B,  he  should  not 
be  held  responsible  for  B's  debts.  Another  fixed  a  penalty  of  $1000 
for  the  loading  of  inflammable  materials,  specified  without  informing 
the  master  of  the  vessel  in  writing.  This  is  only  an  outline  of  the 
bill ;  the  particulars  need  not  be  detailed.  It  is  only  necessary  to  say 
that  it  placed  American  shipping  on  a  footing  with  English  shipping. 
The  merchants  of  New  York  city  tendered  Senator  Hamlin  a  public 
banquet  in  recognition  of  his  labors  in  behalf  of  American  shipping 
interests,  but  he  declined  it. 

An  important  act  of  legislation  which  Mr.  Hamlin  conceived,  and 
the  passage  of  which  he  secured,  was  one  providing  for  the  recording 
of  the  conveyances  of  vessels.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  prior  to 
the  enactment  of  this  law  there  was  no  national  uniform  system  of 
recording  the  titles  of  vessels  ;  it  was  subject  to  local  laws.  Much 
confusion  of  titles  arose ;  worse  than  that,  some  sharpers  took  advan 
tage  of  the  condition  of  affairs  to  perpetrate  outrageous  swindles. 
There  were  many  cases  on  record  where  a  man  sold  a  ship  or  vessel 
in  one  State,  took  the  craft  to  another,  and  sold  it  again.  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  long  experience  in  maritime  affairs,  both  as  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Commerce  and  as  shipowner,  were  the  means  of  his 
ascertaining  the  necessity  of  a  reform.  He  drafted  the  bill  without 
suggestion  from  any  one,  and  procured  its  passage  without  opposition. 
It  is  recorded  among  the  acts  of  Congress  in  the  United  States  Stat 
utes  at  Large,  vol.  ix.  p.  440.  It  caused  comparatively  slight  litiga 
tion,  and  was  a  great  benefit  to  marine  interests.  It  became  a  law 
on  July  29,  1 8 so.1 

1  William  Shaw  Lindsay,  elected  member  of  Parliament  from  Tynemouth  in 
1854,  one  of  the  largest  shipowners  in  England,  and  a  well-known  writer  on  mari 
time  subjects,  was  commissioned  by  the  British  government  in  1856  to  visit  the 
United  States  in  the  interest  of  better  maritime  laws.  He  met  Mr.  Hamlin  at 
Hampden,  and  in  speeches  before  the  Philadelphia  Board  of  Trade,  in  1856, 
asserted  that  he  had  met  no  man  on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic  who  understood 
the  commercial  relations  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  and  the 
reformatory  measures  needed,  as  well  as  Governor  Hamlin  did.  In  1860  Mr. 
Lindsay  revisited  the  United  States  when  Mr.  Hamlin  was  candidate  for  Vice- 
President,  and  repeated  his  opinion  in  another  speech. 


228  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Other  bills,  measures,  and  incidents  with  which  Senator  Hamlin 
was  identified  during  this  period  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Commerce  may  be  briefly  grouped.  He  made  several  short  speeches 
in  favor  of  improving  certain  rivers  and  harbors.  He  offered  an 
amendment  to  the  pension  laws,  which  was  adopted.  He  was  in 
strumental  in  having  the  revenue  laws  codified.  Congress  passed  a 
resolution  which  he  introduced  appropriating  $10,000  for  that  pur 
pose.  He  had  charge  of  the  bills  making  appropriations  for  the  con 
struction  of  numerous  custom-houses,  —  at  Cincinnati,  Chicago,  St. 
Louis,  Philadelphia,  New  Orleans,  Mobile,  Wheeling,  Bangor,  Belfast, 
Bath,  Portsmouth,  Galveston,  Georgetown,  Milwaukee,  Norfolk,  and 
many  other  places.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Committee  on 
Printing,  and  these  duties  increased  the  details  of  his  work,  a  record 
of  which  it  would  hardly  be  worth  while  to  present,  though  it  was 
laborious  and  important. 

There  are  several  incidents  to  be  recorded  now  of  a  larger  and 
more  general  interest.  Congress  was  still  engaged  with  the  problem 
of  cheap  postage  when  Mr.  Hamlin  entered  the  Senate.  His  interest 
was  still  strong  in  this  subject.  He  made  a  few  short,  practical 
speeches  on  this  needed  reform,  favoring  a  large  reduction  of  rates. 
It  is  noticeable  that  he  reiterated  his  opposition  to  the  franking  privi 
lege  in  some  remarks  on  January  19,  1849.  His  stated  reason  was 
that  he  believed  that  the  Post-office  Department  should  derive  its 
support  from  its  income,  and  that  none  should  enjoy  the  benefit  of 
the  mail  service  without  contributing  to  its  maintenance.  To  the 
end  of  his  life  Mr.  Hamlin  opposed  franking.  A  story  is  told  that 
illustrates  the  scrupulous  use  he  made  of  the  franking  privilege.  Some 
senators  had  a  rather  loose  idea  of  this  right,  and  thought  it  proper 
for  them  to  frank  a  friend's  letter.  They  looked  on  the  franking 
privilege  as  a  sort  of  free  pass  which  they  might  use  for  the  benefit 
of  their  personal  friends.  One  day  a  wealthy  man,  who  believed  in 
getting  all  that  he  could  without  payipg  for  it,  had  a  little  business 
with  Senator  Hamlin.  After  this  was  settled,  the  man  handed  Mr. 
Hamlin  a  couple  of  letters,  saying,  - 

"  Senator,  I  want  you  to  do  me  a  little  favor.  Just  put  your  name 
on  these  letters,  will  you  ?  " 

Mr.  Hamlin  pulled  out  his  pocket  book,  and  taking  out  some  money, 
said,  — 

"I  will  give  you  the  money,  sir." 

"  Sir,"  replied  the  astonished  man,  "  do  you  mean  to  insult  me  ? " 

"No,  sir,"  said  Senator  Hamlin;  "you  ask  me  to  insult  the  gov 
ernment  by  abusing  a  privilege  which  it  extends  to  me  as  a  senator." 

One  of  the  most  practical  and  beneficial  acts  of  legislation  Mr. 


MR.   HAMLIN'S   WORK   IN  THE   SENATE  229 

Hamlin  was  identified  with  was  the  building  of  the  Pacific  Railroad. 
While  he  was  not  one  of  the  conspicuous  leaders  in  this  enterprise, 
he  was  one  of  the  strongest  friends  the  project  had  in  Congress,  and 
accomplished  a  great  deal  of  work  to  secure  the  necessary  legisla 
tion.  It  will  be  recalled  that  in  his  first  Oregon  speech  in  the  House, 
Mr.  Hamlin  predicted  the  construction  of  a  transcontinental  railway. 
In  1849  Senator  Benton  instituted  the  legislation  to  build  the  road. 
In  1853  Congress  authorized  surveys  of  the  proposed  routes.  Sen 
ator  Hamlin  supported  this  legislation  in  speeches,  newspaper  arti 
cles,  and  by  his  vote.  He  urged  that  the  road  would  bind  the  Union 
closer  together,  open  up  travel,  develop  the  country,  increase  trade, 
and  would  also  be  a  great  safeguard  to  the  nation  as  a  means  of 
military  defense.  The  strict  constructionists  and  advocates  of  the 
extreme  doctrine  of  state  rights  opposed  the  granting  a  government 
subsidy  to  help  build  the  Pacific  Railroad.  Mr.  Hamlin  believed  that 
the  government  had  the  necessary  power.  The  Constitution  gave 
Congress  the  right  to  regulate  commerce  between  the  States.  But 
the  broad,  general  reasons  he  had  were  that  the  United  States  was 
a  nation,  and  the  welfare  of  the  Union  could  be  promoted  by  the  con 
struction  of  a  transcontinental  railroad ;  that  as  the  enterprise  was 
beyond  the  power  of  individuals  to  carry  out,  the  government  ought 
to  act.  The  breaking  out  of  the  civil  war  opened  the  eyes  of  many 
conservative  men  who  had  not  seen  the  necessity  for  calling  on  the 
government  to  lend  its  aid  to  this  plan  to  unite  the  East  and  the 
West. 

Another  circumstance  occurred  at  this  time  which  shows  the  range 
of  Mr.  Hamlin' s  ideas  in  regard  to  national,  commercial,  and  business 
interests.  He  reported  a  bill  from  the  Committee  on  Commerce 
calling  for  certain  appropriations.  One  section  authorized  the  gov 
ernment  to  appropriate  $5000  to  send  a  commission  to  Paraguay 
to  study  the  conditions  of  trade  there  in  order  to  ascertain  how  the 
United  States  might  obtain  a  market  in  that  country.  It  should  be 
explained  that  there  were  circumstances  at  this  particular  time  that 
rendered  it  advisable  for  the  government  to  operate  first  in  Paraguay ; 
Mr.  Hamlin  had  in  mind  the  desirability  of  opening  up  trade  in  South 
America,  and  selected  Paraguay  as  the  starting-point.  But  Mr.  Ham 
lin' s  resolutions  met  with  only  good-natured  ridicule.  One  senator 
declared  that  he  had  never  heard  of  such  a  preposterous  suggestion. 
Mr.  Hamlin  turned  the  tables  on  him  by  reading  an  extract  from 
the  last  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  favoring  the  exten 
sion  of  our  trade  with  South  America,  and  showing  that  England 
was  rapidly  getting  control  of  the  South  American  markets.  But  the 
Senate  thought  Mr.  Hamlin's  resolution  chimerical,  and,  after  the  ex 
penditure  of  considerable  humor,  rejected  it.  Nearly  forty  years  later, 


230  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

when  James  G.  Blaine  proposed  his  plan  of  reciprocity,  there  was  a 
large  party  that  laughed  at  it  at  his  expense.  Yet  England  controls 
South  American  trade  to-day,  and  possibly  the  British  merchants 
have  their  own  idea  of  American  humor. 

Frequent  complaints  were  heard  from  time  to  time  that  American 
seamen  who  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Japan  had  been  im 
prisoned  and  barbarously  treated  by  the  natives.  Mr.  Hamlin  inves 
tigated  these  charges.  At  the  same  time  his  attention  was  drawn 
to  the  possibilities  of  trade  which  the  United  States  might  build  up 
with  Oriental  nations.  On  February  21,  1850,  he  introduced  a  reso 
lution  calling  on  the  Secretary  of  State  for  whatever  information  he 
might  possess  covering  these  points,  and  also  requesting  him  to  report 
on  the  advisability  of  appointing  a  commissioner  or  diplomatic  agent 
to  open  up  amicable  relations  and  negotiate  commercial  treaties  with 
these  nations.  These  resolutions  were  adopted  by  the  Senate  on 
March  21,  1850.  Negotiations  were  begun  with  Japan,  and  in  1854 
Commodore  M.  C.  Perry  signed  an  amicable  treaty  with  the  Japanese 
government.  The  incident  created  great  interest.  These  are  only 
the  dry  facts. 

In  the  summer  of  1852  there  was  again  trouble  between  American 
and  Canadian  fishermen  along  the  coast  of  the  British  provinces. 
This  time  there  was  a  war  scare.  The  English  government  sent  a 
fleet  of  a  dozen  or  more  men-of-war  to  the  scene  of  contention.  Com 
modore  M.  C.  Perry  was  dispatched  to  the  same  place,  and  once  more 
the  question  of  our  rights  in  the  North  American  fisheries  was  under 
discussion.  Senator  Hamlin  was  peculiarly  interested  in  this  ques 
tion,  and  he  made,  on  August  3  and  5,  1852,  the  most  extensive  and 
comprehensive  speech  he  had  delivered  after  he  became  a  working 
senator.  It  is  of  historical  value  since  it  deals  minutely  with  a  sub 
ject  that  has  caused  so  much  friction.  While  it  need  not  be  reviewed, 
the  nature  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  argument  may  be  indicated.  He  demon 
strated  that  Great  Britain  had  acknowledged  by  treaty  and  acts  of 
acquiescence  that  American  fishermen  had  the  right  to  take  fish 
within  the  three-mile  limit  along  the  coast  of  the  British  provinces. 
He  urged  the  government  to  protect  the  fishermen  in  their  rights, 
and  showed  how  the  fisheries  had  developed  the  American  navy. 
His  citation  of  facts  left  no  room  for  doubt  as  to  our  rights,  and  his 
speech  was  accepted  by  the  Senate  as  authoritative.  Those  who 
care  to  investigate  the  subject  further  will  find  this  speech  of  histor 
ical  authority,  and  also  a  striking  example  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  peculiar 
powers  of  statement.  He  convinced  the  Senate,  and  at  the  same 
time  provided  the  fishermen  themselves  with  arguments  that  they 
could  use  with  understanding.  Pierre  Soule,  one  of  the  most  eloquent 
members  of  the  Senate,  pronounced  this  "  a  remarkable  speech." 


MR.   HAMLIN'S   WORK   IN   THE   SENATE  231 

Nothing  serious  came  from  the  dispute  over  the  fisheries.  Webster, 
who  was  still  secretary  of  state,  and  dying,  spent  some  of  his  last 
hours  in  smoothing  over  the  trouble  with  Mr.  Crampton,  the  British 
minister  at  Washington.  The  reciprocity  treaty  of  1854  was  the  out 
come  of  this. 

But  this  period  of  quietude  was  now  drawing  to  a  close  ;  the  slavery 
issue  was  beginning  to  loom  up  again.  The  adoption  of  the  compro 
mise  measures  had  the  effect  of  increasing  the  small  anti-slavery  party 
in  the  Senate  by  two  important  additions,  —  Charles  Sumner,  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  and  Benjamin  F.  Wade,  of  Ohio.  There  could  hardly  be 
a  greater  contrast  between  two  leaders.  Sumner  was  the  scholar  in 
politics,  and  excelled  as  an  orator.  He  represented  the  most  enlight 
ened  State  in  the  Union,  and  his  supporters  encouraged  him  to  give 
all  his  time  to  the  slavery  issue.  This  was  a  great  advantage  to  Mr. 
Sumner.  He  was  practically  excused  from  the  routine  duties  of  a 
senator,  and  was  also  relieved  from  the  worry  of  managing  his  own 
campaigns  in  Massachusetts.  He  was  the  Bay  State's  selected  cham 
pion  in  the  anti-slavery  fight.  Wade,  who  was  also  a  Massachusetts 
man  by  birth,  was  the  antithesis  of  Sumner.  He  was  self-made,  raised 
up  from  the  ranks,  a  bluff,  emphatic,  aggressively  honest  man  of  great 
but  undisciplined  powers.  It  is  related  that  he  once  began  a  speech 
by  saying  :  "  Mr.  President,  them  resolutions."  But  the  tremendous 
blows  which  he  dealt  in  debate  made  him  feared  by  his  better  edu 
cated  opponents.  He  was  a  "rough  jewel."  Mr.  Hamlin  enjoyed 
pleasant  personal  relations  with  Sumner  at  this  time,  but  of  Wade  it 
may  be  said  that  few  men  were  ever  closer  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  heart  than 
"bluff  "  Ben  Wade,  of  Ohio,  one  of  the  bravest  of  men. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  now  beginning  to  make  serious  trouble, 
and  the  Senate  had  occasional  reminders  of  the  indignation  the  mea 
sure  provoked  at  the  North.  Senator  Hamlin  early  came  to  the  con 
clusion  that  this  law  would  eventually  work  out  its  own  destruction. 
He  realized  as  Grant  did  when  the  latter  said,  "The  way  to  abolish  a 
bad  law  is  to  enforce  it."  Yet  Mr.  Hamlin  strongly  favored  action. 
With  the  Senate  in  the  hands  of  the  pro-slavery  party,  it  was  hope 
less  now  to  agitate  a  complete  repeal.  President  Fillmore,  Edward 
Everett,  secretary  of  state,  Rufus  Choate,  General  Cass,  Stephen 
A.  Douglas,  and  scores  of  other  prominent  Northern  statesmen  were 
opposed  to  further  agitation.  But  Mr.  Hamlin  hoped  that  Northern 
sentiment  would  eventually  crystallize  against  this  law,  and  compel 
its  statesmen  to  change  their  course.  In  the  mean  time  he  thought 
the  most  practical  step  to  be  taken  was  to  favor  trial  by  jury.  No 
more  arbitrary  or  despotic  law  was  ever  placed  on  the  statute  books 
of  a  republic  than  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  It  vested  complete  power 
in  a  United  States  commissioner  to  decide  the  liberty  of  a  colored 


232  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

person.  There  was  no  appeal  from  his  decision.  He  even  received 
twice  the  fee  for  consigning  a  colored  man  to  slavery  than  for  dis 
missing  his  case.  No  one  knows  how  many  freed  men  and  women 
were  sworn  into  slavery  by  perjurers  and  kidnappers.  This  was 
why  Mr.  Hamlin  favored  trial  by  jury  as*  the  first  act  of  remedial 
legislation. 

During  the  first  few  years  Sumner  was  in  the  Senate,  prior  to  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  he  was  rather  quiet,  while  familiar 
izing  himself  with  his  position.  But  he  made  several  moves  at  this 
time  which  were  precursors  of  his  notable  course  in  subsequent  years. 
One  of  the  first  things  Sumner  did  of  importance  after  entering  the 
Senate  was  to  offer,  on  May  26,  1852,  a  petition  from  the  Society  of 
Friends  of  New  England  praying  for  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law.  The  pro-slavery  men  were  more  tolerant  and  courteous  than 
their  predecessors  were  in  the  days  of  the  gag-law.  Mr.  Mangum  and 
Mr.  Badger,  for  example,  expressed  the  desire  that  the  petition  should 
be  received,  although  announcing  their  intention  of  voting  to  table  it. 
The  petition  was  received  by  a  unanimous  vote,  but  it  was  promptly 
tabled  by  a  vote  of  40  to  IO.1  The  ten  who  voted  to  take  up  the 
petition  were  Messrs.  Hamlin,  Sumner,  Borland,  Chase,  Wade,  Hale, 
Seward,  Davis,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Walker  and  Dodge,  of  Wiscon 
sin.  But  this  vote  did  not  entirely  represent  the  anti-slavery  senti 
ment  in  the  Senate.  Among  the  forty  who  opposed  the  petition  were 
Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York,  whose  public  career  is  without  a  blot ; 
Alpheus  Felch,  a  pure  and  able  senator  from  Michigan,  who  was  a 
decided  opponent  of  slavery,  and  William  Upham,  an  anti-slavery  man 
from  Vermont.  The  difference  between  these  men  and  their  anti- 
slavery  colleagues  was  that  between  conservatism  and  radicalism,  or, 
fairer  still,  a  matter  of  judgment.  They  were  averse  to  reopening 
the  agitation.  They  did  not  think  the  time  had  come  for  that,  and 
that  is  the  whole  story. 

On  July  27,  1852,  Sumner  introduced  a  bill  calling  on  the  Judi 
ciary  Committee  to  consider  the  expediency  of  reporting  a  bill  to 
repeal  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  This  was  rejected  the  next  day,  after 
a  short  debate,  by  a  vote  of  32  to  io.2  Mr.  Hamlin  was  one  of  the 
ten  who  supported  Sumner's  bill.  But  this  was  only  fencing.  The 
narrative  now  turns  back  to  a  marked  epoch  in  the  history  of  Maine, 
—  the  senatorial  election  of  1850.  Many  details  have  been  omitted 
from  this  record  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  work,  in  order  that  the  story  of 
events  might  not  be  too  long  delayed.  But  it  is  well  to  close  this 
chapter  by  adding  the  facts,  that  during  the  seven  years  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Commerce,  he  personally  exam- 

1  Congressional  Globe,  May  26,  1852,  p.  1475. 

2  Ibid.,  July  28,  p.  1953. 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   WORK   IN   THE   SENATE  233 

ined  all  bills  and  measures  brought  before  it,  answered  all  important 
communications  to  him  in  his  own  writing,  while  he  was  in  the  Senate, 
and  finally  made  no  distinction  between  his  constituents  on  account 
of  politics  in  discharging  his  duties  as  senator.  This  was  his  concep 
tion  of  his  duties  as  a  business  senator,  although  he  was  always  a 
strong  partisan. 


CHAPTER   XXI 

HAMLIN'S  HARDEST  CONTEST  WITH  THE  SLAVE  POWER 

THE  fierce  quarrel  over  the  omnibus  bill  in  Congress  widened  the 
split  in  both  parties  on  the  slavery  issue  ;  at  the  same  time,  it  nerved 
Mr.  Hamlin's  pro-slavery  opponents  in  Maine  to  make  a  supreme 
effort  to  prevent  his  reelection  to  the  Senate  in  the  summer  of  1850. 
This  was  the  severest  struggle  that  Mr.  Hamlin  ever  had  with  the 
slave  party  ;  and  there  is  no  incident  in  his  life  which  so  clearly  reveals 
the  peculiarly  perplexing  and  practical  difficulties  that  beset  him  as 
an  anti-slavery  leader.  Again  Mr.  Hamlin  Jiad  the  people  of  his 
party  with  him,  and  the  politicians  against  him.  Two  thirds  of  the 
party  favored  Mr.  Hamlin's  return  to  the  Senate ;  in  fact,  he  was 
renominated  in  the  legislative  caucus  by  two  thirds  of  the  Demo 
cratic  members  ;  but  by  the  accidents  of  politics,  the  balance  of 
power  in  this  election  was  held  for  two  months  by  a  small  number 
of  pro-slavery  men,  who  did  their  utmost  to  defeat  Mr.  Hamlin. 
They  did,  however,  make  several  offers  of  compromise,  and  promised 
to  elect  Mr.  Hamlin  if  he  would  consent  to  the  rescinding  of  resolu 
tions  he  had  caused  the  previous  legislature  to  pass,  instructing  the 
Maine  congressmen  to  oppose  all  measures  extending  slavery  into 
free  territory.  This  would  have  allowed  Senator  Hamlin  to  continue 
his  opposition  to  slavery  ;  but  it  would  have  freed  Senator  Bradbury 
and  two  Hunker  representatives,  Thomas  J.  D.  Fuller  and  Moses 
McDonald,  from  all  restraint.  Mr.  Hamlin  refused  to  listen  to  these 
terms  ;  he  was  contending  for  his  principles  and  the  honor  of  Maine. 
In  the  end,  he  was  elected  by  the  aid  of  a  few  Free-Soilers,  who  came 
to  his  help  in  a  dramatic  way  at  a  critical  moment.  This  was  one  of 
the  hardest  blows  the  pro-slavery  machine  in  Maine  received  before 
it  was  wiped  out  of  existence  by  the  civil  war. 

Discouraging  conditions  existed  at  the  outset.  The  pro-slavery 
machine  was  at  the  height  of  its  power,  and  in  consequence  of  the 
action  of  its  leaders,  the  Democratic  party  was  steadily  losing  ground 
in  Maine.  This  machine  had  a  leader  in  the  governor's  chair, 
Mr.  Dana ;  two  men  in  Congress,  Fuller  and  McDonald  ;  a  quasi 
friend  in  Senator  Bradbury ;  half  a  dozen  able  men  in  the  state  Sen 
ate  ;  twenty-five  in  the  House.  It  had  adherents  and  henchmen  by 
the  score  in  minor  state  offices  who  were  appointed  by  Governor 


i^^^T* 

^p>_.  ^^^***"*^!+i* 


ANTE-BELLUM  MAINE  LEADERS. 


HAMLIN'S   CONTEST   WITH   THE   SLAVE   POWER      235 

Dana.  Among  its  prominent  leaders  were  Nathan  Clifford,  who 
had  just  retired  from  President  Polk's  Cabinet,  and  was  anxiously 
seeking  a  return  to  official  life  ;  George  F.  Shepley,  who  was  after 
wards  judge  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  and  was  now  recog 
nized  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant  lawyers  in  New  England ;  Bion 
Bradbury,  who  was  the  suavest  and  craftiest  wire-puller  the  Demo 
cratic  party  of  Maine  ever  produced ;  Wyman  B.  S.  Moor,  who  had 
been  attorney-general  of  Maine  four  times  ;  Shepard  Cary,  who  had 
been  in  Congress  and  was  now  in  the  state  Senate  ;  Virgil  D.  Parris, 
another  former  congressman;  Benjamin  Wiggin,  who  was  in  the 
governor's  council ;  George  W.  Stanley,  a  leading  banker  of  the 
State,  a  power  in  Kennebec  County  ;  and  many  others  who  were  well 
known  in  their  day.  They  comprised  a  group  of  strong  and  resource 
ful  politicians. 

Mr.  Hamlin  and  his  friends  had  two  things  to  do  to  secure  his 
reelection  :  one  was  to  wrest  the  control  of  the  party  machine  away 
from  the  pro-slavery  wing,  and  the  other  was  to  carry  the  State  for 
the  Democracy.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  the  kind  of  men  who 
were  Mr.  Hamlin's  most  active  followers  in  this  campaign.  There 
were  few  office-seekers  among  them,  and  not  many  practiced  politi 
cians.  They  did  not  have  a  tithe  of  the  titles  the  pro-slavery  men 
enjoyed.  Outside  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  lieutenants,  they  were  mostly 
plain  men  from  the  people.  The  one  on  whom  Mr.  Hamlin  depended 
most  in  this  campaign  was  William  P.  Haines,  of  Saco,  who  at  this 
time  was  one  of  the  leading  business  men  of  Maine,  and  was  largely 
instrumental  in  developing  the  textile  manufacturing  interests  of  his 
part  of  the  State.  He  was  a  strong,  sagacious,  upright,  modest  man, 
a  gentleman,  and  a  scholar.  Mr.  Hamlin  wanted  Mr.  Haines  for  his 
colleague  in  the  Senate ;  but  he  preferred  private  life,  though  he 
gave  his  time  ungrudgingly  for  his  party's  good.  Ezra  B.  French,  of 
Damariscotta,  was  another  man  whom  Mr.  Hamlin  highly  esteemed. 
He  was  Maine's  secretary  of  state  for  four  years,  was  one  of  the  first 
Republicans  Maine  sent  to  Congress,  and  was  appointed  second  audi 
tor  of  the  United  States  Treasury  by  President  Lincoln,  at  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  request.  George  P.  Sewall,  an  able  lawyer  and  wit,  of  Old  Town, 
was  the  practical  politician.  Judge  R.  D.  Rice,  of  Augusta,  who 
served  nearly  twelve  years  on  the  Supreme  Bench  of  Maine  with  honor 
to  the  State  and  credit  to  himself  ;  General  Samuel  F.  Hersey,  a 
leading  lumberman  of  Maine  ;  William  T.  Johnson,  editor  of  the 
"  Augusta  Age  ;"  Joseph  Bartlett,  editor  of  the  "  Bangor  Jefferso- 
nian  ; "  Leander  Valentine,  of  Westbrook  ;  Charles  J.  Talbot,1  of  Wil- 

1  One  result  of  this  contest  was  the  cementing  of  a  lifelong  friendship  between 
Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Talbot,  who  was  a  pure,  unselfish,  and  large-minded  man  of 
uncommon  ability  and  character.  He  was  probably  closer  to  Mr.  Hamlin  than 


236  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

ton  ;  George  H.  Shirley,  of  Portland  ;  John  S.  Chadwick,  of  Bangor ; 
General  John  J.  Perry  and  George  F.  Emery,  of  Oxford  County; 
Samuel  Peters  Brown,  of  Bluehill ;  Isaac  Dyer,  of  Baldwin  ;  John 
Gardner,  of  Patten,  and  others,  were  also  loyal  supporters  of  Mr. 
Hamlin.  % 

The  first  move  Mr.  Hamlin  made  was  to  select  his  candidate  for 
governor.  A  man  was  needed  who  would  unite  both  wings  of  the 
party,  and  bring  back  five  thousand  Democrats  who  had  voted  the 
Free-Soil  ticket  the  year  before.  He  decided  on  Dr.  John  Hubbard, 
an  eminent  physician  of  Hallowell,  who  was  a  man  he  regarded  of 
"popular  possibilities."  Dr.  Hubbard  was  bluff,  honest,  kind-hearted, 
sturdy,  of  considerable  political  ability,  and  had  an  immense  practice. 
He  was  nominated  after  a  sharp  fight  in  a  convention  of  over  six  hun 
dred  delegates,  and  elected  over  Elijah  L.  Hamlin,  the  Whig  candi 
date,  and  the  senator's  brother,  by  a  substantial  majority.  The 
Democrats  also  carried  the  legislature  by  a  good  vote,  with  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  friends  largely  in  the  ascendency ;  in  fact,  more  than  two  thirds 
of  the  Democrats  elected  had  been  instructed  by  their  constituents 
to  vote  for  Mr.  Hamlin's  renomination.  Thus,  with  the  Hunkers 
beaten  in  the  state  convention  and  in  the  legislative  caucus,  and  with 
the  anti-slavery  men  in  control  of  the  state  government  and  legisla 
ture,  Mr.  Hamlin's  success  seemed  assured  without  further  trouble. 

But  it  is  the  unexpected  that  happens  in  politics.  Shortly  after 
the  personnel  of  the  legislature  had  been  determined,  the  Hunkers 
discovered  a  desperate  chance  of  blocking  Mr.  Hamlin's  election. 
They  hoped  that  they  could  create  a  peculiar  contingency  out  of 
certain  conditions  that  existed  in  the  state  Senate.  The  Senate 
was  entitled  to  thirty-one  members,  and  it  appeared  before  its  or 
ganization  that  there  would  be  twenty-one  Democrats  and  ten  Whigs. 
The  Hunker  opportunity  arose  from  the  fact  that  there  had  been 
several  failures  to  elect,  and  the  legislature  was  required  to  fill  the 
vacancies.  Now  the  Hunkers  figured  that  if  they  could  elect  a  pro- 
slavery  man  to  fill  one  of  these  vacancies,  they  might  be  able  to  hold 
up  the  Senate.  Of  the  Democrats  in  that  body,  eleven  were  known  to 
be  warm  friends  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  ;  five,  who  had  been  elected  or  were 
certain  of  getting  their  seats,  were  privately  determined  to  bolt  him  ; 
four  more  were  very  doubtful,  though  they  were  inclined  to  stand  by 
the  party  nominee.  The  eleven  senators  who  were  Mr.  Hamlin's 
friends  were  a  majority  of  the  Democrats;  but  although  these  were 
sufficient  to  give  him  a  regular  party  nomination  in  the  Senate,  they 
could  not  elect  him,  sixteen  votes  being  necessary  for  a  choice.  The 

any  other  political  associate  in  Maine.  George  H.  Shirley,  of  the  same  pure 
type,  is  another  brave  anti-slavery  fighter  who  was  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  most 
devoted  and  affectionate  friends  for  life.  See  Neal  Dow's  Reminiscences. 


HAMLIN'S   CONTEST  WITH   THE   SLAVE   POWER      237 

plan  the  Hunkers  concocted  involved  an  unscrupulous  violation  of 
party  pledges  and  usages.  One  feature  included  a  secret  bargain  with 
the  Whigs  to  elect  George  F.  Shepley  to  fill  one  of  the  vacancies  in 
the  Senate  ;  another  was  a  scheme  to  lead  the  doubtful  senators  off 
on  a  collateral  issue.  If  this  plotting  succeeded,  Mr.  Hamlin's  elec 
tion  in  the  Senate  would  fail  by  one  vote,  unless  the  Free-Soil  mem 
bers  came  to  his  aid,  and  steps  were  taken  to  meet  this  contingency. 

This  conspiracy  was  set  on  foot  soon  after  the  fall  election  of  1849. 
As  the  legislature  did  not  convene  until  the  following  May,  the 
Hunkers  had  ample  time  to  work  every  wire  within  their  clutches. 
They  were  of  course  too  adroit  to  give  any  hint  of  the  purpose  until 
they  had  carefully  canvassed  the  situation,  and  sounded  every  pro- 
slavery  Democrat  of  influence  in  Maine.  But  all  this  time  the  Hun 
kers  were  asserting  in  public  their  intention  of  contesting  Mr.  Hamlin's 
renomination  in  the  regular  party  caucus.  This  was  to  divert  atten 
tion  from  their  underground  scheming.  There  was  a  comic  side  to 
the  Hunkers'  proceedings.  In  public  they  demanded  Mr.  Hamlin's 
defeat,  on  the  allegation  that  he  was  an  "  unsafe  party  man  "  and  an 
"unsound  Democrat ;  "  yet  in  private  they  were  preparing  to  violate 
the  fundamental  principle  of  the  Democratic  party,  that  the  will  of 
the  majority  should  be  respected.  They  shut  their  eyes  to  the  incon 
sistency  of  their  course;  it  was  "anything  to  beat  Hamlin." 

But  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  were  not  to  be  deceived.  They  knew  the 
temper  and  the  disposition  of  their  opponents,  and  they  watched  the 
Hunker  camp  day  and  night.  There  were  mysterious  conferences  in 
the  governor's  rooms  at  Augusta,  between  Mr.  Dana  and  the  leaders 
of  the  pro-slavery  wing.  The  Hunker  rank  and  file  were  in  a  hubbub 
of  excitement.  The  real  Wild-Cat  element  began  to  show  its  claws. 
This  crowd  was  composed  of  men  who,  happily  for  Maine,  were  few  in 
number,  although  they  were  cunning  and  reckless.  They  would  have 
been  slaveholders  had  they  lived  in  the  South.  They  instinctively 
opposed  an  honest  man  ;  they  could  not  understand  such  a  man.  Dur 
ing  the  war  of  the  rebellion,  they  were  copperheads  of  the  most  viru 
lent  type.  They  were  perniciously  alive  in  this  contest,  and  their 
conduct  reflected  the  actual  hatred  that  the  pro-slavery  machine  had 
for  Senator  Hamlin.  They  waged  a  campaign  of  slander ;  they  sought 
to  arouse  racial  prejudice.  A  favorite  trick  was  to  coin  catch  phrases 
and  pass  them  around  the  State.  One  was,  "  The  niggers  love  Ham 
lin  ;  "  another  was,  "  Hamlin  loves  the  niggers."  One  wretch  whom 
his  unsavory  crowd  managed  to  get  into  Congress  for  a  short  time 
capped  the  climax  of  slander  against  Mr.  Hamlin,  inventing  a  story 
which  he  told  in  a  cunning  way,  so  as  to  make  it  appear  that  Mr. 
Hamlin  had  negro  blood  in  him. 

A  campaign  of  falsehood  against  an  honest  man  never  failed  to  react 


238  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

on  its  authors.  In  this  instance,  the  tactics  of  the  Wild-Cats  made  the 
anti-slavery  men  all  the  more  watchful.  They  cherished  Mr.  Hamlin's 
interests  as  they  would  their  own.  Their  devotion  to  him  is  the  touch 
ing  feature  of  this  contest.  They  might  be  outwitted  in  skirmishes 
and  be  drawn  into  ambuscades,  but  in  fightfrig  in  the  open,  when  prin 
ciple,  courage,  and  honesty  were  the  heaviest  guns,  they  won.  Through 
the  alertness  of  his  friends,  Mr.  Hamlin  quickly  ascertained  the  for 
mation  of  a  plot  to  cheat  him  out  of  a  reelection,  even  if  he  should  be 
renominated  in  his  party's  regular  caucus.  It  appears  that  the  Hun 
kers  overreached  themselves  in  their  desire  to  pledge  a  member  of  the 
House  to  join  in  their  contemplated  bolt.  Secretary  French  had  sus 
pected  that  the  Hunkers  were  brewing  mischief  at  their  mysterious 
conferences  with  Governor  Dana.  He  obtained  proof  of  his  suspicions. 
A  representative  named  Small,  of  Newry,  told  Mr.  French  that  Bion 
Bradbury  had  informed  him  that  the  Hunkers  would  not  support  Mr. 
Hamlin,  and  if  necessary  to  defeat  him  would  remain  out  of  the  party 
caucus,  so  as  to  escape  being  bound  by  its  action.  Mr.  French  warned 
Mr.  Hamlin  in  December,  1849,  an^  added  these  prophetic  words  to  his 
letter :  — 

"  Desperate  and  reckless,  they  (the  pro-slavery  men)  will  make  a 
push  for  power  under  Dana  such  has  never  been  seen  in  this  State. . . . 
I  have  no  hope  in  their  prudence;  it  is  rather  in  their  recklessness  and 
imprudence  which  will  excite  indignation,  and  justify  bold  retaliatory 
measures,  that  I  see  hopes  of  health  and  success  to  the  party." 

Mr.  French  was  right.  With  all  the  zeal  of  a  newly  made  convert, 
Governor  Dana  lent  the  aid  of  his  office  to  the  schemes  of  his  faction 
to  strengthen  the  pro-slavery  machine  in  its  tricky  fight  against  Mr. 
Hamlin.  Few  men  who  have  occupied  the  governor's  chair  in  Maine 
ever  prostituted  the  power  of  their  office  to  a  baser  purpose,  or  more 
willfully  violated  the  sentiment  of  the  State,  than  Mr.  Dana  did  in  this 
fight  between  the  anti-slavery  and  pro-slavery  Democracy.  This  was 
a  great  pity,  for  in  his  private  life  Mr.  Dana  was  an  upright  man,  of 
whom  better  things  had  been  expected.  But  he  worshiped  the  politi 
cian's  god,  —  party  action,  —  and  fell.  In  spite  of  his  professed  belief 
in  the  rule  of  the  majority,  the  rights  of  the  States,  the  sentiment  of 
Maine,  the  warnings  and  protests  of  the  majority  of  his  party,  Gov 
ernor  Dana's  last  important  act  before  retiring  from  office  was  to 
fill  all  the  offices  at  his  disposal,  which  were  a  large  number  and  im 
portant,  with  bitter  and  avowed  supporters  of  the  doctrine  of  slavery 
extension. 

This  act,  in  a  strong  anti-slavery  State  at  this  crisis,  carries  its  own 
condemnation.  The  feelings  of  the  anti-slavery  Democracy  may  be 
more  easily  imagined  than  described.  It  infuriated  them  to  see  the 
power  of  the  state  government  employed  to  thwart  the  wishes  of 


HAMLIN'S   CONTEST  WITH   THE   SLAVE  POWER      239 

the  vast  majority ;  they  felt  as  if  circumstances  were  conspiring  to  tie 
them  hand  and  foot.  But  without  going  further  into  the  details  of 
Governor  Dana's  acts,  their  importance  may  be  readily  gathered  from 
the  following  terse  letter  of  comment  that  Senator  Hamlin  wrote  Mr. 
Haines,  January  n,  1850:  — 

"  I  have  seen  the  appointments  to  which  you  allude.  I  did  not 
doubt,  nor  do  I  now,  that  they  are  made  mainly  to  injure  me.  ...  I 
know  the  desperation  with  which  I  am  to  be  fought,  and  while  I  am 
not  at  all  nervous,  yet,  of  course,  I  have  some  anxiety.  I  fear  the  use 
of  money  against  me.  Yet  with  prudence  and  proper  effort  all  will 
be  well.  The  acts  of  Governor  Dana  will  react  with  terrible  force." 

There  were  other  reasons  why  Mr.  Hamlin  felt  himself  master  of 
the  situation.  This  involves  a  short  explanation  of  his  political 
methods.  When  he  went  into  a  political  fight,  in  which  his  own 
fortunes  were  at  stake,  he  usually  formulated  a  plan  of  action  and 
selected  his  lieutenants.  He  assigned  to  each  a  specific  line  of  work, 
but  always  kept  to  himself  the  plan  in  its  entirety.  The  reason  of 
this  is  easily  understood  when  it  is  remembered  that  it  was  Mr. 
Hamlin's  nature  to  command  and  to  adopt  the  simplest  methods  to 
obtain  a  result.  He  trusted  and  believed  in  his  friends,  but  he  feared 
accidents  and  confusion.  Now,  while  Mr.  Haines,  Mr.  French,  Mr. 
Sewall,  and  other  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  lieutenants  were  each  following 
up  certain  details,  Mr.  Hamlin  had  men,  unknown  to  his  chief  sup 
porters,  at  work  in  other  parts  of  the  State  carrying  out  other  direc 
tions.  The  business  intrusted  to  Mr.  Haines  and  his  associates  was 
to  help  Mr.  Hamlin  keep  his  forces  intact ;  the  task  devolving  on  the 
second  group  of  lieutenants  was  to  assist  Mr.  Hamlin  in  dividing  his 
opponents  and  upsetting  their  plans. 

This  programme  was  well  carried  out,  and  with  results  that  were 
not  without  an  amusing  side.  In  the  beginning  of  this  campaign,  the 
Hunkers  had  intended  to  make  a  fight  in  the  caucus  against  Mr. 
Hamlin ;  and  they  thought  of  a  bolt  as  a  last  desperate  expedient. 
They  encouraged  Mr.  Dana  to  enter  the  lists,  hoping  that  by  an 
energetic  use  of  the  patronage  he  might  weaken  Mr.  Hamlin's  forces 
and  perhaps  beat  him.  This  was  good  Hunker  argument.  But  as 
the  campaign  waxed  hot,  the  Hunkers  found  their  chance  of  defeat 
ing  Mr.  Hamlin  in  the  caucus  melting  away ;  it  was  ascertained  that 
Dana  could  not  carry  his  own  county,  Oxford,  and  he  was  therefore 
dropped.  At  this  juncture  the  pro-slavery  leaders  decided  to  bring 
forward  Bion  Bradbury  as  their  candidate.  He  was  willing,  and 
forthwith  began  to  travel  all  over  Maine,  organizing  his  own  cam 
paign.  There  was  no  secret  about  it ;  the  Hunker  leaders  backed 
Bradbury,  and  his  friends  made  great  claims  for  him.  This  was  the 
situation  several  months  before  the  legislature  convened. 


24o  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Although  Bradbury  had  small  chance  of  success,  he  evinced,  in  so 
marked  a  degree,  a  talent  for  organization,  and  an  ability  for  pulling 
wires,  that  Mr.  Hamlin  quickly  recognized  in  him  a  dangerous  oppo 
nent.  If  Bion  Bradbury  had  lived  in  New  York  city,  where  his 
peculiarly  adroit  political  ability  would  have  found  a  suitable  field,  he 
doubtless  might  have  attained  great  prominence  as  a  political  leader. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  National  Executive  Committee  of  the  De 
mocratic  party  for  many  years,  and  exercised  no  mean  influence  in 
its  councils,  though  he  was  but  little  known  outside  of  Maine.  Mr. 
Hamlin  took  measures  to  head  Bradbury  off.  It  appears  that  in 
selecting  Bradbury  for  their  candidate,  the  Hunker  leaders  had 
omitted  to  consult  their  rank  and  file.  Mr.  Hamlin  took  advantage 
of  this  ;  Mr.  Bradbury,  who  was  still  young  in  politics,  overlooked  the 
circumstance.  While  he  was  spending  time  and  money  in  traveling 
over  Maine,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  quietly  laying  plans  to  trip  him  up.  For 
example,  Mr.  Hamlin  intimated  to  a  confidential  friend  in  Cumberland 
County  that  he  would  like  to  have  it  suggested  to  the  Hunkers  there 
that  John  Anderson,  of  that  county,  ought  to  have  the  support  of  his 
own  district.  This  pleased  the  friends  of  Mr.  Anderson,  who,  by  the 
way,  was  a  popular  and  able  man,  and  they  brought  him  forward  as 
their  candidate,  with  results  to  be  noted  later.  Mr.  Hamlin  intro 
duced  clever  tactics  in  other  counties,  and  before  long  the  Hunkers 
had  a  very  interesting  contest  in  their  own  camp  to  settle,  without 
dreaming  how  it  originated. 

Other  incidents  happened  as  the  campaign  progressed  from  stage 
to  stage  that  showed  Mr.  Hamlin's  knowledge  of  men  and  politics. 
During  his  long  career  he  made  very  few  mistakes  in  choosing 
friends.  It  is  true,  too,  that  he  never  forgot  a  friend  who  helped 
him,  or  an  enemy  who  willfully  harmed  him.  In  this  campaign,  Mr. 
Hamlin's  letters  to  his  friends  are  proofs  of  his  shrewd  and  clear 
estimates  of  the  promises  of  men.  There  were  over  one  hundred 
Democrats  in  the  legislature ;  the  canvass  lasted  more  than  ten 
months,  and  during  a  large  part  of  that  time  Mr.  Hamlin's  own  lieu 
tenants  disagreed  as  to  the  number  of  votes  he  would  receive  in  the 
caucus.  In  December,  1849,  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  George  P.  Sewall, 
who  was  to  be  his  manager  in  the  House,  that  the  Hunkers  would 
nominate  John  Anderson,  and  would  cast  not  over  twenty-five  votes 
in  the  House.  Mr.  Sewall,  a  very  clever  politician,  and  on  the  ground, 
too,  dissented  from  these  predictions.  He  said  Bion  Bradbury  would 
be  the  Hunker  nominee,  and  would  poll  more  votes  than  Mr.  Hamlin 
had  figured  that  he  would.  But  Anderson  was  the  Hunkers'  man, 
and  for  two  months  his  vote  in  the  House  averaged  twenty-five.  In 
March,  1850,  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  Mr.  Haines  that  on  the  lowest  esti 
mate  he  would  have  sixty-one  votes  in  the  House  and  eleven  in  the 


HAMLIN'S   CONTEST  WITH   THE   SLAVE   POWER       241 

Senate.  Precisely  the  same  time  Bradbury  claimed  that  he  would 
have  forty-seven  votes  in  the  House,  and  he  boasted  of  this  to  Sewall, 
who  reported  it  to  Mr.  Hamlin.  Commenting  on  this,  in  a  letter  to 
Mr.  Haines,  Mr.  Hamlin  said :  "  The  Dana  clique  know  absolutely 
nothing  about  the  senatorial  question.  They  cannot  beat  me."  Be 
tween  March  and  May,  when  the  caucus  was  held,  Mr.  Hamlin  gained 
some  votes.  He  then  announced  that  he  would  have  sixty-seven  votes 
in  the  House  and  eleven  in  the  Senate.  This  was  the  exact  vote  by 
which  he  was  nominated.  Mr.  Hamlin's  private  correspondence  shows 
that  during  the  entire  canvass  he  was  in  doubt  about  only  two  Demo 
crats  out  of  the  one  hundred  or  more  in  the  legislature.  After  much 
promising  and  fair  talk  these  men  went  against  him. 

When  the  legislature  at  last  met,  in  May,  1850,  it  was  proved  that 
Mr.  Hamlin's  forces  outnumbered  the  Hunkers  nearly  three  to  one. 
Men  came  forward  and  were  counted.  This  was  a  crushing  blow  to 
the  pro-slavery  machine,  after  the  bluster  its  leaders  had  made  about 
beating  Mr.  Hamlin  in  the  caucus.  But  the  crowning  humiliation 
the  Hunker  leaders  suffered  was  when  they  discovered  that  their  rank 
and  file  had  got  away  from  them,  and  would  not  accept  Bion  Brad 
bury  as  their  candidate,  even  after  his  hard  work  in  organizing  the 
Hunker  campaign  against  Mr.  Hamlin.  The  leaders  were  greatly 
disgusted,  Bradbury  was  very  sore,  while  Mr.  Hamlin  was  secretly 
much  amused.  The  pro-slavery  men  were  indeed  so  confused  over 
this  difficulty  that  they  could  not  agree  on  a  candidate  for  several 
days.  All  they  could  do  at  first  was  to  decide  on  a  bolt,  and  to  stay 
out  of  the  party  caucus.  The  fact  is  the  Hunkers  never  learned  how 
Bion  Bradbury  was  bowled  out  of  the  great  senatorial  contest  of  1850 
and  John  Anderson  brought  forward  in  his  place.  The  story  has 
never  been  told  before.  It  is  possible  that  this  ruse  saved  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  reelection.  Bradbury  was  a  member  of  the  House,  and  had  he 
been  the  Hunkers'  nominee,  it  was  among  the  possibilities  that  he 
might  in  that  capacity  have  prevented  the  legislature  from  electing 
a  senator.  His  cunning,  adroitness,  and  gift  for  intrigue  made  him 
feared ;  his  defeat  lessened  his  prestige.  Mr.  Hamlin's  efforts  to  pull 
Bradbury  out  of  the  field  show  that  he  was  convinced  there  was  a 
necessity  for  it.  The  incident  evidences  how  hard  Mr.  Hamlin  had 
to  fight  in  ante-bellum  days  to  remain  in  the  Senate  as  an  anti-slavery 
man. 

The  long  looked  for  caucus  took  place  on  May  20  ;  Mr.  Hamlin  was 
nominated  in  the  House  by  a  vote  of  67  to  i  for  Dana,  and  in  the 
Senate  by  1 1  to  i  for  Nathan  Clifford.  The  Hunkers  carried  out 
their  threats,  and  refused  to  enter  the  caucus.  They  sent  Shepard 
Cary,  however,  to  the  senate  caucus  to  make  their  official  declaration 


242  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

of  war.  Gary's  speech  was  an  effort  to  read  Mr.  Hamlin  out  of  the 
Democratic  party.  It  was  an  unscrupulous  misrepresentation  and  a 
garbled  version  of  Mr.  Hamlin' s  relations  with  the  Democracy ;  but 
it  is  of  special  interest  as  an  exposition  of  the  curious  ideas  men  of 
Gary's  stamp  had  of  the  anti-slavery  Democratic  leaders.  He  was  a 
bold,  energetic  man,  and  had  a  considerable  following  among  the  rural 
Hunkers  of  Aroostook  County ;  indeed,  he  entertained  ambitions  to 
succeed  Senator  Bradbury.  The  principal  points  in  Gary's  speech 
were  summarized  in  the  "Bangor  Democrat,"  the  pro-slavery  organ 
of  eastern  Maine,  as  a  serious  indictment  against  Mr.  Hamlin  in  the 
following  language :  — 

"  It  was  openly  charged  in  the  caucus  against  Mr.  Hamlin,  that  he  had 
been  the  ally  of  John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  in  treasonable  designs 
against  the  Democratic  party  ;  that  he  had  been  closely  connected  in  sen 
timent,  sympathy,  and  action  with  the  Wilmots  of  Pennsylvania  and  the 
Van  Burens  of  New  York,  who  had  successfully  conspired  against  the 
Democratic  party  of  the  nation  and  defeated  the  election  of  General  Cass ; 
.  .  .  that  he  was  an  opponent  of  the  measures  of  the  last  Democratic 
administration,  and  had  denounced  James  K.  Polk  as  a  '  weak  man,  a  sec 
ond  edition  of  John  Tyler,  not  much  improved ; '  that  he  favored  the  bring 
ing  forward  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  against  General  Cass  as  a  candidate  for 
President ;  that  he  had  approved  the  action  of  the  Buffalo  convention,  and 
though  Mr.  Hamlin  was  in  this  city  (Augusta)  at  the  time,  he  denied  none 
of  these  charges  or  allegations  except  that  relating  to  the  Buffalo  conven 
tion." 

This  indictment  was  a  bold  perversion  of  facts  ;  yet  that  is  not  sur 
prising  considering  the  fact  that  it  was  framed  by  men  who  believed 
both  in  human  slavery  and  party  servitude.  It  was  simply  a  pretext  ; 
it  was  drawn  up  by  men  who  supported  slavery  to  give  their  partisan- 
blinded  followers  formulated  reasons  for  bolting  Mr.  Hamlin.  He 
could  be  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of  party  fetich,  —  party  action.  It  was 
a  solemn  indictment  in  the  eyes  of  men  who  regarded  slavery  as  a 
sacred  institution  and  consecrated  by  the  Constitution  ;  it  stiffened 
the  backbones  of  thirty  odd  Hunkers  who  voted  against  Mr.  Hamlin 
for  two  months  in  this  session  of  the  legislature.  But  the  fact  was, 
Mr.  Hamlin  supported  Cass,  though  against  his  wishes  ;  he  supported 
the  principal  measures  of  the  Polk  administration,  though  not  its 
pro-slavery  policy  ;  he  supported  Levi  Woodbury  against  Van  Buren 
and  Cass  in  the  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1848 ;  he  did  not 
indorse  the  action  of  the  Buffalo  convention.  This  last  story  was 
pure  invention  ;  the  man  who  was  responsible  for  it  showed  a  tele 
gram  from  E.  S.  Hamlin,  a  Whig  of  Ohio,  to  the  Buffalo  conven 
tion,  and  out  of  this  concocted  the  story  about  Senator  Hamlin.  It 
seems  incredible,  in  view  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  character,  his  public  record, 


HAMLIN'S   CONTEST  WITH   THE   SLAVE   POWER      243 

and  the  palpable  falsity  of  these  charges,  that  they  should  have  had 
an  effect  against  him  ;  but  men  who  in  their  hearts  upheld  slavery 
could  not  but  take  a  perverted  view  of  a  man  who  opposed  the  insti 
tution.  That  is  all  that  need  be  said. 

The  Hunkers  now  claimed  that  they  were  the  real  Democracy  and 
that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  an  "unsound  Democrat."  They  ignored  the 
fact  that  their  national  party  had  not  as  yet  authoritatively  accepted 
the  doctrine  of  slavery  extension  in  its  national  conventions  ;  they 
repudiated  the  principle  of  state  rights  in  the  case  of  their  own 
State  ;  they  denied  the  rule  of  the  majority  in  their  own  local  party. 
After  this  inconsistency,  it  was  not  strange  that  in  their  blindness 
they  should  dethrone  their  own  god,  — party  action.  They  rejected 
the  action  of  the  regular  party  caucus,  and  then  entered  into  a  corrupt 
bargain  with  the  Whigs  to  defeat  their  own  party.  This  involved 
even  a  further  violation  of  party  usages  and  personal  pledges,  and  the 
scheme,  therefore,  requires  an  explanation.  There  were  five  vacan 
cies  in  the  Senate,  owing  to  failures  to  elect.  The  legislature  was 
compelled  to  fill  these  vacancies.  The  long  established  custom  was 
for  the  senators  and  representatives  from  the  county  where  a  vacancy 
existed  to  meet  in  a  party  caucus  and  nominate  candidates  from  whom 
the  legislature  made  its  choice.  The  anti-slavery  Democrats  honor 
ably  and  loyally  abided  by  this  custom.  For  example,  there  had  been 
a  failure  to  elect  in  a  district  in  Washington  County.  George  M. 
Chase,  a  Hunker,  who  was  the  regular  nominee  on  his  party's  ticket, 
was  duly  nominated  by  the  Democratic  delegates  from  Washington 
County,  and  elected  by  the  votes  of  the  anti-slavery  Democrats  over 
the  Whig  nominee.  But  the  Hunkers  broke  faith  in  a  Cumberland 
County  district.  There  had  been  two  Democratic  candidates  before 
the  people  in  this  district  :  Charles  Megquier,  an  anti-slavery  man, 
and  George  F.  Shepley,  a  Hunker.  The  Cumberland  Democratic 
senators  and  representatives  nominated  Mr.  Megquier  by  a  vote  of 
seven  to  two  and  made  the  nomination  unanimous.  But  the  Hun 
kers,  having  elected  Chase,  now  burned  their  last  bridge ;  they  made 
a  combination  with  the  Whigs  and  elected  Shepley  the  day  after  the 
senatorial  caucus. 

This  was  the  most  serious  blow  Mr.  Hamlin  had  yet  received.  By 
electing  Shepley  the  coalition  had  proved  that  it  could  control  the 
legislature,  and  no  man  could  foresee  how  long  it  would  hang  together. 
Truly,  "  politics  makes  strange  bedfellows."  Here  were  the  anti- 
slavery  Whigs  working  with  pro-slavery  Democrats  to  punish  a  states 
man  for  fighting  the  slave  power.  Yet  it  was  the  politics  of  the  day. 
The  Whigs  justified  their  course  by  claiming  that  it  would  help  them  to 
elect  a  Whig  to  succeed  Senator  Bradbury  the  next  year.1  The  anti- 

1  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  in  1851  the  pro-slavery  Democrats  bolted  Lot 


244  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

slavery  Democrats  were  naturally  much  alarmed  over  this  turn  of 
affairs,  and  at  once  summoned  Mr.  Hamlin  from  Washington. 

When  he  arrived  at  Augusta,  he  found  the  situation  more  compli 
cated  than  when  the  coalition  was  first  formed.  The  Hunkers  were 
leaving  no  stone  unturned  to  accomplish*  his  defeat,  and  were  now 
concentrating  their  efforts  on  the  Senate.  Mr.  Hamlin  had  eleven 
supporters  there,  but  sixteen  votes  were  necessary  to  elect  him  in  a 
full  vote,  —  thirty-one.  If  the  four  doubtful  senators  voted  for  Mr. 
Hamlin,  that  would  give  him  fifteen  votes,  or  within '  one  of  an  elec 
tion.  In  that  event  there  was  danger  of  the  Free-Soilers  coming  to 
Mr.  Hamlin's  rescue.  They  were  having  mysterious  conferences  by 
themselves,  and  no  one  outside  of  their  councils  could  say  what  they 
would  do.  The  Hunkers  laid  plans  to  get  control  of  the  Senate,  and 
also  to  lead  the  doubtful  senators  off  on  a  collateral  issue.  They 
tried  to  elect  Shepard  Gary  president  of  the  Senate,  and  attempted  to 
bribe  a  senator  to  vote  for  him  on  the  promise  that  Gary  would  re 
sign,  and  he  should  be  promoted  to  the  presiding  chair.  This  was  the 
Chase-Dunn  trick  that  beat  Mr.  Hamlin  in  1846  ;  the  important  differ 
ence  was  that  the  senator  approached  this  time  was  an  honest  man. 
But  the  other  scheme  was  more  dangerous.  This  was  to  make  it  an 
issue  with  Mr.  Hamlin  to  consent  to  the  rescinding  of  the  resolutions 
he  had  induced  the  previous  legislature  to  pass  instructing  the  Maine 
senators  and  representatives  in  Congress  to  oppose  all  measures  favor 
ing  the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  soil.  The  Hunkers  argued  with 
some  plausibility  that  these  resolutions  of  instruction  infringed  on  the 
liberty  of  the  individual  congressmen.  Senator  Bradbury  upheld  this 
view  by  journeying  from  Washington  to  Augusta  to  urge  the  repeal 
of  the  resolutions.  This  made  an  impression  on  the  doubtful  sen 
ators  ;  they  listened,  and,  listening,  they  were  led  away  too,  to  remain 
with  the  Hunkers  to  the  end.  The  inevitable  result  was  the  sicken 
ing  cry  of  compromise ! 

The  councils  of  the  anti-slavery  men  were  divided,  and  feeling  was 
running  high  when  Mr.  Hamlin  took  charge  of  his  campaign.  Judge 
R.  D.  Rice,  who  was  at  Augusta,  wrote :  "  I  saw  Mr.  Hamlin  to-day. 
He  is  calm,  smiling,  confident,  and  surrounded  by  friends  wherever  he 
goes."  Almost  the  first  thing  Mr.  Hamlin  did  was  to  gather  his  sup 
porters  together,  encourage  them,  repeat  a  rule  he  always  laid  down 
on  entering  a  party  contest,  and  outline  the  plan  of  action.  He  talked 
to  men  this  time,  who  always  treasured  up  in  their  hearts  recollec 
tions  of  moments  like  this  with  the  leader  they  loved  so  well.  \Vhat 
Mr.  Hamlin  said  was  substantially  as  follows  :  — 

"  My  friends,  we  are  going  to  have  a  long  and  hot  fight.     Now,  I 

M.  Morrill,  an  anti-slavery  man,  and,  uniting  with  the  Whigs,  elected  William 
Pitt  Fessenden,  a  strong  anti-slavery  man,  to  the  United  States  Senate. 


HAMLIN'S   CONTEST   WITH   THE   SLAVE   POWER       245 

want  you  to  keep  cool  and  keep  up  your  courage.  Don't  abuse  my 
opponents ;  let  them  do  all  the  abusing  and  trading.  I  am  going  to 
win,  and  I  want  as  little  hard  feeling  as  possible  after  it  is  all  over. 
Don't  listen,  to  any  offers  of  compromise.  We  are  standing  up  for 
our  principles.  '  Sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,'  I  am  in  this  fight  to  the 
end  to  keep  that  accursed  thing  of  slavery  out  of  free  soil  and  the 
Democratic  party."  Mr.  Hamlin's  words  inspired  his  followers  with 
new  zeal  and  courage,  and  thereafter  he  often  said  of  his  active  sup 
porters  in  this  campaign,  "  No  man  ever  had  more  devoted  friends." 
Among  the  group  who  stood  close  to  him  now  were  a  number  of  men 
who  were  known  in  their  day  as  faithful  and  creditable  legislators. 
In  the  Senate  was  Paulinus  M.  Foster,  of  North  Anson,  the  presi 
dent  ;  Noah  Prince,  of  Buckfield ;  Robert  A.  Chapman,  of  Bethel ; 
Sheldon  Hobbs,  of  North  Berwick ;  Thomas  M.  Morrow,  of  Sears- 
port  ;  William  Milliken,  of  Burnham  ;  James  Lancaster,  of  Northport ; 
Benjamin  Rhea,  of  Brooksville ;  Amos  Pickard,  of  Hampden ;  Wil 
liam  R.  Hersey,  of  Lincoln,  and  Nehemiah  Bartlett,  of  Garland.  In 
the  House  were  Samuel  Belcher,  of  Farmington,  the  speaker ;  George 
P.  Sewall,  of  Old  Town ;  Samuel  Jordan,  of  Westbrook ;  John  Good- 
ell,  of  Hampden ;  Ebenezer  Knowlton,  of  Montville ;  Daniel  Rogers, 
of  Windham ;  Daniel  Chamberlain,  of  Bristol  ;  Jeremiah  Tolman,  of 
Rockland ;  Wyer  G.  Sargent,  of  Sedgwick  ;  Josiah  Harmon,  of  Thorn- 
dyke  ;  Lorin  D.  Hayes,  then  of  Garland,  and  General  William  S. 
Cochran,  of  Waldoboro.  These  men  with  those  already  mentioned 
formed  a  veritable  body-guard  in  this  fight,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  never 
forgot  them.  The  majority  followed  him  into  the  Republican  party. 

The  coalition,  having  control  of  the  situation,  forced  a  resolution 
through  the  legislature  by  a  narrow  majority,  postponing  the  election 
of  senator  for  a  month  —  until  June  25.  This  gave  the  Hunkers 
more  time  to  make  trouble,  and  they  improved  their  opportunity. 
The  day  Mr.  Hamlin  left  Augusta  to  return  to  Washington,  he  met 
Charles  Stackpole,  the  editor  of  a  Portland  Free-Soil  newspaper,  who 
asked  him  his  views  about  the  scheme  that  Stephen  A.  Douglas  was 
advocating  to  annex  Cuba  to  the  United  States.  Douglas's  object 
was  to  strengthen  himself  with  the  slave  power  ;  but  while  Mr.  Ham 
lin  did  not  entertain  a  high  opinion  of  Douglas  and  his  policy,  he 
nevertheless  refrained  from  discussing  this  matter,  for  the  reason  that 
he  did  not  wish  to  introduce  any  more  issues  in  his  senatorial  cam 
paign.  Mr.  Hamlin  contented  himself  with  alluding  to  his  attitude 
towards  slavery.  His  exact  words  were  :  "  My  course  towards  slavery 
is  well  known.  I  have  taken  that  course  and  I  will  adhere  to  it,  '  sink 
or  swim,  live  or  die.'  '  Mr.  Stackpole  published  a  correct  report  of 
the  interview,  and  the  incident  should  have  ended  there.  But  the 


246  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Hunkers  saw  an  advantage  offered  them,  and  although  the  course  of 
procedure  involved  was  unscrupulous  and  dishonorable  in  the  extreme, 
they  seized  the  opportunity  presented.  At  this  time  the  public  mind 
was  easily  inflamed  against  the  Abolitionists ;  they  were  bitterly  de 
nounced  as  disunionists  and  marplots.  While  they  were  animated  by 
the  purest  of  motives,  it  is  nevertheless  a  question  for  the  philo 
sophical  historians  to  decide  whether  the  Abolitionists  were  a  help  or 
a  hindrance  to  the  men  who  actually  exterminated  slavery,  however 
much  their  agitation  contributed  to  forcing  the  issue.  To  charge  an 
anti-slavery  leader  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  status  at  this  time  with  sympa 
thizing  with  the  Abolitionists,  who  advocated  disunion,  and  called  the 
Constitution  "a  covenant  with  death  and  an  agreement  with  hell,"1 
was  a  gross  libel  on  him  and  an  insult  to  the  thousands  of  men  who 
supported  anti-slavery  leaders.  But  this  is  what  the  pro-slavery  Demo 
crats  in  their  desperation  did  charge  against  Mr.  Hamlin.  The  fact 
that  Mr.  Hamlin  had  given  an  interview  to  a  Free-Soil  newspaper  was 
proof  to  the  blind  that  he  was  an  Abolitionist ;  they  could  not  see 
that  the  incident  served  the  pro-slavery  leaders  as  a  pretext  to  malign 
Mr.  Hamlin.  So  a  wave  of  passion  swept  over  the  pro-slavery  party ; 
their  newspapers  shrieked  in  leaded  type  that  Hamlin  was  an  Aboli 
tionist  !  Even  two  months  after  this  crusade  was  started  the  "  Bangor 
Democrat,"  in  common  with  newspapers  of  its  kind,  kept  up  the  charge. 
Here  is  one  extract  from  its  issue  of  July  23,  1850,  which  shows  how 
willfully  Mr.  Hamlin  was  misrepresented  in  consequence  of  the  Stack- 
pole  interview :  — 

"  Mr.  Hamlin  has  for  years  been  engaged  in  the  unholy  work  of 
agitation,  and  in  bringing  the  Union  into  danger  ;  if  nine  tenths  of  the 
people  are  ready  to  say,  Never  again  introduce  into  our  conventions 
resolutions  touching  the  question  of  slavery,  they  must  also  be  pre 
pared  to  say,  Do  not  elect  Mr.  Hamlin  senator,  for  he  is  one  of  the 
chief  agitators  and  false  friends  of  the  Union.  .  .  .  He  has  trifled 
with  the  Union  and  the  Democratic  party  too  much  to  be  rewarded 
with  an  important  office  for  six  years.  To  elect  him  would  be  to  offer 
a  large  bounty  to  those  who  would  imperil  the  Union." 

The  balloting  for  senator  began  on  June  20,  with  the  House  lead 
ing  off  ;  the  Senate  followed  five  days  later.  The  Hunkers,  still  in  a 
quandary  over  their  candidate,  made  an  audacious  move  to  seduce 
Governor  Hubbard  into  accepting  their  nomination  by  voting  for  him. 
On  the  first  ballot  149  votes  were  cast ;  75  were  necessary  for  a 
choice.  Mr.  Hamlin  received  67,  eight  less  than  was  needed  for  an 
election.  The  Hunkers  threw  20  votes  for  Hubbard ;  the  Whigs,  42 
for  George  Evans  ;  the  Free-Soilers  or  Abolitionists,  15  for  General 
Fessenden  ;  and  the  rest  were  scattering.  The  next  day  Governor 
1  William  Lloyd  Garrison. 


HAMLIN'S   CONTEST   WITH   THE   SLAVE   POWER      247 

Hubbard  wrote  a  letter  forbidding  the  use  of  his  name,  and  urging 
the  Democrats  to  support  the  regular  nominee.  The  Hunkers  then 
concentrated  on  John  Anderson,  the  man  Mr.  Hamlin  predicted  they 
would  have  to  take  up.  The  Senate  balloted  five  times  on  June  25. 
Mr.  Hamlin  received  13  votes,  or  three  short  of  a  majority;  Mr. 
Evans  had  seven  ;  Mr.  Anderson  six,  General  Fessenden  four  and  five. 
The  first  test  demonstrated,  therefore,  that  ten  Hunkers  had  the  bal 
ance  of  power,  if  the  contest  continued  a  straight  party  fight.  If  ten 
Hunkers  would  vote  for  Mr.  Hamlin  they  could  elect  him.  The  pro- 
slavery  men  made  a  point  of  this,  as  will  appear  later. 

A  week's  balloting  followed  without  a  result.  The  Senate  made 
eleven  attempts  to  break  the  deadlock,  the  House  ten.  It  would  be 
tedious  reading  if  the  details  of  the  voting  were  recorded.  It  is  suf 
ficient  to  say  that  with  a  single  exception,  when  Mr.  Hamlin  came 
within  four  votes  of  an  election  in  the  House,  the  situation  remained 
unchanged.  At  the  end  of  the  week,  when  the  coalition  found  that 
Mr.  Hamlin's  forces  could  not  be  broken,  the  election  was  again  post 
poned  for  a  month,  after  another  sharp  fight  and  close  vote.  The 
Hunkers'  object  this  time  was  to  renew  their  struggle  to  rescind  Mr. 
Hamlin's  resolutions  of  instructions.  But  their  Whig  allies  deserted 
them  on  this  move,  and  the  legislature  by  an  overwhelming  vote  re 
affirmed  the  principle  laid  down  by  Mr.  Hamlin.  Still  the  Hunkers 
persevered.  They  tried  a  trick.  Some  of  their  Bangor  friends  drew 
up  resolutions  that  pretended  to  reaffirm  Mr.  Hamlin's  resolutions, 
but  which  stopped  short  of  actual  instructions.  The  plan  was  to  rush 
this  bogus  affair  through  the  legislature,  if  they  could  catch  it  nap 
ping.  John  S.  Chadwick  got  hold  of  a  copy  of  the  resolutions  before 
they  were  set  in  type  in  the  office  of  the  "  Bangor  Democrat."  When 
the  printed  articles  arrived  at  Augusta,  there  was  a  roar  of  laughter 
from  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends. 

And  now  the  Hunkers  began  to  talk  once  more  of  compromise  ; 
they  sang  of  harmony  ; l  they  said  Mr.  Hamlin  could  be  elected  if  he 
would  give  up  his  resolutions  of  instructions  ;  all  he  needed  was  ten 
votes  !  But  the  die  was  cast ;  the  end  of  the  long  fight  was  near. 
Mr.  Hamlin  had  made  a  strong  fight  for  reelection  as  a  strict  party 
man,  and  for  two  months  his  forces  had  worked  according  to  party 
usages.  He  was  the  choice  of  the  majority  of  his  party,  and  his  re 
election  had  been  prevented  by  a  minority  that  had  adopted  irregular 
and  unscrupulous  methods.  He  had  won  a  moral  victory,  and  was 
now  justified  in  accepting  help  outside  of  party  lines.  He  did  this. 

1  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  Mr.  Haines  on  July  4,  1850:  "When  I  was  at  Augusta,  I 
was  sounded  on  rescinding  the  resolutions  of  last  year."  He  replied  :  "  I  will  obey 
your  instructions,  or  resign."  He  added  to  Haines:  "You  must  not  consent  to 
place  me  in  a  position  which  will  demand  of  me  an  acquiescence  in  the  extension 
of  slavery." 


248  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

There  were  about  twenty  Free-Soilers  or  Abolitionists  in  the  legis 
lature.  The  majority  would  have  voted  for  Mr.  Hamlin  at  any  time 
if  they  were  certain  their  votes  could  elect  him.  But  they  were  good 
enough  politicians  to  know  that  their  open  support  of  Mr.  Hamlin 
might  repel  strict  party  Democrats,  who  were  voting  for  him  because 
he  was  their  regular  nominee.  Then  again,  while  there  were  enough 
Free-Soilers  in  the  House  to  elect  Mr.  Hamlin  in  that  body,  it  was 
doubtful  whether  three  of  the  Free-Soilers  in  the  Senate,  or  just  the 
number  needed,  would  vote  for  him.  Two  were  certain  of  helping  ; 
one  was  uncertain,  and  all  depended  on  this  man.  He  was  a  cautious 
old  man  by  the  name  of  Ozias  Blanchard,  of  the  town  of  Blanchard. 
At  this  juncture  General  Samuel  Fessenden,  Mr.  Hamlin's  former 
law  preceptor,  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  and  Neal  Dow  came  to  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  aid.1  Another  who  aided  Mr.  Hamlin  at  this  time  was  Isaac 
Dyer,  of  Baldwin,  long  a  powerful  leader  in  the  politics  of  Maine.  He 
was  then  an  anti-slavery  Whig,  and  afterwards  a  Republican.  Mr. 
Hamlin  spoke  of  Mr.  Dyer  as  one  of  the  ablest  politicians  he  ever 
knew,  and  a  friend  as  true  as  steel.  General  Fessenden  was  the 
nominee  of  the  Free-Soil  party,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  say  that 
he  was  loyal  to  it  ;  but  he  had  no  hope  of  an  election,  and  it  angered 
him  to  see  the  pro-slavery  Democrats  persecute  Senator  Hamlin  for 
fighting  slavery.  Fessenden  corresponded  with  Giddings  and  brought 
their  joint  influence  to  bear  on  Blanchard.  They  convinced  him  that 
it  was  his  duty  to  help  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  finally  he  consented. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  success  seemed  now  assured.  But  something  hap 
pened  that  threatened  shipwreck  at  the  last  moment.  The  legisla 
ture  had  voted  to  resume  balloting  for  senator  on  July  25,  and  in  the 
time  that  elapsed  after  the  trial  in  June,  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends 
in  the  House,  Lorin  D.  Hayes,  of  Garland,  was  seized  with  a  bad  at 
tack  of  typhoid  fever,  and  was  now  dangerously  ill.  But  Hayes  was 
one  of  those  simple,  faithful  men  willing  to  trust  all  to  a  leader  who 
their  hearts  tell  them  is  true.  Hayes  sent  word  to  his  friends  in  the 
House  :  "  Any  time  my  vote  will  elect  Hannibal  Hamlin  to  the 
United  States  Senate,  I  will  come  to  the  House,  if  you  have  to  carry 
me  on  my  dying  bed." 

On  July  25  the  House  prepared  to  take  a  ballot.  When  the  result 
was  announced,  Mr.  Hamlin  had  received  75  votes  out  of  150,  or  one 
short  of  an  election.  A  score  or  more  of  men  dashed  out  of  the  House 
in  an  instant,  and  bolted  into  Hayes's  room.  Picking  him  up,  bed  and 

1  The  author  is  indebted  to  General  Dow  for  a  personal  account  of  this  inci 
dent.  Neal  Dow  was  already  a  leader  at  this  early  period,  and  was  noted  for  his 
immense  will  power  and  devotion  to  principle.  He  was  an  influential  factor  in 
this  battle,  and  his  friendship  with  Mr.  Hamlin  was  never  broken.  See  his  Remi 
niscences. 


HAMLIN'S   CONTEST   WITH   THE   SLAVE   POWER      249 

all,  they  moved  as  rapidly  as  it  was  safe  to  the  House.  When  they 
appeared  with  the  sick  man  on  his  bed,  pandemonium  reigned  for 
a  moment  among  the  anti-slavery  Democrats.  The  next  ballot  was 
taken  amidst  breathless  excitement,  and  when  it  was  announced  that 
Mr.  Hamlin  was  elected,  having  received  77  votes,  his  friends  were 
wild  with  joy.  Then  there  was  a  rush  to  the  senate  chamber  just  as 
that  body  was  preparing  to  ballot. 

The  situation  in  the  Senate  at  this  juncture  was  very  delicate.  Of 
the  thirteen  senators  who  voted  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  two  had  been  led 
away  from  him  once  on  the  issue  raised  over  the  instructions  to  con 
gressmen.  They  were  conservative  on  the  slavery  question,  but  voted 
for  Mr.  Hamlin  as  the  regular  nominee.  There  was  grave  danger 
that  they  might  bolt  him  if  they  had  learned  the  Free-Soilers  were 
going  to  vote  for  him.  It  was  indeed  suspected  that  one  of  them 
would  have  opposed  Mr.  Hamlin,  if  his  constituents  had  not  remon 
strated  with  him  over  his  course  in  voting  with  the  coalition  to  post 
pone  the  election. 

Blanchard  was  the  leader  of  the  Free-Soil  men,  and  they  agreed  to 
look  to  him  for  instructions  and  signals.  The  Senate  prepared  to 
ballot,  when  the  cheers  from  the  House  announced  that  Mr.  Hamlin 
had  won  in  that  body.  Blanchard  looked  at  his  coadjutors  on  the 
other  side  of  the  chamber,  and,  placing  his  left  hand  in  his  side  coat 
pocket,  pulled  out  a  ballot.  This  was  the  signal,  though  of  course 
the  Hunkers  did  not  suspect  it.  Blanchard  and  Newman  T.  Allen,1 
of  Industry,  cast  their  votes  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  while  a  third  Free-Soiler 
threw  a  blank  vote,  and  two  did  not  vote  at  all.  Thus,  29  votes  were 
cast,  and  Mr.  Hamlin,  having  15,  or  a  majority,  was  elected.  This 
was  accomplished  and  announced  so  quickly  that  the  Hunkers  sat 
as  if  in  a  dream.  They  had  not  suspected  that  the  Free-Soilers 
would  come  over  this  time.  They  sat  sullen  and  dejected,  while 
the  happy,  exultant  Hamlin  men  made  the  senate  chamber  ring  with 
their  cheers. 

There  was  great  jubilation  among  the  anti-slavery  people  of  Maine, 
irrespective  of  party,  over  Mr.  Hamlin's  triumph.  The  Democrats 
rang  bells,  and  lighted  fires  along  the  hilltops.  The  anti-slavery 
press  throughout  the  country  generally  rejoiced  over  Mr.  Hamlin's 
reelection.  Perhaps  the  most  interesting  comment  made  at  the  time 
was  one  that  appeared  in  the  "New  York  Evening  Post,"  edited 
by  William  Cullen  Bryant,  which  was  then  the  leading  organ  of  the 
Wright  Democracy  of  the  Empire  State.  Mr.  Hamlin  met  Bryant 
soon  after  he  entered  Congress.  Though  not  meeting  frequently, 
their  relations  were  very  cordial.  The  editorial  was  as  follows  :  — 

1  Charles  J.  Talbot  and  George  W.  Whitney  arranged  a  private  Free-Soil  meet 
ing  at  Farmington,  to  which  Mr.  Allen  was  invited.  Mr.  Talbot  read  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  anti-slavery  speeches,  and  this  won  Mr.  Allen's  vote  for  Mr.  Hamlin. 


250  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

"  With  examples  of  treachery  and  faltering  around  him  for  the  past 
three  years,  Mr.  Hamlin  has  not  swerved  a  hair's  breadth  from  the 
rectitude  of  his  course  as  an  opponent  of  slavery  extension  in  every 
shape  in  which  the  scheme  has  presented  itself.  His  reelection  was 
resisted  by  the  Hunker  Democrats  upon  this  ground  alone.  He  had 
been  true  to  his  professions  and  to  the  principles  of  the  party  before 
the  propagandism  of  this  institution  was  foisted  and  intruded  into  its 
success.  He  might  have  trimmed  and  temporized  and  secured  suc 
cess  without  effort,  but  he  chose  to  make  no  concessions.  He  was 
nobly  sustained  by  his  friends,  and  notwithstanding  the  open  and 
continued  defection  and  desertion  of  the  Hunkers,  has  triumphed 
over  them  by  just  the  requisite  number  of  votes.  He  is  a  safe, 
rational,  and  comprehensive  statesman."  l 

But  the  result  of  this  contest  in  Maine  had  more  than  a  personal 
or  local  significance,  which  is  readily  recognized  when  the  contem 
porary  happenings  of  the  day  are  considered.  Mr.  Hamlin's  return 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  by  a  union  of  anti-slavery  Democrats 
and  Free-Soilers,  was  accomplished  about  the  same  time  as  Thomas 
H.  Benton's  defeat  in  Missouri  for  reelection  to  the  Senate,  after 
thirty  years'  service  in  that  body,  by  a  combination  of  pro-slavery 
Democrats  and  Whigs ;  and  these  events  were  followed  by  Charles 
Sumner's  first  election  to  the  Senate,  in  the  succeeding  January,  by 
the  united  votes  of  Free-Soil  Whigs  and  anti-slavery  Democrats.  The 
anti-slavery  people  of  the  North  were  coming  together ;  the  pro- 
slavery  people  of  the  South  were  joining  forces.  The  Republican 
party  of  the  North  and  the  aggressive  pro-slavery  Democracy  of  the 
South  were  forming. 

Finally,  Mr.  Hamlin's  vindication  furnished  evidence  of  the  disposi 
tion  and  ability  of  the  Northern  masses  to  support  leaders  who  were 
right  on  the  slavery  issue,  in  the  face  of  great  obstacles  and  induce 
ments  to  act  against  them.  It  must  be  remembered  that  every  na 
tional  administration  since  1840,  except  that  of  General  Taylor,  had 
favored  the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  soil,  or  had  yielded  in  part 
to  the  demands  of  the  slave  power ;  the  fact  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  great  Northern  statesmen  and  powerful  party  leaders,  such  as 
Webster,  Cass,  and  Douglas,  counseled  compromise  or  surrender  on 
the  slavery  issue ;  it  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Democratic 
party  was  now  a  great  machine  in  the  hands  of  the  slavery  propa 
gandists,  and  was  bribing  the  press  and  politicians  with  patronage  to 
support  its  policy ;  it  is  necessary,  also,  to  consider  the  influence  of 
the  conservative  element  at  the  North,  that  feared  a  change  and  pro 
tested  against  the  agitation  of  -the  slavery  issue ;  yet,  when  it  would 

1  It  may  be  said,  on  the  authority  of  Parke  Godwin,  that  Bryant  wrote  this 
editorial. 


HAMLIN'S   CONTEST   WITH   THE   SLAVE   POWER      251 

have  been  easier  to  compromise,  when  Webster's  courage  failed  him, 
and  Cass  and  Douglas  tried  to  obscure  the  issue  with  their  sophistries, 
when  great  commercial  interests  allied  themselves  with  the  slave 
oligarchy,  the  Northern  masses  saw  their  duty  clearly,  and  followed 
the  right  leaders  to  the  end.  The  slavery  question  at  this  period  was 
peculiarly  complicated.  The  intelligent  and  sympathetic  cooperation 
that  anti-slavery  leaders  such  as  Mr.  Hamlin  received  from  the  rank 
and  file  of  their  party  at  this  time  is  in  itself  a  striking  proof  of  the 
ability  of  a  people  reared  under  the  influence  of  free  institutions  to 
govern  themselves,  and  decide  civic  and  moral  problems  of  vital  im 
portance  to  the  State  and  untold  generations  to  come. 


CHAPTER   XXII 

PRESIDENTIAL    CAMPAIGN    OF    1852 

THE  approach  of  the  presidential  campaign  of  1852  made  the  Demo 
cratic  party  anxious  for  harmony,  and  the  leaders  began  to  work  tb 
this  end  soon  after  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  had  an  effect 
of  quietude  on  the  country.  While  it  may  never  be  known  what  the 
leaders  in  the  inner  circles  of  the  slave  oligarchy  plotted  and  planned 
in  advance  of  the  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1852,  it  is 
certain  that,  with  the  possible  exception  of  these  marplots,  the 
Democratic  party  was  desirous  of  a  reconciliation  on  the  basis  of  the 
compromise  plan.  The  sincerity  of  the  party  in  this  respect  cannot 
be  doubted.  The  leaders  of  the  wing  to  which  Colonel  Benton  and 
Senator  Hamlin  belonged  accepted  the  situation  in  good  faith,  and 
initiated  a  movement  to  nominate  Levi  Woodbury,  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  for  President.  Woodbury's  untimely  death  in  September, 
1851,  nine  months  before  the  convention,  renders  speculation  futile 
as  to  his  chances  of  the  nomination ;  yet  the  incident  may  be  re 
viewed  with  profit,  since  the  Woodbury  movement  assumed  formida 
ble  proportions,  and  seemed  to  promise  success.  There  is  also  a 
little  history  connected  with  it  that  has  never  before  been  published, 
and  which  throws  some  light  behind  the  scenes  on  the  Democratic 
party. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  both  a  practical  statesman  and  politician.  The 
situation  that  was  presented  and  his  duty  were  equally  clear  to  him. 
He  decided  to  remain  with  his  party  and  strive  for  the  nomination  of 
a  man  for  President  who  in  his  opinion  possessed  the  requisite  ability, 
training,  honesty,  and  firmness  to  maintain  the  existing  balance  of 
conditions  in  regard  to  slavery  that  had  been  established  under  the 
Constitution  and  the  Clay  compromises.  He  made  a  reservation  in 
the  case  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  that  has  already  been  explained. 
He  thought  that  Woodbury  fulfilled  the  necessary  qualifications,  and 
he  had  a  high  personal  regard  for  the  distinguished  jurist.  The  con 
sideration  of  availability  also  influenced  Mr.  Hamlin  to  favor  Wood- 
bury.  He  had  peculiar  qualifications  in  this  respect.  He  came  down 
from  the  Jacksonian  era ;  he  had  been  a  senator,  a  cabinet  officer ;  he 
was  now  an  able  member  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court ;  he 
occupied  middle  ground  on  the  slavery  question,  and  finally  was  a 


PRESIDENTIAL   CAMPAIGN   OF   1852  253 

New  England  man.  Then,  again,  the  candidacies  of  Cass,  Buchanan, 
and  Douglas  would  make  Woodbury  the  best  man  in  Mr.  Hamlin's 
opinion,  by  the  simple  process  of  exclusion.  He  once  voted  for  Cass 
under  protest,  and  he  never  favored  Buchanan  or  Douglas  for  the 
presidency.  Some  men,  who  appeared  to  know  more  about  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  affairs  than  he  did,  asserted  that  he  favored  Douglas  at  this 
time.  This  story,  indeed,  was  published  in  the  Portland  "Argus." 
The  truth  is  that  while  Mr.  Hamlin  might  prefer  pleasant  rather 
than  unpleasant  personal  relations  with  Douglas  as  a  brother  senator 
and  party  colleague,  he  regarded  the  "  Little  Giant  "  as  a  tricky 
and  insincere  politician,  whose  success  in  hoodwinking  upright  and 
able  men  he  always  regretted. 

The  story  of  Woodbury's  campaign  begins  with  the  spring  of  1851. 
After  Benton's  retirement  from  the  Senate  he  was  elected  to  the 
House,  and  he  and  Mr.  Hamlin  maintained  their  close  personal  and 
party  relations.  It  was  understood  that  Colonel  Benton  was  to  pro 
mote  Woodbury's  interests  throughout  the  West  and  South,  while 
Senator  Hamlin  was  to  direct  the  campaign  in  New  England ;  at  the 
same  time  Benton  arranged  to  supervise  the  editorial  conduct  of  the 
canvass.  He  gave  the  key  to  Woodbury's  followers  by  apostrophiz 
ing  the  jurist  as  the  "rock  of  New  England  Democracy."  The  New 
Hampshire  Democrats  formally  opened  the  campaign  by  presenting 
Judge  Woodbury  as  New  England's  candidate.  The  plan  was  to 
have  other  States  follow.  Correspondence  between  Benton  and 
Hamlin  throws  some  light  on  the  inside  situation.  Benton  wrote  to 
Mr.  Hamlin  from  Washington,  June  16  :  "I  suppose  you  see  from 
the  papers  that  I  am  here  and  what  I  am  about,  namely,  making  a 
history  of  the  workings  of  the  government  for  the  thirty  years  I  was 
in  the  Senate,  being  a  selection  of  my  speeches,  with  historical  notes 
and  illustrations.  But  this  does  not  interfere  with  other  works  —  the 
redemption  of  the  State  of  Missouri  from  the  Whigs  and  nullifiers  — 
and  the  presidential  election.  It  is  on  the  latter  point  I  now  write  to 
you.  The  State  of  New  Hampshire  has  given  through  her  Demo 
cracy  a  unanimous  nomination  to  Woodbury.  This  is  a  good  start.  I 
can  draw  up  an  article  for  the  papers  which  will  back  it,  and  be  under 
stood  and  felt  by  the  people.  I  spoke  of  him  (Woodbury)  to  all  my 
friends  in  the  West,  and  always  with  the  best  effect.  The  time  has 
fully  come  to  act.  A  paper  here  is  essential.  You  know  all  my 
views  on  that  point,  and  I  wish  to  know  what  are  its  prospects.  Of 
course  Mr.  Woodbury  can  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.  His  friends 
must  act.  I  shall  be  here  for  a  month  or  so,  and  can  give  some  atten 
tion  to  the  matter.  I  shall  draw  up  an  article  anyhow.  Where  do 
you  think  it  had  best  be  published  ?  My  mind  vibrates  between 
Maine  and  Missouri.  Which  say  you  ?  If  Maine,  I  would  send  it  to 


254  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

you  to  convey  to  a  paper.  I  feel  like  I  could  make  a  pretty  strong 
article.'' 

There  was  a  strong  sentiment  in  favor  of  Judge  Woodbury  among 
the  Democrats  of  Maine  who  followed  Mr.  Hamlin ;  but  at  the  same 
time  some  of  his  old  friends  were  greatly*  desirous  of  supporting  a 
movement  for  Sam  Houston.  Mr.  Hamlin  believed  in  Houston  1  and 
liked  him  as  a  man,  but  he  saw  that  Houston  was  not  available.  In 
his  letters  to  Judge  R.  D.  Rice,  William  P.  Haines,  and  others,  he 
pointed  out  that  the  very  qualities  and  acts  of  Houston  which  had 
evoked  admiration  at  the  North  —  his  opposition  to  the  extension  of 
slavery,  his  attitude  towards  the  Calhoun  party  —  would  be  arguments 
used  against  him  in  the  South.  On  the  other  hand,  he  dwelt  on  the 
Hunker  opposition  in  Maine  to  Woodbury  as  a  point  in  his  favor. 
He  believed  that  Woodbury  would  veto  any  measure  extending  sla 
very.  Mr.  Hamlin's  arguments  prevailed,  and  his  friends  all  went  for 
Woodbury. 

In  the  mean  time,  Senator  Hamlin  became  anxious  about  the  New 
York  Democracy,  and  in  June,  1851,  he  wrote  Benton.  The  latter 
replied  the  26th  of  that  month  as  follows  : — 

"  In  answer  to  your  inquiry  respecting  the  disposition  of  our  friends  in 
New  York,  I  feel  myself  justified  in  answering  affirmatively  ;  but  to  give 
you  a  kind  of  assurance  which  will  leave  no  doubt,  you  will  soon  receive  a 
communication  from  our  friend  Blair,  who  will  go  on  to  New  York. 

"  I  have  sketched  an  article,  and  as  it  amplifies,  under  one  of  its  heads, 
the  claim  of  New  England  mentioned  in  the  New  Hampshire  nomination, 
I  deem  it  best  to  let  it  appear  as  a  New  England  article,  and  therefore  will 
send  it  to  you  for  one  of  your  papers. 

"  I  am  fixed  in  my  opinion  about  the  necessity  of  a  paper  here.  Unless 
we  have  an  organ  here  to  collect  and  distribute  intelligence,  we  will  hardly 
be  able  to  make  Mr.  W.  accepted  as  a  candidate  at  all.  Be  assured  he  has 
nothing  to  expect  from  any  paper  here  but  viperous  attacks  from  the  Re 
publicans,  and  no  defense  from  the  '  Union,'  or  worse  than  none.  It  should 
not  be  set  up  as  an  opposition  paper  to  the  '  Union/  but  a  helper.  The 
Whigs  have  two,  and  they  are  supported  by  the  whole  power  of  the  admin 
istration  ;  and  the  Democracy  should  have  two.  That  is  a  public  reason  to 
be  given.  Another  public  reason  for  its  open  advocacy  of  Mr.  W.  should 
be  the  venomous  attacks  upon  him  here,  repeated  in  all  the  administration 
papers  throughout  the  United  States,  and  which  the  *  Union  '  would  not  under 
take  to  answer  without  seeming  to  become  the  advocate  of  one  of  the  can 
didates —  which  it  professes  not  to  become.  Submission  to  the  majority  of 
a  national  convention  should  be  a  point  maintained  in  the  paper.  Not  only 
not  a  word  against  other  candidates,  but  a  defense  of  them ;  the  harmony 
and  reconciliation  of  the  party  to  be  made  a  leading  point.  The  article 

1  Senator  Hamlin  wrote  to  A.  M.  Robinson,  "How  I  would  like  to  go  for  old 
Sam ! " 


PRESIDENTIAL   CAMPAIGN   OF   1852  255 

which  I  shall  send  you  touches  these  and  other  points ;  and  in  my  opinion 
chalks  out  a  good  line  for  the  new  paper. 

"Without  such  a  paper  I  do  not  see  that  we  can  do  anything.  A  daily 
attack  upon  a  man,  from  the  centre  to  the  circumference,  and  no  defense, 
and  he  must  be  overwhelmed." 

Benton  wrote  Mr.  Hamlin  another  letter  the  same  day  :  — 

"  I  send  you  the  article  mentioned.  It  is  deemed  by  friends,  as  well  as 
by  myself,  best  that  it  should  appear  in  a  New  England  paper,  and  it  is 
drawn  up  as  a  New  England  article.  The  paper  that  contains  it  should 
be  published  in  numbers,  and  a  copy  sent  to  every  Democratic  paper  in 
the  Union.  Besides  sending  it  direct  to  the  papers  from  the  office  with 
the  article  marked,  it  should  be  sent  to  friends  in  different  States  to  see 
to  the  publication  of  it.  Send  some  to  me. 

"  From  further  advices  I  adhere  to  my  declaration  that  our  friends  in 
New  York  will  come  in.  I  have  also  spoken  with  friends  in  the  South  with 
good  prospects." 

Benton 's  editorial  was  a  brilliant  presentation  of  Woodbury's  quali 
fications  for  the  presidency,  but  it  is  of  noteworthy  interest  in  only 
one  respect,  aside  from  its  general  merits,  and  this  may  be  mentioned. 
Mr.  Hamlin  had  it  published  in  several  newspapers  in  Maine.  One 
was  the  "Bangor  Jeffersonian,"  his  organ.  Benton  claimed  that  the 
slavery  question  was  settled.  In  commenting  on  this,  the  "  Jeffer 
sonian  "  reflected  Mr.  Hamlin's  views  by  dissenting  from  Colonel 
Benton's  conclusions,  though  indorsing  his  support  of  Woodbury. 

But,  alas  !  for  the  plans  of  men.  When  it  appeared  morally  certain 
that  Woodbury  would  go  into  the  Democratic  convention  with  the 
support  of  New  England,  and  with  the  good  prospect  of  uniting  all 
factions  on  himself,  he  was  seized  with  a  fatal  illness  that  terminated 
in  a  week.  Mr.  Hamlin  always  spoke  of  Woodbury's  death  as  a  great 
blow  to  the  Democracy  at  a  critical  period.  True,  Woodbury  voted 
for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  but  he  believed  that  slavery  was  a  sec 
tional  institution,  and  while  he  would  not  interfere  with  it  where  it 
existed,  he  was  opposed  to  the  Calhoun  doctrine.  Knowing  Mr. 
Woodbury  as  well  as  he  did,  Mr.  Hamlin  spoke  with  authority  when 
he  said  Judge  Woodbury  would  oppose  any  scheme  to  extend  or  dis 
turb  slavery  in  the  event  of  his  election  to  the  presidency.  Thus  if 
Levi  Woodbury  had  been  President  instead  of  Franklin  Pierce,  his 
firmness,  honesty,  and  loyalty  would  have  been  unconquerable  obsta 
cles  to  the  conspirators  who  broke  down  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
But  those  who  see  the  hand  of  fate  in  the  affairs  of  men  believe  that 
Pierce  was  but  an  instrument  in  bringing  on  the  crisis  which  rid  the 
country  of  a  loathsome  institution  it  could  throw  off  only  through  a 
gigantic  convulsion. 

Woodbury's  death  set  the   New  England  Democracy  at  sea.     A 


256  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

little  talk  was  heard  about  Franklin  Pierce,  but  that  was  at  first 
believed  to  mean  that  he  was  thinking  of  becoming  a  candidate  for 
Vice-President.  For  several  months,  General  William  O.  Butler,  of 
Kentucky,  was  seriously  considered  by  Benton,  Hamlin,  and  their 
associates  as  the  most  available  man  of  the  hour.  Butler  was  a  man 
of  decided  ability,  forceful  character,  picturesque  personality,  and 
natural  qualities  of  leadership.  He  also  had  a  record  that  might 
have  made  him  a  popular  candidate.  He  distinguished  himself  by 
his  gallantry  at  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  where  he  was  one  of 
Andrew  Jackson's  right-hand  men;  he  had  served  in  the  House  with 
credit ;  he  was  ranked  as  one  of  the  leaders  at  the  Kentucky  bar,  and 
he  had  demonstrated  his  personal  strength  among  the  masses  of  his 
State  in  1844  by  reducing  the  Whig  majority  from  20,000  to  5000,  as 
the  Democratic  candidate  for  governor,  the  year  Henry  Clay  made 
his  strongest  run  for  the  presidency.  Butler  was  believed  to  be 
opposed  to  the  extension  of  slavery.  His  refusal  of  the  governorship 
of  Nebraska  in  1855  under  the  Pierce  administration  was  convincing 
evidence  of  this.  In  short,  while  Butler  was  not  regarded  as  a  great 
statesman,  he  was  thought  to  possess  the  ability  and  character  requi 
site  for  the  presidency  and  certain  possibilities  of  popularity  with  the 
masses.  Finally,  it  was  believed  that  he  could  keep  the  peace  on  the 
slavery  question. 

Colonel  Benton  wrote  Mr.  Hamlin  the  following  interesting  letter 
about  Butler  on  October  12,  1851  :  — 

"  I  have  thought  over  what  you  say  in  relation  to  Butler,  and  felt  no  ob 
jection  to  him  on  that  score.  I  have  but  a  poor  opinion  of  what  is  called 
talents  in  the  United  States,  and  by  which  is  generally  understood  some 
capacity  for  speaking  and  writing  without  much  regard  to  the  judgment 
and  moral  qualities,  without  which  speaking  and  writing  are  empty  or 
pernicious.  Moral  qualities  are  the  first  thing  with  me  in  a  public  man ; 
common  sense  and  common  judgment  will  do  the  rest.  I  could  name 
thousands  I  would  be  willing  to  take  for  President ;  but  they  have  not  the 
national  name  which  would  carry  them  before  the  people.  It  was  the 
remark  of  Dean  Swift,  himself  a  man  of  genius  and  the  friend  of  the  two 
greatest  political  geniuses  of  the  day,  and  in  relation  to  their  miscarriages, 
that  genius  was  not  necessary  in  administering  government,  and  was  of 
ten  hurtful ;  and  that  common  sense,  honesty  of  purpose,  were  all  that 
were  necessary.  This  is  my  opinion,  and  Butler  under  that  aspect  is  fully 
qualified.  But  there  is  another  consideration  which  was  a  pretty  control 
ling  one,  when  I  came  into  Congress,  in  the  minds  of  the  old  Democracy, 
and  that  was  the  soundness  of  his  (a  statesman's)  associates.  He  must 
not  only  be  sound  himself,  but  have  sound  associates  ;  as  every  President 
must  be  more  or  less  in  the  hands  of  his  friends.  Under  this  aspect  But 
ler  is  safe.  He  has  no  connection  with  any  clique,  fragment,  or  faction, 
and  was  voted  for  by  all  without  a  word  as  Vice-President  (in  the  conven- 


PRESIDENTIAL   CAMPAIGN   OF   1852  257 

tion  of  '48,  that  nominated  Cass  and  Butler).  Most  of  them  want  him  for 
V.  P.  now.  But  the  overruling  idea  at  present  with  all  our  friends  is  a  new 
man,  one  that  has  had  nothing  to  do  with  late  events,  and,  therefore,  has 
no  section  arrayed  against  him.  That  idea  brought  out  for  Woodbury  was 
doing  an  immensity  for  him,  and  Butler,  who  was  to  have  been  V.  P.  on 
his  ticket,  now  falls  heir  to  it.  He  is  a  new  man,  and  has  nothing  against 
him,  and  has  great  personal  popularity.  It  is  believed  that  he  can  unite 
every  Democratic  State,  and  carry  the  two  Whig  States  of  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee.  Who  can  you  name  in  N.  E.  for  V.  P.  if  he  is  taken  up  ?  I 
go  to  Missouri  in  three  weeks,  and  will  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  again." 

About  this  time  a  number  of  Judge  Woodbury's  former  leading 
supporters  in  New  England  held  several  conferences  at  Boston  to 
further  General  Butler's  candidacy.  Charles  Levi  Woodbury,  son  of 
the  jurist,  was  already  coming  forward  as  a  leader  in  the  Boston 
Democracy.  He  was  Mr.  Hamlin's  lifelong  friend.  Mr.  Hamlin  on 
several  occasions  found  Mr.  Woodbury  a  safe  and  sound  adviser.  In 
the  fisheries  incident,  for  example,  Mr.  Woodbury  furnished  Senator 
Hamlin  with  valuable  data  and  information.  Mr.  Woodbury  took 
part  in  the  Butler  movement,  and  in  a  personal  letter  to  the  author, 
under  date  of  August  4,  1896,  gave  some  interesting  facts  concerning 
the  chief  conference  at  Boston.  An  understanding  was  reached  to 
favor  the  nominations  of  General  Butler  for  President  and  General 
Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  for  Vice-President.  Mr.  Wood- 
bury  also  noted  that  for  the  next  few  months  the  New  Hampshire 
Democracy  continued  to  support  Butler  and  Pierce  in  such  a  way  that 
Pierce  might  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  ticket  or  the  foot.  They 
had  the  idea  that  Pierce  instead  of  Butler  should  fall  heir  to  the 
Woodbury  movement,  and  they  worked  to  this  end. 

But  the  Butler  movement  was  destined  to  failure.  The  reasons 
may  not  be  detailed.  The  incident  is  noticed  for  the  purpose  of  em 
phasizing  the  course  that  Senator  Hamlin,  Colonel  Benton,  and  men 
of  their  kind  pursued  in  the  hope  of  saving  the  Democracy  from  fall 
ing  completely  into  the  hands  of  the  slavery  propagandists.  It  may 
be  said,  briefly,  that  Butler  was  not  the  kind  of  man  the  Southern 
Democracy  wanted.  There  was  now  a  new  Southern  Democracy, 
but  that  fact  was  not  fully  grasped  by  the  anti-Calhoun  wing.  Its 
leaders  were  aggressive  ;  undoubtedly  they  had  a  secret  understand 
ing  among  themselves  to  force  the  nomination  of  a  man  who  would  do 
their  bidding,  —  break  down  the  Missouri  Compromise.  This  was  of 
course  not  even  suspected  at  the  time,  and  will  be  more  fully  alluded 
to  in  the  proper  place.  These  leaders  were  determined  to  reject  the 
Democracy  of  Jefferson,  Macon,  Pinckney,  and  Jackson.  They  there 
fore  likewise  rejected  the  followers  of  the  apostle  of  the  true  Demo 
cracy,  which  would  uphold  the  Constitution,  and  give  slavery  only  the 


258  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

rights  granted  it  by  that  instrument.  The  memory  of  Jackson  was 
growing  hateful  to  them.  Did  not  Old  Hickory  say  in  his  dying 
hours  that  posterity  would  never  forgive  him  for  not  hanging  John 
C.  Calhoun  when  he  attempted  to  withdraw  South  Carolina  from  the 
Union  when  Jackson  was  President  ?  Why,  then,  should  they  listen 
to  Benton,  and  make  Butler  President, —  a  man  who  was  one  of  the 
last  of  the  iron  Jackson  stock  ? 

Although  there  were  many  Butler  delegates  elected  to  the  Demo 
cratic  National  Convention,  it  was  apparent  a  few  months  before  the 
convention  assembled  in  June,  1852,  that  Butler  lacked  support  in 
the  South,  and  he  practically  retired  from  the  contest.  Neverthe 
less,  some  of  Butler's  friends  decided  to  keep  him  in  reserve,  so  to 
speak,  in  the  hope  that  if  the  convention  came  to  a  deadlock  over  the 
more  prominent  candidates,  it  might  unite  on  Butler.  Senator  Ham- 
lin  was  one  of  these  men.  He  was  a  delegate  from  Maine.  He  was 
as  strongly  opposed  as  ever  to  the  nomination  of  Cass,  Buchanan, 
Douglas,  Marcy,  or  Jefferson  Davis,  who  were  most  conspicuously 
before  the  convention  until  the  last  ballot,  —  the  forty-ninth.  Charles 
Levi  Woodbury,  who  was  present  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  afterward  recalled 
the  fact  that  the  Maine  delegation  was  divided,  but  that  Senator  Ham 
lin,  Lot  M.  Morrill,  who  was  later  his  colleague  in  the  Senate,  and 
Colonel  A.  W.  H.  Clapp,  of  Portland,  all  acted  together. 

After  the  convention  had  struggled  several  days  to  make  a  choice, 
it  became  apparent  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  take  a  new  man. 
When  the  convention  was  in  a  mood  to  recognize  the  situation,  the 
current  beneath  the  surface  turned  in  favor  of  Franklin  Pierce.  There 
were  several  factors  that  were  instrumental  in  causing  this  result. 
The  futility  of  continuing  the  deadlock  was  obvious ;  the  necessity 
of  selecting  a  new  man  was  clear.  The  New  England  Democracy 
was  clamorous  to  have  a  New  England  man  chosen,  and  preferred 
Pierce.  Their  claims  appeared  to  be  the  final  consideration  that 
tipped  the  scales  in  Pierce's  favor  ;  but  in  reality  they  were  surface 
evidence,  though  astute  observers  of  political  affairs  were  deceived  by 
them.  The  probable  truth  is,  Pierce  owed  his  nomination  to  a  secret 
understanding  between  himself  and  the  Calhoun  Democracy,  which 
was  guarded  so  carefully  that  only  the  subsequent  acts  of  Pierce  as 
President  exposed  and  at  the  same  time  proved  its  existence.  His 
managers  in  the  convention  carefully  held  him  back  until  the  last 
moment,  when  they  rushed  him  into  nomination  amidst  great  enthu 
siasm,  and  he  was  chosen  practically  by  acclamation.  William  R. 
King,  an  amiable  and  well-liked  senator  of  Alabama,  was  chosen  for 
Vice-President,  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  were  indorsed,  and 
the  Democracy,  united  for  the  last  time  in  ante-bellum  days,  went 
forth  to  do  battle  against  the  Whigs. 


PRESIDENTIAL   CAMPAIGN   OF   1852  259 

The  Whig  party  was  now  at  the  end  of  its  career.  Signs  of  ap 
proaching  dissolution  were  manifested  in  its  presidential  convention, 
which  was  the  scene  of  a  bitter  struggle  between  various  factions. 
President  Fillmore  desired  the  nomination,  and  so  did  Webster,  his 
secretary  of  state.  But  a  large  element  favored  General  Winfield 
Scott,  and  he  was  finally  chosen.  The  chances  of  success  seemed 
well  divided  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign.  But  the  Whigs  were 
doomed.  The  people,  having  made  up  their  minds  to  try  the  compro 
mise  measures  of  1850,  saw  that  the  Democracy,  which  had  enacted 
them,  should  be  intrusted  with  their  enforcement.  The  Whig  temple 
was  also  badly  shaken  by  the  fall  of  its  two  great  pillars,  Webster 
and  Clay,  who  both  died  during  the  campaign.  The  final  cause  of 
General  Scott's  defeat  was  his  persistence  in  making  vain  and  pom 
pous  speeches.  The  hero  of  Lundy's  Lane  and  Buena  Vista  was 
out  of  his  element.  Ridicule  was  turned  on  him  and  his  defeat  was 
overwhelming.  He  carried  only  four  States.  Mr.  Hamlin  earnestly 
supported  Pierce  as  a  party  man,  though  he  afterwards  regretted  this 
as  one  of  the  mistakes  of  his  life,  and  said  so. 


CHAPTER   XXIII 

THE    PIERCE    ADMINISTRATION 

FEW  men  have  come  to  the  presidency  under  apparently  brighter 
auspices  and  with  a  larger  measure  of  good-will  from  the  American 
public  than  Franklin  Pierce.  The  general  impression  was  that  with 
General  Pierce's  inauguration  an  era  of  peace  had  been  ushered  in, 
and  that  the  new  President  would  be  the  last  to  disturb  it.  In  his 
letter  of  acceptance,  Mr.  Pierce  had  pledged  himself  to  abide  by  the 
compromise  measures ;  in  his  inaugural  address  on  March  4,  1853,  he 
reaffirmed  these  pledges,  and  in  his  first  message  to  Congress,  De 
cember  5,  1853,  he  reverted  to  his  promise,  and  speaking  of  the  re 
pose  the  nation  enjoyed,  declared  that  it  should  suffer  no  shock  from 
any  act  of  his,  if  he  had  the  power  to  avert  it.  These  words  natu 
rally  created  greater  confidence  in  President  Pierce,  and  greater  inter 
est  in  him  personally.  He  seemed  to  fill  the  public  ideal  in  some 
respects  as  to  what  the  President  of  a  young  nation  should  be.  He 
was  the  youngest  chief  magistrate  the  country  had  yet  chosen,  and 
he  was  brilliant,  eloquent,  magnetic,  handsome,  and  democratic.  He 
seemed  to  be  the  personification  of  Young  America,  and  even  when 
the  blackest  pages  of  his  administration  were  being  written,  Mr. 
Pierce  maintained  a  strong  popularity  among  those  who  knew  him 
and  fell  under  the  charm  of  his  personality. 

But  with  all  his  gifts,  and  in  spite  of  his  opportunities,  Franklin 
Pierce  was  the  greatest  failure  and  disappointment  in  the  presidency 
the  country  had  experienced.  Yet  he  was  President  nearly  a  year 
before  his  weak  nature  was  fully  understood.  This  was  a  year,  though, 
of  comparative  calm.  Mr.  Hamlin  became  well  acquainted  with  Gen 
eral  Pierce,  and  at  first  liked  him.  He  was  slow  to  change  his  opin 
ion  of  the  President.  That  was  his  nature.  Then  again  it  is  to  be 
said  that  President  Pierce  took  great  pains  to  make  himself  agreeable 
to  Mr.  Hamlin  in  order  to  win  his  support  and  friendship.  But  this 
is  a  story  for  another  page.  While  Mr.  Hamlin  gave  President  Pierce 
his  friendship,  it  is  certain  that  he,  in  common  with  the  Democrats 
of  his  school,  regretted  to  find  Pierce  surrounded  by  a  cabinet  of  the 
strongest  pro-slavery  sympathies,  and  also  that  the  President  was  still 
inclined  to  pursue  John  P.  Hale  with  oldtime  vindictiveness.  Yet 
the  anti-Calhoun  wing  were  fair  to  the  young  President  and  gave  him 


THE   PIERCE  ADMINISTRATION  261 

full  credit  for  sincerity  in  professing  a  desire  to  preserve  peace  ^on  the 
slavery  question. 

Franklin  Pierce's  betrayal  of  his  solemnly  plighted  words  was  due  to 
his  pliant,  fickle  nature  and  environments.  He  was  dazzled  by  the 
pomp  and  splendor  of  his  great  office,  and  received  the  tributes  paid 
to  him  as  due  him  as  an  individual.  He  seems  to  have  had  a  fatuous 
idea  of  his  power,  for  he  allowed  himself  to  be  carried  into  scanda 
lous  convivial  excesses.  He  soon  learned  to  listen  only  to  the  voice 
of  the  sycophant,  who  spoke  the  truth  to  him.  Mr.  Pierce  easily  fell 
into  the  hands  of  those  who  wanted  to  use  him.  They  sang  his 
praises  and  painted  the  possibilities  of  his  reelection  with  consum 
mate  art.  Always  a  strong  partisan,  Mr.  Pierce  was  soon  inflated 
with  inordinate  ambition,  and  lent  himself  to  the  plans  of  his  unscru 
pulous  advisers.  He  saw  only  one  side,  and  in  the  end  gave  the  slave 
oligarchy  all  that  a  President  could.  Yet  he  had  strong  men  in  his 
Cabinet,  who  advised  against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
One  was  Mr.  Marcy,  the  secretary  of  state,  and  he  had  always  been 
a  Hunker.  Another  conservative  member  was  James  Guthrie,  of 
Kentucky,  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  who  was  a  true  Union  man, 
and  whose  ability  and  upright  character  were  conceded  and  recog 
nized  by  all  who  knew  him.  Robert  McClelland,  of  Michigan,  the 
secretary  of  the  interior,  was  one  of  the  few  Democrats  in  the  House 
who  supported  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  and  James  Campbell,  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  the  postmaster-general,  was  another  highly  respected  member. 
But  the  men  who  eventually  were  closest  to  Mr.  Pierce  were  Jefferson 
Davis,  secretary  of  war,  and  Caleb  Cushing,  of  Massachusetts,  the 
attorney-general.  Davis  was  the  deus  ex  machina  of  the  ill-fated 
Pierce  administration,  and  Cushing  its  tool. 

But  this  was  the  man  who  was  as  yet  behind  the  scenes,  and  it 
was  not  until  the  machinery  of  the  slavery  propagandists  was  set  in 
motion  that  he  was  placed  on  the  stage  of  action  in  the  light  of  pub 
licity.  To  carry  the  simile  further,  it  must  be  said  that  the  plot  to 
break  down  the  Missouri  Compromise  unfolded  like  a  Sardou  drama. 
The  first  schemes  of  the  conspirators  that  were  presented  in  Con 
gress  were  not  understood  in  their  actual  purpose.  It  was  not  until 
the  plot  had  been  fully  developed  in  debate  that  the  full  purport  was 
grasped.  Even  to  this  day  all  the  details  of  this  conspiracy  in  its 
inception,  the  concoction  of  the  secret  bargain  between  Pierce  and 
the  Calhoun  Democracy  before  his  nomination,  the  development  of 
the  plan  of  action  from  day  to  day,  and  its  termination  in  the  whole 
sale  purchase  of  Northern  senators  and  representatives  by  patronage, 
will  never  be  learned.  But  it  is  enough  for  this  narrative  to  say  that 
the  chief  odium  of  this  act  rests  equally  on  the  shoulders  of  Franklin 
Pierce  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 


262  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

It  has  been  well  said  that  Pierce  and  Douglas  ran  a  race  for  the 
presidency.  This  is  a  terse  description  of  their  conduct  and  an  expla 
nation  of  their  motives  for  doing  the  work  of  the  slave  oligarchy. 
With  Pierce  in  the  presidency,  and  Douglas  chairman  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Territories,  the  slave  power  knew  that  it  had  two  men 
who  would  do  its  bidding  in  return  for  the  great  reward  it  promised,  — 
the  presidency.  What  the  slave  party  wanted  was  the  abrogation  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  that  it  might  seize  more  territory  for  slave- 
dom.  The  most  important  result  of  the  Mexican  war  was  the  addi 
tion  of  a  large  free  State  to  the  Union,  —  California.  This  was  the 
irony  of  fate.  The  free  States  now  not  only  exceeded  the  slave 
States  in  number,  population,  territory,  and  wealth,  but  promised  in 
the  near  future  to  exercise  the  political  power  of  government.  The 
slave  party  laid  longing  eyes  on  the  territory  that  now  comprises  the 
States  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  and,  to  quote  Mr.  Hamlin,  the  plot 
of  "infinite  mischief  "  was  conceived. 

In  the  waning  hours  of  the  Fillmore  administration  a  bill  was  intro 
duced  in  the  Senate  to  organize  a  government  in  Nebraska.  Senator 
Douglas  reported  it,  but  it  was  killed  by  the  votes  of  the  pro-slavery 
senators  under  different  pleas.  This  did  not  attract  much  attention, 
and  the  matter  did  not  come  up  again  until  Congress  met  for  the 
first  time  under  Mr.  Pierce's  administration,  December,  1853.  It  was 
afterwards  recalled  that  the  first  bill  Mr.  Douglas  presented  recog 
nized  the  Missouri  Compromise  ;  it  was  also  remembered  that  in 
1850  Douglas  said  in  a  speech  to  his  Illinois  constituents,  "I  am 
prepared  to  stand  or  fall  by  our  American  Union,  clinging  with  the 
tenacity  of  life  to  all  its  glorious  memories  of  the  past ;  .  .  .  and 
among  the  memories  of  the  past  I  pronounce  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise  of  1820  to  be  one."  After  the  beginning  of  the  Pierce  adminis 
tration  Douglas  experienced  a  change  of  mind  :  he  resolved  that  the 
Missouri  Compromise  should  in  fact  be  a  memory  of  the  past. 

There  was  quick  work.  On  January  4,  1854,  Senator  Douglas 
reported  the  Nebraska  bill  again,  with  the  significant  declaration  that 
the  question  of  slavery,  according  to  the  compromises  of  1850,  should 
be  left  to  the  people  of  the  territories  to  decide.  This  declaration 
was  untrue,  but  it  was  a  step  towards  the  new  ground  on  which  Mr. 
Douglas  meant  to  plant  himself.  On  January  16,  Archibald  Dixon, 
who  by  a  strange  fate  had  succeeded  Henry  Clay,  the  peacemaker, 
as  a  senator  from  Kentucky,  moved  that  the  bill  be  made  a  special 
order  for  the  following  Monday,  giving  notice  of  his  intention  to 
move  that  "the  Missouri  Compromise  be  repealed,  and  that  the  citi 
zens  of  the  several  States  be  at  liberty  to  take  and  hold  their  slaves 
within  any  of  the  territories."  Mr.  Dixon  added  that  on  "this  ques 
tion  of  slavery  I  know  no  Whig  party,  no  Democratic  party.  I  am  a 


THE   PIERCE   ADMINISTRATION  263 

pro-slavery  man,  and  represent  pro-slavery  constituents.  I  intend  to 
promote  slavery  interests  as  far  as  I  can.  This  bill,  if  adopted,  will 
carry  out  these  principles." 

Dixon's  declaration  was  at  first  regarded  as  the  expression  of 
individuals  rather  than  of  a  party,  but  events  rapidly  dissipated  this 
mistaken  idea.  Senator  Dixon's  proposition  to  repeal  the  honored 
landmark  of  1820  was  the  logical  outcome  of  Calhoun's  theories  and 
teachings.  When  Mr.  Dixon  said  that  on  the  question  of  slavery  he 
knew  no  Whig  party,  no  Democratic  party,  he  spoke  for  the  vast 
majority  of  the  people  south  of  the  Mason  and  Dixon  line.  In  the 
great  Democratic  landslide  of  the  presidential  election  many  Southern 
Whigs  had  renounced  their  allegiance  to  their  party  and  taken  their 
place  in  the  Calhoun  wing  of  the  Democracy.  Mr.  Dixon  was  simply 
stating  the  situation,  but  the  facts  were  a  revelation  to  the  slow  North. 
Douglas  recognized  the  state  of  affairs,  and  took  advantage  of  it  in 
a  characteristic  manner.  He  had  no  scruples  ;  success  was  his  stand 
ard  ;  the  presidency  his  aim.  He  had  no  sincerity ;  politics  was  to 
him  a  game,  and  slavery  at  this  juncture  was  the  football  that  was 
being  kicked  about.  The  South  was  the  master,  and  he  hastened  to 
curry  its  favor.  He  made  his  greatest  bid  for  the  presidency  on  Janu 
ary  23,  when  he  reported  his  territorial  bill  in  its  perfected  form. 
This  provided  for  the  division  of  the  territory  in  question  into  two 
parts,  to  be  known  as  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  with  the  declaration  that 
the  Missouri  Compromise  was  null  and  void,  and  suspended  by  the 
compromise  measures  of  1850. 

Mr.  Douglas  spent  a  part  of  the  preceding  Saturday  and  Sunday 
with  President  Pierce  in  consultation  over  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill, 
and  together  they  developed  the  measure  into  the  shape  in  which  it 
was  presented  in  the  Senate.  There  was  sharp  fencing  between 
them  ;  each  was  afraid  that  the  other  would  get  ahead  of  him  in  the 
race  both  were  making  for  Southern  favor.  More  details  will  be  pre 
sented  in  another  place  ;  it  is  enough  to  state  the  brief  facts  now.  It 
would  appear  that  President  Pierce  was  doubtful  about  the  step  he 
was  taking  ;  he  urged  Mr.  Douglas  to  consult  with  Secretary  Marcy. 
It  happened  that  Mr.  Marcy  was  not  at  home  when  Douglas  called, 
and  therefore  did  not  probably  know  that  the  conspiracy  had  been 
planned  out  until  it  was  too  late  to  arrest  it.  When  Fenton,  of  New 
York,  saw  Mr.  Marcy  he  indicated  by  his  dejected  manner  and  brief 
speech  that  he  believed  a  terrible  mistake  had  been  made,  and  that 
nothing  could  be  done  to  prevent  it.  This  all  happened  while  Con 
gress  was  considering  the  Nebraska  bill.  The  anti-slavery  members 
considered  that  a  bad  measure;  but  they  little  dreamed  that  while 
they  were  preparing  to  resist  it,  the  President  of  the  United  States 
and  a  great  leader  of  the  Democracy  were  plotting  to  launch  a  thun 
derbolt  out  of  the  clear  sky,  as  it  were. 


264  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  accomplished  partially 
through  the  unscrupulous  use  of  patronage  by  the  administration. 
The  men  who  were  instrumental  in  forcing  this  corrupt  job  through 
Congress  believed  that  "  every  man  has  his  price."  If  they  applied 
their  false  measure  to  honest  men,  it  was  their  own  mistake.  They 
certainly  made  a  mistake  in  the  case  of  Senator  Hamlin,  and  their 
efforts  to  approach  him  reacted  on  them.  The  plan  of  influencing 
Mr.  Hamlin  to  give  his  support  to  the  Douglas  bill  was  a  deep-laid 
scheme,  and  was  probably  the  counterpart  of  others  that  succeeded 
with  several  Northern  senators  and  representatives.  President  Pierce 
was  directly  connected  with  this  plot,  and  was  probably  the  author. 
It  is  referred  to  now  because  it  was  undoubtedly  conceived  before  the 
Douglas  bill  was  presented  in  the  Senate,  before  Mr.  Hamlin  even 
suspected  the  deviltry  Mr.  Pierce  was  engaged  in  behind  the  scenes. 
There  is  direct  evidence  of  President  Pierce's  part  in  this  job  and 
moral  evidence  that  he  tried  to  take  advantage  of  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  Maine  to  force  Mr.  Hamlin  into  line  with  the  miserable  crea 
tures  who  betrayed  their  States  in  this  disgraceful  affair.  It  was  a 
thumbscrew  business. 

There  was  a  changed  condition  of  affairs  in  Maine,  and  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  oldtime  enemies,  the  pro-slavery  Democrats,  were  the  cause  of 
it.  They  had  failed  to  rule,  and  now  they  were  trying  to  ruin  the 
Democratic  party  in  their  State.  They  bolted  Governor  Hubbard  in 
the  fall  of  1851,  when  he  was  a  candidate  for  reelection,  because  he 
was  instrumental  in  procuring  the  enactment  of  the  famous  Maine 
Prohibitory  Liquor  Law.  It  was  said  that  the  Hunkers  wanted  "  free 
rum  as  well  as  free  slave  trade."  They  succeeded  in  preventing  an 
election  by  the  people,  and  when  the  legislature  was  called  on«to  act, 
the  Hunkers  combined  with  the  Whigs,  and  elected  William  G.  Crosby 
governor  over  Dr.  Hubbard,  and  although  the  latter  had  a  large  plural 
ity  in  the  total  number  of  votes  thrown  by  the  people.  The  Hunkers 
hoped  that  they  could  effect  a  coalition  with  the  Whigs  whereby  they 
could  elect  one  of  their  own  men  to  the  Senate  to  succeed  Mr.  Brad 
bury  in  1853.  They  were  ready  to  do  business  with  Franklin  Pierce. 
This  was  the  situation  in  Maine  when  the  Missouri  plot  began  to 
develop  at  Washington. 

Mr.  Hamlin  seems  to  have  had  some  suspicions  at  this  juncture 
that  President  Pierce  was  not  sincere ;  but  he  was  disposed  to  be  just 
and  generous.  His  letter  to  Mr.  Haines  is  good  evidence  of  this. 
He  wrote,  among  other  things  :  — 

"The  President  is  kind  and  cordial,  but  I  think  I  can  see  a  fear  in  his 
mind  that  he  may  yield  too  much  to  me ;  in  other  words,  while  he  is  dis 
posed  to  give  me  his  confidence,  he  is  still  induced,  perhaps  insensibly,  to 
withhold  much  of  it  in  consequence  of  the  continued  assaults  on  me  by  a 


THE   PIERCE   ADMINISTRATION  265 

class  of  men  in  Maine.  ...  I  mean  that  the  President  shall  understand 
that  I  am  entitled  to  his  confidence.  He  has  not  treated  me  right,  but  no 
matter.  It  is  our  administration,  and  I  say,  let  us  give  it  a  generous  sup 
port.  We  have  brought  it  into  power,  let  us  take  care  of  it.  It  is  too 
small  business  for  a  man  to  allow  his  little  disappointments  to  control  his 
public  action.  I  fear  we  have  too  many  who  do  so." 

This  was  December  16,  about  the  time  when  it  is  definitely  known 
that  President  Pierce  and  Senator  Douglas  were  beginning  to  consult 
over  the  scheme  to  abrogate  the  Missouri  Compromise.  Mr.  Hamlin 
quickly  learned  why  the  President  was  listening  to  the  Hunkers  of 
Maine.  On  January  23,  1854,  Douglas  took  Congress  by  surprise  by 
presenting  his  bill  that  proposed  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise.  The  anti-slavery  senators  had  had  no  intimation  of  what 
was  coming  when  Douglas  took  the  floor.  They  were  simply  aghast 
when  they  heard  his  proposition.  Mr.  Hamlin  could  hardly  believe 
the  evidence  of  his  senses.  Repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise  !  What 
next  ?  Would  the  Calhoun  party  lay  hands  on  the  Constitution  it 
self  ?  The  anti-slavery  men  were  sickened  and  angered  ;  the  pro- 
slavery  men  were  jubilant.  Congress  was  at  once  in  a  roar  of  angry 
debate.  The  excitement  over  the  Wilmot  Proviso  was  slight  in 
comparison  with  that  which  now  agitated  the  country.  The  North's 
amazement  turned  to  indignation,  and  a  storm  of  wrath  arose  that 
was  a  precursor  of  the  fury  which  was  to  burst  forth  only  six  years 
later  when  the  government  was  assaulted. 

When  Douglas  had  finished  his  memorable  speech  introducing  his 
bill  and  urging  its  adoption  on  the  ground  that  it  would  vindicate  the 
principle  of  "non-intervention,"  and  allow  the  people  of  the  territo 
ries  to  decide  for  themselves  on  the  question  of  slavery,  Mr.  Hamlin 
at  once  sought  opportunity  to  speak  with  him.  He  said  :  - 

"Douglas,  your  bill  is  a  gross  moral  wrong.  In  my  judgment  it 
would  be  a  bad  party  measure.  It  is  vicious  in  principle,  and,  if  en 
acted,  will  produce  infinite  mischief.  I  shall  oppose  it.  That  is  all  I 
have  to  say."  l 

Men  who  were  associated  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  were  familiar  with 
his  record  of  consistent  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery,  knew 
that  he  meant  precisely  what  he  said.  None  at  Washington  but  the 
blind  President  and  his  miserable  tools  supposed  for  a  moment  that 
Mr.  Hamlin  would  support  the  Douglas  bill.  Douglas  knew  that  he 
would  oppose  it,  and,  suave  politician  as  he  was,  accepted  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  announcement  good-naturedly,  and  said  no  more  at  that  time. 
The  exciting  debate  then  opened,  but  Mr.  Hamlin,  having  stated  his 
position  authoritatively,  turned  to  other  affairs  for  the  present. 

1  Mr.  Hamlin  characterized  the  Douglas  bill  in  similar  terms  in  a  letter  which 
was  published  at  this  time  in  the  Boston  Commonwealth. 


266  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Having  announced  in  public  his  intention  of  opposing  the  Douglas 
bill,  Mr.  Hamlin  thought  that  he  had  said  enough.  The  proposition 
to  repeal  the  time-honored  bulwark  between  freedom  and  slavery  was 
an  act  of  unparalleled  perfidy.  His  position  was  clearly  understood. 
Two  dramatic  incidents  that  happened  later  reflect  Mr.  Hamlin's 
feelings.  The  debate  was  to  him  words,  words,  and  nothing  but 
words.  His  attitude  was  one  of  cold  contempt  towards  this  conspir 
acy  against  national  and  party  honor.  Silence  best  expressed  his 
feelings.  The  words  of  the  Roman  are  recalled  :  "  I  have  spoken." 
Then,  again,  there  was  work  to  be  done.  Mr.  Hamlin's  laborious 
duties  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Commerce,  as  well  as  the 
peculiar  situation  in  Maine,  now  claimed  his  attention. 

At  this  juncture,  the  State  was  in  a  political  ferment,  and  the  out 
come  was  in  the  dark.  It  is  easy  now  to  see  that  the  anti-slavery 
elements  were  then  coalescing  to  form  the  Republican  party.  This 
process  was  going  on  throughout  the  North,  and  Maine,  then  as  now, 
was  always  among  the  first  States  in  the  Union  to  feel  and  register 
a  moral  uprising.  At  the  South  the  pro-slavery  men  were  uniting. 
While  conditions  at  the  North  were  in  a  state  of  flux,  and  far-sighted 
men  realized  that  national  questions  would  sooner  or  later  readjust 
the  American  people  in  new  political  relations,  the  anti-slavery  Demo 
crats  of  the  Pine  Tree  State  gave  their  attention  to  the  pressing  need 
of  the  hour,  which  was  to  prevent  the  Hunkers  from  electing  one  of 
their  own  men  to  the  Senate.  Mr.  Hamlin  feared  this,  although  it 
was  a  remote  contingency.  The  Hunkers  and  the  Whigs  had  com 
bined  to  defeat  him  ;  they  had  also  combined  to  elect  Mr.  Crosby 
governor.  Some  of  the  Whig  leaders  had  persistently  misrepresented 
Mr.  Hamlin's  position  on  the  Texas  question.  He  was  not  disposed 
to  trust  them.  What  bargain  was  to  be  made  between  the  Whigs  and 
the  Hunkers,  to  reward  the  latter  for  electing  Mr.  Crosby  ?  Nathan 
Clifford  and  ex-Governor  Dana  were  active  candidates  for  the  Senate 
to  succeed  Mr.  Bradbury. 

Mr.  Hamlin  accordingly  joined  with  the  anti-slavery  Democracy  in 
an  effort  to  control  the  party  in  1853.  It  is  interesting  to  note  the 
kind  of  a  man  he  favored  as  his  colleague  in  this  crisis.  This  was 
William  P.  Haines,  of  Biddeford,  as  has  been  intimated  before.  From 
1850  to  the  winter  of  1854,  Mr.  Hamlin  strove  to  induce  Mr.  Haines 
to  become  a  candidate  for  the  Senate.  In  that  time  Mr.  Haines  had 
grown  into  a  leader  of  recognized  ability,  judgment,  and  character. 
He  was  entirely  in  sympathy  with  Mr.  Hamlin  on  the  slavery  issue, 
he  was  also  a  strong  party  man ;  in  fact,  he  never  left  the  Democracy. 
He  was  fine-looking  ;  he  had  an  attractive  personality.  While  Mr. 
Haines  was  active  in  politics,  he  never  sought  office.  In  short,  he 
was  one  of  those  strong,  upright,  unselfish  men,  who  dominate  the 


THE   PIERCE   ADMINISTRATION  267 

inner  circles  of  parties  and  seek  to  direct  their  party  in  the  right 
course.  Mr.  Haines  was  also  a  scholar  of  large  attainments.  A 
graduate  of  Dartmouth,  he  was  for  many  years  one  of  the  leading 
trustees  of  that  institution.  His  taste  inclined  him  to  his  home  and 
books.  The  following  extract  from  a  letter  that  Mr.  Haines  wrote 
Mr.  Hamlin,  in  July,  1854,  commending  his  course  in  the  Senate, 
gives  an  idea  of  the  man  and  his  relations  with  Mr.  Hamlin  :  — 

"  I  have  very  happy  reflections  when  I  call  to  mind  how  worthily  our 
friend  Hamlin  fulfills  all  his  friends  predicted  when  he  was  elected  to  the 
Senate.  In  fact,  my  dear  friend,  you  have  demonstrated  how  well  a  man 
may  stand  even  at  Washington,  who  will  respect  himself  and  represent  truly 
the  will  of  a  Northern  constituency.  I  thank  God  for  this  !  But  enough  — 
May  God  bless  you,  and  return  you  in  safety  to  the  beloved  family  circle." 

Mr.  Hamlin  felt  that  Mr.  Haines  had  the  qualities  and  peculiar 
party  qualifications  which  would  rally  the  Democracy  around  him.  He 
had  few  enemies  ;  even  the  Hunkers  thought  well  of  him.  But  Mr. 
Haines  withstood  all  pressure,  and  the  Democracy  eventually  nomi 
nated  Lot  M.  Morrill,  who  had  already  achieved  an  honorable  status 
in  his  party  as  an  anti-slavery  man  and  clear-headed  parliamentarian. 
Again  there  was  no  election  for  governor  by  the  people,  although  the 
Democrats  controlled  the  legislature.  The  situation  had  too  many 
complications  to  be  described  in  detail,  but  a  few  phrases  and  results 
may  be  presented  to  illustrate  the  peculiarities  of  politics.  The  year 
before,  the  Hunkers,  it  will  be  remembered,  bolted  Governor  Hubbard, 
and  by  combining  with  the  Whigs  made  Mr.  Crosby  governor.  This 
time  a  group  of  anti-slavery  Democrats1  bolted  their  party,  and,  join 
ing  with  the  Whigs  in  the  legislature,  reflected  Mr.  Crosby  and  chose 
William  Pitt  Fessenden  United  States  senator,  although  he  was  a 
Whig.  This  bolt  was  no  aspersion  on  Mr.  Morrill's  principles.  He 
was  defeated  by  a  curious  accident  of  politics.  Mr.  Hamlin  cordially 
supported  Mr.  Morrill,  and  regretted  his  defeat.  The  incident  has 
been  presented  only  to  show  that  Mr.  Hamlin  stuck  to  his  party  in 
its  hour  of  need,  and  exerted  himself  to  strengthen  the  anti-slavery 
party  in  the  Senate.  He  believed  that  the  election  of  a  good,  sound, 
anti-slavery  Democrat  to  the  Senate,  —  such  as  Mr.  Morrill,  —  in  the 
midst  of  the  struggle  over  the  Douglas  bill,  would  be  a  rebuke  to  the 
Democratic  leaders  who  were  plotting  to  betray  their  party.  He  went 
to  Maine  several  times  before  and  during  the  contest  at  Augusta,  to 
help  Morrill.  This  is  one  reason  why  he  did  not  speak  during  the 
debate.  He  was  looking  for  votes.  One  more  Democratic  vote 
against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  would  have  been  worth 
tomes  of  speech  to  him. 

1  These  were  Know-Nothing  men.  That  party  had  just  begun  its  brief  career 
in  Maine. 


268  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

But  however  unkind  fate  seemed  to  be  to  the  anti-slavery  Demo 
cracy  of  Maine,  Fessenden's  election  proved  opportune.  He  was  the 
leader  of  the  Whigs  in  the  legislature  and  a  member  of  the  House 
when  chosen  to  the  Senate.  In  shifting  his  scene  of  action  he  re 
mained  a  leader.  When  Fessenden  delivered  his  maiden  speech  in 
the  Senate, — against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  —  he 
stepped  into  the  front  ranks  of  the  debaters  in  Congress.  To  quote 
another  writer  :  "  The  friends  of  freedom  knew  that  a  new  champion 
had  arrived."  This  was  the  beginning  of  a  career  that  reflects  lustre 
and  honor  on  the  man  and  his  State.  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Fessen 
den  did  not  maintain  close  relationship  at  first  ;  each  continued  for 
a  few  years  to  act  nominally  with  his  old  party,  but  eventually  they 
cooperated  in  forming  the  Republican  party,  in  which  they  remained 
as  leaders  to  the  end  of  their  lives. 

When  the  debate  over  the  Douglas  bill  in  the  Senate  began  to 
near  its  close,  there  were  two  kinds  of  Northern  Democrats  who  gave 
unmistakable  evidence  of  their  intention  to  support  Douglas.  One 
was  the  kind  which  worshiped  the  god  of  party  action.  The  other 
was  the  venial  sort.  General  Cass,  of  Michigan,  represented  the 
former.  On  the  adoption  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  he  declared 
that  his  doctrine  of  "  squatter  sovereignty  "  was  vindicated.  Another 
was  John  Pettit,  of  Indiana.  He  once  said,  in  defending  the  extension 
of  slavery,  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  a  self-evident 
lie.  A  third  was  Moses  Norris,  of  New  Hampshire.  Once  he  up 
braided  Ben  Wade  for  opposing  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  Wade  coolly 
inquired  of  Norris  whether  he  would  help  catch  a  "nigger  "  if  sum 
moned  to  do  so  by  an  officer  of  the  law.  Norris  replied  in  some  con 
fusion  that  he  would.  Wade  turned  to  Archibald  Dixon,  and  asked 
him  the  same  question.  "  No  ;  I  would  be  damned  if  I  would,"  was 
the  frank  reply.  "Then,"  rejoined  Wade,  "I  don't  see  why  you 
Southern  gentlemen  should  catch  niggers,  when  you  can  find  North 
ern  men  to  do  your  dirty  work  for  you." 

The  other  kind  of  men  who  betrayed  their  constituency  were  soon 
forgotten,  though  the  memory  of  their  deed  lived  long  after  them, 
This  narrative  is  concerned  only  with  the  chief  figures  in  the  mer 
cenary  job  that  carried  the  Douglas  bill  through  to  success.  President 
Pierce  employed  the  vast  patronage  at  his  disposal  to  force  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  The  following  extract  from  an  editorial 
that  appeared  in  the  "New  York  Evening  Post,"  at  this  period,  gives 
a  good  idea  of  the  situation  as  it  was  revealed  to  the  anti-slavery  press 
by  their  friends  in  Congress  :  "  All  the  methods  of  influence  and  in 
timidation  which  organization,  numbers,  and  patronage  can  supply  are 
used  without  stint  at  the  seat  of  government  to  silence  those  who  dis 
approve  of  the  bill,  and  engage  the  wavering  to  give  it  support.  Those 


THE   PIERCE   ADMINISTRATION  269 

who  have  visited  Washington  speak  of  a  leaden  tyranny  which  is  felt 
everywhere,  weighing  upon  men's  minds,  coercing  them  into  a  sad, 
helpless  acquiescence  in  the  measure."  But  this  told  only  a  frac 
tional  part  of  the  story. 

When  the  Douglas  bill  was  fairly  under  discussion,  the  "  Little 
Giant "  one  day,  in  a  burst  of  confidence,  told  Mr.  Hamlin  what  he 
had  suspected,  —  that  the  bill  was  an  administration  measure.  Mr. 
Douglas  said  at  the  same  time  that  he  purposed  to  get  something  in 
black  and  white  from  President  Pierce  to  hold  him  fast  to  the  bill.  A 
day  or  two  afterwards,  Mr.  Douglas  showed  Senator  Hamlin  the  ori 
ginal  draft  of  the  final  amendment  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  This 
contained  the  clause  repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  was 
written  by  Franklin  Pierce  himself.1  Jefferson  Davis,  in  his  account 2 
of  the  interview  between  Mr.  Douglas,  President  Pierce,  and  others 
regarding  the  fateful  amendment,  denied  that  the  measure  originated 
with  the  President  or  any  member  of  the  Cabinet.  It  would  also 
appear  from  Senator  Dixon's  story  that  he  took  Douglas  by  surprise 
when  he  proposed  to  repeal  the  compromise  of  1820.  No  doubt  Mr. 
Davis  and  Mr.  Dixon  were  correct.  Senator  Douglas  was  quick  to 
catch  the  drift  of  things  political.  Probably  he  got  an  idea  from  Mr. 
Dixon's  proposition  as  to  what  was  the  intention  among  the  Southern 
senators,  and  acted  on  it.  Then  Mr.  Pierce  entered  the  race  with 
Mr.  Douglas. 

The  responsibility  for  inventing  the  scheme  of  abrogating  the  Mis 
souri  act  need  not  be  detailed ;  the  story  deals  with  the  results.  It 
cannot  be  proved  that  there  was  a  secret  understanding  established 
between  General  Pierce  and  the  Southern  leaders  prior  to  his  nomi 
nation  for  the  presidency ;  and  it  is  not  contended  that  there  was  an 
agreement,  whereby  Mr.  Pierce  pledged  himself  in  terms  to  favor 
the  annullment  of  the  compromise  of  1820;  on  the  other  hand,  it  is 
asserted  that  the  leaders  of  the  slave  oligarchy,  in  their  search  for  a 
Northern  man  with  Southern  principles,  were  satisfied  by  pledges  of 
a  convincing  nature  that  Franklin  Pierce  was  the  one  they  wanted  and 
would  do  what  they  desired.  Three  times  he  broke  his  solemn  vow  to 
the  country  to  maintain  the  compromise  measures  of  1850.  A  man 
who  would  do  that  would  hardly  hesitate  to  make  secret  ante-conven 
tion  promises  to  gain  the  great  office  of  the  presidency.  The  prompt 
ness  with  which  Robert  Toombs,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Thomas  L. 
Clingman,  Judah  P.  Benjamin,  and  other  leading  Whigs  deserted  their 
party  to  support  Pierce  for  President ;  the  conferences  at  Concord 
between  General  Pierce  and  Southern  leaders  before  his  nomination, 
and  his  subsequent  conduct  as  President,  admit  of  no  other  conclusion 

1  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vol.  i.  p.  350. 

2  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederacy  ,\Q\>  i.  p.  28. 


270  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

than  that  Mr.  Pierce  bound  himself  to  advance  the  interests  of  the 
slaveholding  South.  This  was  Senator  Hamlin's  belief. 

A  few  days  before  the  Senate  came  to  a  vote  on  the  Douglas  bill, 
Mr.  Hamlin  received  direct  proof  that  the  administration  was  resorting 
to  venality  to  accomplish  its  object.  This  Vas  one  of  the  two  occa 
sions  during  the  quarter  of  a  century  Mr.  Hamlin  sat  in  the  Senate 
when  he  was  approached  by  corrupt  men.  The  first  who  approached 
him  was  Caleb  Gushing,  attorney-general  of  the  United  States.  He 
was  a  singular  character.  A  man  of  great  ability,  yet  without  sin 
cerity,  though  his  adroitness  blinded  many  as  to  the  real  man.  He 
threaded  his  way  from  one  party  to  another  on  thin  pretenses  that 
entitled  him  to  be  called  the  political  Blondin  of  his  day.  He  had 
but  one  rival  as  a  political  prestidigitateur,  and  that  was  his  associate, 
Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts.  The  two  were  once  aptly 
characterized  as  "the  Siamese  Twins  in  chicanery  and  intrigue." 
Butler  was  the  more  mischievous  of  the  two.  His  sophisms  were 
not  wholly  confined  to  politics,  but  filled  the  court-room,  and  influ 
enced  young  men  in  forming  their  ideas  of  the  standards  and  actions 
of  life.  These  two  men  were  active  in  arranging  the  terms  of  Pierce's 
nomination,  —  whatever  they  were,  —  and  now  Gushing  came  to  Sen 
ator  Hamlin  to  complete  his  record  of  jobbery. 

The  interview  took  place  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  rooms  at  the  St.  Charles 
Hotel.  Cushing  in  his  adroit  way  presented  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill  to  Mr.  Hamlin  as  an  administrative  measure,  and  urged  him  to 
support  it  as  a  party  bill.  Gradually  he  unfolded  the  obstacles  that 
had  already  been  overcome,  and  then  when  he  came  to  those  that 
remained,  Cushing,  in  direct  terms  on  behalf  of  the  administration, 
offered  Mr.  Hamlin  control  of  all  the  patronage  in  New  England,  or 
Maine,  that  he  might  ask  for.  This  was  to  be  his  reward  for  voting 
in  favor  of  the  Douglas  bill.  Senator  Hamlin  cut  the  interview  short 
by  rising  to  his  feet  and  saying,  with  considerable  grimness  of  manner : 
"Gushing,  I  am  forty-four  years  old.  I  have  never  done  anything  for 
which  I  am  ashamed,  and  with  God's  help  I  don't  propose  to  either." 
Mr.  Cushing  and  his  oily  manner  evaporated  at  once. 

But  this  was  not  all.  The  next  day  President  Pierce  resolved  to 
sound  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  accordingly  sent  for  him.  Mr.  Hamlin  called 
at  the  White  House,  and  was  received  in  the  President's  private  room. 
Mr.  Pierce  almost  immediately  came  to  the  point.  He  asked  Mr. 
Hamlin  what  the  Senate  was  going  to  do  about  the  Douglas  bill. 
Mr.  Hamlin  was  at  once  on  his  guard,  and  replied  that  there  was  ap 
parently  not  a  majority  in  favor  of  it. 

"  Well,"  continued  the  President,  "  suppose,  now,  that  it  should 
become  a  party  measure,  what  would  you  do  in  regard  to  it  ?  " 

"As   to   that,"    said    Hamlin    quietly,    "it  is  only  necessary  for 


THE   PIERCE   ADMINISTRATION  271 

me  to  say  at  this  time  that  I  do  not  regard  the  measure  as  a  wise 
one." 

"Still,"  urged  the  President,  "you  could  not  stand  up  against 
your  party;  even  Calhoun  and  White,  of  Tennessee,  failed  to  do 
that." 

"And  yet,"  said  the  Maine  senator,  "I  shall,  if  necessary,  take 
the  responsibility  of  standing  up  against  my  party.  I  have  my  con 
stituents  to  serve,  and  they  shall  be  served  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
irrespective  of  any  party.  At  the  same  time,  let  us  understand  each 
other.  Did  you  ask  me  to  come  here  expecting  to  get  me  to  aid  you 
in  repealing  the  compromise  ? " 

"Yes,"  replied  Mr.  Pierce,  after  a  moment's  consideration,  "I  did." 

"Then,  sir,  I  must  say  to  you,"  replied  Mr.  Hamlin  earnestly, 
"  that  during  the  more  than  forty  years  I  have  lived,  I  have  doubtless 
made  many  mistakes,  but  I  have  never  lost  self-respect.  I  would  do 
so  should  I  vote  for  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  It  is 
needless  to  say  more,  and  I  shall  bid  you  good-morning."  l 

This  was  the  last  time  Mr.  Hamlin  spoke  with  Franklin  Pierce. 
When  he  withdrew  from  the  White  House  on  this  occasion,  he 
resolved  never  to  return  while  Mr.  Pierce  was  its  occupant.  It  is  also 
of  interest  to  note  that  this  was  the  last  time  Mr.  Hamlin  entered  the 
White  House  as  a  member  of  the  Democratic  party.  A  few  days 
later,  March  4,  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  after  an  exhausting 
struggle,  just  a  year  after  Mr.  Pierce  had  been  installed  in  the  presi 
dency,  the  Senate  voted  to  repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise.  The 
iron  pressure  of  the  administration  proved  too  much  for  certain  sen 
ators,  and  the  hopes  Mr.  Hamlin  and  others  had  were  disappointed. 
With  the  two  honorable  exceptions  of  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and 
Sam  Houston,  of  Texas,  the  Southern  senators  were  a  unit,  and,  with 
their  Northern  allies,  threw  thirty-seven  votes  for  the  destruction  of 
the  nation's  solemn  pledges  of  1820.  Houston's  protest  was  moving 
and  eloquent,  and  the  more  patriotic  since  he  knew  that  it  would 
ruin  whatever  chances  he  had  for  the  presidency.  Bell's  course  was 
equally  honorable,  and  his  fame  would  have  been  enviable  in  all 
respects  had  he  remained  as  consistent  to  the  end  as  Houston  did. 

Fourteen  Northern  senators  voted  for  the  abrogation  of  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  and  several  more  were  not  in  their  seats  when  the 
final  roll  was  called.  The  fourteen  were  General  Lewis  Cass  and 
Charles  E.  Stuart  of  Michigan  ;  Moses  Norris  and  Jared  W.  Williams, 
of  New  Hampshire ;  Augustus  C.  Dodge  and  George  W.  Jones,  of 
Iowa ;  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  James  Shields,  of  Illinois ;  William 
M.  Gwin  and  John  R.  Weller,  of  California;  Richard  Brodhead,  of 
Pennsylvania ;  John  Pettit,  of  Indiana ;  John  R.  Thompson,  of  New 
1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans,  p.  137. 


272  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Jersey,  and  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connecticut.  Jesse  D.  Bright,  of  Indi 
ana,  and  Robert  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  were  both  absent  when  the 
vote  was  taken,  but  sent  word  that  they  favored  the  passage  of  the 
Douglas  bill.  Philip  Allen,  of  Rhode  Island,  was  called  away  from 
Washington  on  account  of  sickness  in  hie  family,  but  authorized  his 
colleague  to  announce  that  he  was  opposed  to  the  Douglas  bill.  Ed 
ward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  did  not  vote,  on  account  of  illness. 
He  was  opposed  to  the  repeal.  Pairs  were  not  announced  in  the 
"Congressional  Globe  "  at  that  time. 

In  the  following  May,  the  House  passed  a  bill  to  repeal  the  Missouri 
Compromise  by  a  vote  of  113  to  100.  There  were  forty-four  North 
ern  men  among  the  majority,  and  they  were  distributed  among  a 
dozen  different  States,  as  the  list  will  show.  They  were  :  Moses  Mac- 
donald,  of  Maine  ;  Harry  Hibbard,  of  New  Hampshire ;  Collin  M. 
Ingersoll,  of  Connecticut;  Thomas  W.  Gumming,  Francis  B.  Cutting, 
Peter  Rowe,  John  J.  Taylor,  William  M.  Tweed,  Hiram  Walbridge, 
William  A.  Walker,  Mike  Walsh,  Theodoric  R.  Westbrook,  of  New 
York ;  Samuel  Lilly  and  George  Vail,  of  New  Jersey ;  Samuel  A. 
Bridges,  John  L.  Dawson,  Thomas  B.  Florence,  J.  Glancey  Jones, 
William  H.  Kurtz,  John  McNair,  Asa  Packer,  John  W.  Robbins, 
Christian  M.  Straub,  William  W.  Witte,  and  Hendrick  B.  Wright, 
of  Pennsylvania ;  David  T.  Disney,  Frederick  W.  Green,  Edson  B. 
Olds,  Wilson  Shannon,  of  Ohio  ;  Samuel  Clark  and  David  Stuart, 
of  Michigan ;  James  C.  Allen,  Willis  Allen,  and  William  A.  Richard 
son,  of  Illinois ;  Bernhart  Henn,  of  Iowa ;  John  G.  Davis,  Norman 
Eddy,  William  H.  English,1  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,2  James  H.  Lane, 
Cyrus  L.  Dunham,  and  Smith  Miller,  of  Indiana ;  Milton  S.  Latham 
and  James  A.  McDougall,  of  California. 

There  were  nine  Southern  men  in  the  House  who  resisted  the  cry 
of  their  section  of  the  country  for  the  wiping  out  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise.  They  were  Thomas  H.  Benton,  of  Missouri ;  Robert 
M.  Bugg,  William  Cullom,  Emerson  Etheridge,  and  Nathaniel  G. 
Taylor,  of  Tennessee  ;  Theodore  G.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana  ;  John  S. 
Millson,  of  Virginia;  Richard  C.  Puryea  and  Sion  H.  Rogers,  of 
North  Carolina.  The  rest  of  the  one  hundred  were :  Israel  Wash- 
burn,  Samuel  P.  Benson,  Samuel  Mayall,  E.  Wilder  Farley,  and  T.  J. 
D.  Fuller,  of  Maine  ;  Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  Samuel  L.  Crocker,  Alex 
ander  DeWitt,  Edward  Dickinson,  J.  Wiley  Edmands,  Thomas  D. 
Eliot,  John  Z.  Goodrich,  Charles  W.  Upham,  Samuel  H.  Walley,  and 
Tappan  Wentworth,  of  Massachusetts ;  George  W.  Kittredge,  George 
W.  Morrison,  of  New  Hampshire;  James  Meacham,  Alvah  Sabin, 
and  Andrew  Tracy,  of  Vermont  ;  Thomas  Davis  and  Benjamin  B. 

1  Democratic  candidate  for  Vice-President  in  1880. 

2  Elected  Vice-President  on  the  Democratic  ticket  in  1884. 


THE   PIERCE   ADMINISTRATION  273 

Thurston,  of  Rhode  Island  ;  Nathan  Belcher,  James  T.  Pratt,  and 
Origen  S.  Seymour,  of  Connecticut ;  Henry  Bennett,  Davis  Carpen 
ter,  Gilbert  Dean,  Reuben  E.  Fenton,  Thomas  T.  Flagler,  George 
Hastings,  Solomon  G.  Haven,  Charles  Hughes,  Daniel  T.  Jones,  Ca 
leb  Lyon,  Orasamus  B.  Matteson,  Edwin  B.  Morgan,  William  Murray, 
Andrew  Oliver,  Jared  V.  Peck,  Rufus  W.  Peckham,  Bishop  Perkins, 
Benjamin  Pringle,  Russell  Sage,  George  A.  Simmons,  Gerrit  Smith, 
and  John  Wheeler,  of  New  York ;  Alexander  C.  M.  Pennington, 
Charles  Skelton,  and  Nathan  T.  Stratton,  of  New  Jersey ;  Joseph  R. 
Chandler,  Carlton  B.  Curtis,  John  Dick,  Augustus  Drum,  William 
Everhart,  James  Gamble,  Galusha  A.  Grow,  Isaac  E.  Hiester,  Thomas 
H.  Home,  John  McCulloch,  Ner  Middleswarth,  David  Ritchie,  Samuel 
Russell,  and  Michael  C.  Trout,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Edward  Ball,  Lewis 
D.  Campbell,  Alfred  P.  Edgerton,  Andrew  Ellison,  Joshua  R.  Gid- 
dings,  Aaron  Harlan,  Andrew  J.  Harlan,  Scott  Harrison,  Harvey  H. 
Johnson,  William  D.  Lindsley,  Matthias  H.  Nichols,  Thomas  Ritchey, 
William  R.  Sapp,  Andrew  Stuart,  John  L.Taylor,  and  Edward  Wade, 
of  Ohio ;  David  A.  Noble  and  Hestor  L.  Stevens,  of  Michigan ; 
James  Knox,  Jesse  O.  Norton,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  John  Went- 
worth,  and  Richard  Yates,  of  Illinois  ;  Andrew  J.  Harlan,  Daniel 
Mace,  and  Samuel  W.  Parker,  of  Indiana;  Benjamin  C.  Eastman  and 
Daniel  Wells,  of  Wisconsin. 

It  is  not  easy  to  separate  the  sheep  from  the  goats  in  this  instance. 
It  is  probable  that  partisanship  and  patronage  were  equally  respon 
sible  for  the  disastrous  step  Congress  took.  Macdonald,  of  Maine, 
one  of  the  three  representatives  who  falsified  the  sentiment  of  New 
England,  was  instructed  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote  of  the  legisla 
ture  of  Maine  to  oppose  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  In 
an  extreme  speech  in  the  House,  Macdonald  denied  the  right  of  the 
legislature  to  instruct  him,  and  claimed  that  that  body  did  not  cor 
rectly  represent  the  sentiment  of  the  State.  He  had  long  been  one 
of  Mr.  Hamlin's  most  active  opponents.  He  was  now  retired  from 
Congress  for  misrepresenting  the  people  of  his  district. 

It  was  not  clear  what  the  slavery  propagandists  would  do  after  they 
had  succeeded  in  tearing  down  the  bulwark  of  1820.  Their  plan  to 
colonize  Kansas  and  Nebraska  with  slaveholders  was  carefully  con 
cealed  at  first.  It  was  apparent,  of  course,  that  their  onslaught  on 
the  Missouri  Compromise  meant  "infinite  mischief."  There  was 
nothing  to  do  but  wait  and  see  what  the  conspirators  would  do  next. 
Shortly  after  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  repealed,  and  before  the 
Calhoun  party  had  given  a  hint  of  the  programme  its  leaders  were 
plotting,  Senator  Hamlin  stated  his  position  to  Douglas,  Hunter,  and 
other  pro-slavery  leaders  of  his  party  with  whom  he  had  sustained 
personal  and  party  relations.  He  said  to  them  :  — 


274 


HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 


"If  the  Democratic  party  indorses  the  doctrine  of  non-interven 
tion  in  its  next  presidential  convention  I  will  leave  it." 

With  this  Mr.  Hamlin  rested  his  case,  awaiting  official  action  of  the 
party  two  years  later.  He  voted  with  the  Democratic  senators  on 
questions  affecting  the  true  principles  of  Democracy,  but  always 
opposed  them  on  the  slavery  issue,  and  also  squarely  antagonized 
President  Pierce  on  any  measure  that  he  favored  in  the  interests  of 
the  slave  power.  Mr.  Hamlin,  therefore,  virtually  held  the  position 
of  a  Republican  during  the  rest  of  the  Pierce  administration ;  but  he 
was  not  the  man  to  give  up  the  ship  while  there  was  hope  of  keeping 
her  afloat,  and  he  did  not  officially  sever  his  relations  with  the  Demo 
cratic  party  until  by  its  own  act  it  was  about  to  sink  itself  in  the 
maelstrom  in  which  the  unhappy  Pierce  administration  was  wrecked. 

One  more  incident  of  a  personal  nature,  that  reflects  the  rotten 
and  reckless  character  of  this  unhappy  political  period,  remains  to  be 
recorded.  When  the  representatives  of  Texas  were  trying  to  induce 
the  government  to  assume  the  heavy  debt  of  their  State,  there  was 
more  than  one  member  of  Congress  who  profited  financially  through 
unscrupulous  lobbyists  who  offered  them  Texas  bonds  at  a  low  figure. 
One  prominent  Democrat,  who  was  identified  with  the  scheme  to 
bribe  Kansas  to  adopt  a  pro-slavery  constitution  by  offering  her  land, 
and  who  was  afterwards  an  unsuccessful  candidate  for  Vice-President, 
laid  the  basis  for  his  private  fortune  by  buying  up  Texas  scrip  at  this 
time.  A  certain  senator,  whose  name  Mr.  Hamlin  would  not  divulge 
out  of  consideration  for  his  family,  approached  him  at  this  time,  and 
made  him  the  only  corrupt  offer  of  money  that  was  ever  made  to  him 
in  all  his  career.  Mr.  Hamlin  had  only  a  speaking  acquaintance  with 
this  senator,  and  he  was  angered  when  the  latter  said  to  him  in  a 
mysterious  way,  "  Senator,  I  know  where  Texas  bonds  can  be  obtained 
for  fifty  cents  on  the  dollar." 

"  Indeed,"  replied  Mr.  Hamlin  with  a  sharp  look  that  was  intended 
to  preclude  any  suggestion  of  a  dishonorable  nature. 

The  senator,  not  understanding,  proceeded  eagerly,  "  Yes ;  I  know 
where  they  can  be  bought  for  twenty-five  cents  on  the  dollar.  What 
do  you  say  ? " 

"  I  have  this  to  say,"  replied  Senator  Hamlin,  turning  on  the  lobby 
ist,  "  I  am  forty-four'  years  old  to-day.  I  may  have  made  mistakes, 
but  I  have  never  done  anything  of  which  I  am  ashamed,  and  with 
God's  help  I  never  will.  Damn  you  and  damn  your  bonds  !  " 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

MR.    HAMLIN    LEAVES    THE    DEMOCRACY 

THE  Republican  party  was  born  out  of  conditions  that  were  created 
chiefly  during  the  decade  of  slavery  propagandism,  which  began  with 
the  annexation  of  Texas  and  closed  with  the  tearing  down  of  the 
barrier  of  1820.  With  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the 
North  found  itself  menaced  by  an  aggressive  sectional  party,  which 
now  proposed  to  plant  an  institution  among  the  Northern  people 
that  they  loathed,  and  which  their  forefathers  had  expelled  from 
their  soil.  There  was  a  general  feeling  throughout  the  North  that  a 
new  party  should  be  formed  to  prevent  the  people  thereof  from  being 
despoiled  of  their  natural  and  constitutional  rights.  A  series  of 
conventions  were  held  in  Maine,  Michigan,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  and 
Wisconsin,  in  the  summer  of  1854,  and  action  was  formally  taken  in 
the  name  of  the  Republican  party.  Yet  this  illustrious  organization 
did  not  fairly  spring  into  existence  until  two  years  later.  Following 
the  abrogation  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  vast  majority  of  anti- 
slavery  men  waited  and  watched  for  the  next  move  of  the  enemy. 
This  placed  the  responsibility  for  the  crisis  of  1 860  on  the  slave  power. 
When  it  endeavored  to  force  slavery  into  Kansas,  the  anti-slavery  ele 
ments  coalesced,  and  the  Republican  party  stood  forth  for  its  first 
great  battle,  —  the  presidential  campaign  of  1856. 

The  common  interests  and  sympathies  of  the  anti-slavery  people 
contributed  to  draw  men  of  the  old  parties  together  in  practical  rela 
tions  before  great  events  cemented  the  opponents  of  slavery  into  a 
compact  political  party.  An  interesting  and  picturesque  phase  of  life 
at  Washington,  at  this  period,  may  be  presented  in  evidence  of  this. 
For  more  than  ten  years,  the  centre  of  the  anti-slavery  congressmen 
and  other  well  known  opponents  of  the  peculiar  institution  was  the 
home  of  Dr.  Gamaliel  Bailey,  the  editor  of  the  "  National  Era."  Dr. 
Bailey  was  a  man  of  large  culture,  sound  political  judgment,  and  in 
domitable  courage.  He  was  also  a  delightful  host,  and  his  companion 
ship  was  sought  and  enjoyed  by  statesmen,  journalists,  writers,  scien 
tists,  and  other  people  of  distinction.  His  home  would  have  been 
noted  as  a  brilliant,  intellectual  centre,  even  if  this  phase  of  the  life 


276  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

there  had  not  been  overtopped  by  the  distinct  anti-slavery  character 
of  the  gatherings  at  his  house.  It  was  aptly  characterized  as  "  an 
American  salon,"  by  Grace  Greenwood,1  in  an  interesting  reminis 
cence  of  the  people  and  scenes  she  saw  at  Dr.  Bailey's. 

Dr.  Bailey  began  publishing  the  "  National  Era"  in  1847,  the  vear 
Mr.  Hamlin  closed  his  second  term  in  the  House,  and  their  acquaint 
ance  probably  began  shortly  after  Mr.  Hamlin  entered  the  Senate. 
When  the  compromise  measures  were  before  Congress,  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  one  of  the  regular  frequenters  of  Dr.  Bailey's  house.  He  was 
not  as  radical  as  the  more  outspoken  people  who  gathered  there  ;  he 
was  more  cautious  and  alive  to  the  practical  difficulties  that  beset  the 
opponents  of  slavery.  But  he  was  in  sympathy  with  the  animating 
spirit  of  the  Bailey  gatherings  that  drew  anti-slavery  people  together 
and  enabled  them  to  take  counsel  against  the  enemy.  The  Saturday 
night  receptions  at  the  Baileys  were  brilliant  affairs.  Among  the 
prominent  men  who  figured  at  these  gatherings  were  Seward,  Sum- 
ner,  Hale,  Chase,  Corwin,  Giddings,  Wilmot,  Preston  King,  Robert 
Rantoul,  Henry  Wilson,  George  W.  Julian,  Justice  McLean,  John  G. 
Palfrey,  Horace  Mann,  Moncure  D.  Con  way,  and  many  others  whom 
Mr.  Hamlin  well  knew  and  esteemed.  In  her  sketch  of  these  scenes, 
Grace  Greenwood  describes  Mr.  Hamlin  as  a  "  strong,  active  man, 
with  a  constitutional  objection  to  overcoats  and  other  compromise 
measures,  fond  of  walking,  and  not  averse  to  dancing." 

Another  interesting  chronicler  of  these  times  was  George  W. 
Julian,  whose  name  was  associated  with  that  of  John  P.  Hale,  on  the 
Free-Soil  presidential  ticket  of  1852.  At  this  time  he  was  coming 
into  national  prominence  as  one  of  the  bravest  and  promptest  anti- 
slavery  men  in  Congress.  In  his  "Political  Recollections,"2  Mr. 
Julian  records  :  "  It  was  not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  little  band  of 
Free-Soilers  in  this  Congress  (the  thirty-eighth)  encountered  popular 
obloquy  and  social  outlawry  at  the  capital.  Their  position  was  offen 
sive,  because  it  rebuked  the  ruling  influences  of  the  times,  and  sum 
moned  the  real  manhood  of  the  country  to  its  rescue.  They  were 
treated  as  pestilent  fanatics  because  they  bravely  held  up  the  idea  of 
the  republic,  and  sought  to  make  it  real.  But  they  pressed  forward 
along  the  path  of  their  aspirations.  They  found  a  solace  for  their 
social  ostracism  in  the  delightful  gatherings  which  assembled  weekly 
at  the  residence  of  Dr.  Bailey,  where  they  met  philanthropists,  reform 
ers,  and  literary  notables.  They  had  the  courage  of  their  opinions, 
and  genuine  satisfaction  which  accompanies  manliness  of  character ; 
and  they  lived  to  see  their  principles  vindicated." 

In  a  private  letter,3  Mr.  Julian  added :  "  I  knew  Mr.  Hamlin  well 

1   The  Cosmopolitan,  February,  1890.  2  Page  112. 

8  January  27,  1897,  to  the  author. 


MR.   HAMLIN   LEAVES   THE   DEMOCRACY  277 

during  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  and  always  admired  him.  I  knew 
him  also  in  his  prime,  having  first  met  him  in  the  Congress  of  1849- 
50.  He  was  then  a  commanding  figure  in  the  Senate,  —  perfectly 
erect,  of  quick  step,  bright,  sparkling  eyes,  with  a  look  of  vigor  and 
alertness  about  him.  He  was  a  Democrat,  but  not  of  the  pro-slavery 
type,  and  he  used  to  join  the  Free-Soilers  of  the  Senate  and  House 
in  social  gatherings  at  Dr.  Bailey's  house.  His  geniality  was  charm 
ing,  and  I  recall  him  vividly  and  most  pleasantly  as  he  appeared  to 
me  more  than  forty-seven  years  ago." 

The  importance  Mr.  Hamlin  attached  to  the  gatherings  at  Dr. 
Bailey's  house  may  be  learned  from  the  following  letter  Grace  Green 
wood  incorporated  in  her  reminiscences  of  "  An  American  Salon,"  — 

"  Our  first  Republican  Vice- President,  whose  name  is  linked  for  all 
time  with  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  writes  to  me  from  his  home  in 
Bangor :  — 

"  '  I  have  neither  forgotten  you  nor  the  cosy,  pleasant  meetings  at 
Dr.  Bailey's  to  which  you  refer.  Those  meetings  were  of  very  great 
value  to  the  anti-slavery  cause.  They  were  made  up  of  persons  who 
believed  in  the  anti-slavery  principles  which  they  professed  and  advo 
cated.  I  can  think  of  no  instrumentality  which  did  so  good  a  service 
to  our  cause.  The  meetings  were  composed  in  great  part  of  men  and 
women  of  both  Whig  and  Democratic  affiliations,  but  who  were  at 
heart  anti-slavery ;  and  they  served  to  unite  and  strengthen  all  who 
participated  in  them,  and  to  extend  their  sphere  of  useful  activity. 
They  cheered  the  resolute  and  determined  in  opinion  the  timid. 

"  '  Alas  !  how  few  are  now  left  who  know  the  ordeal  vfhich  we  all 
entertaining  anti-slavery  sentiments  had  to  pass  through  !  I  then 
believed  that  God  in  his  goodness  would  wipe  out  the  "  sum  of  all 
villainies,"  but  I  never  dreamed  that  it  would  come,  as  it  has  come, 
in  my  day.  Yours  truly, 

"<H.  HAMLIN." 

There  is,  unfortunately,  no  further  record  of  Senator  Hamlin's  con 
nection  with  this  interesting  episode  in  the  consolidation  of  the  anti- 
slavery  people.  His  constant  presence  at  the  receptions  and  confer 
ences  at  Dr.  Bailey's  home  is  evidence  that  he  was  active  in  shaping 
and  advising  the  opposition  to  the  slave  power.  But  he  said  little  to 
his  friends  of  the  part  he  played  ;  that  was  his  nature.  Mr.  Hamlin's 
energies  in  fighting  the  slave  oligarchy  were  probably  employed  to  a 
larger  extent  at  these  informal  gatherings  than  anywhere  else  at 
this  time.  After  his  rupture  with  President  Pierce  and  the  leaders 
of  the  Democracy,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  placed  in  a  peculiar  position.  In 
serving  notice  on  Douglas,  Hunter,  and  other  leaders  of  his  party 
that  he  would  leave  them  should  they  enforce  the  doctrine  of  non- 


278  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

intervention,  Senator  Hamlin's  duty  was  to  maintain  a  waiting  atti 
tude  and  see  what  his  party  would  do.  He  bided  his  time  well,  and 
his  silence  in  the  Senate  during  the  last  two  years  of  the  Pierce  ad 
ministration  emphasized  his  short  but  memorable  repudiation  of  the 
Democracy  when  it  indorsed  the  repeal  of  *he  Missouri  Compromise 
and  nominated  James  Buchanan  for  President.  His  position  was, 
therefore,  logical  and  justified. 

At  the  same  time  Mr.  Hamlin  was  exceedingly  busy  with  his  la 
borious  duties  in  the  Senate.  A  careful  examination  of  the  "  Con 
gressional  Globe  "  shows  that  his  work  covered  a  wide  scope.  The 
nature  may  be  indicated  ;  lack  of  space  prohibits  further  mention. 
Among  the  subjects  which  Mr.  Hamlin  briefly  discussed  and  in  which 
he  took  an  interest  were  the  transportation  of  the  United  States 
mails  in  ocean  steamers,  features  of  the  tariff,  the  construction  of 
revenue  cutters,  river  and  harbor  improvements,  civil  and  diplomatic 
bills,  the  coast  survey  department,  the  establishment  of  collection  dis 
tricts,  pension  and  appropriation  bills,  the  French  spoliation  fund,1 
measures  to  extend  the  land  bounty  system,  the  regulation  of  fees, 
and  also  other  topics  that  composed  the  business  before  the  Senate. 
He  also  made  some  remarks  on  more  important  affairs,  —  the  Kan- 
sas-Topeka  Convention,  the  suppression  of  the  African  slave  trade, 
and  the  establishment  of  a  telegraphic  line  to  the  Pacific  coast.  But 
the  record  has  been  sufficiently  extended  to  show  how  absorbing 
Mr.  Hamlin's  duties  were.  There  is  not  space  to  relate  the  details 
of  any  one  of  the  measures  mentioned  in  which  he  was  interested, 
or  to  touch,  on  private  bills,  claims,  and  many  other  things  of  lesser 
importance.2  It  may  be  said  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  regarded  by  many 
of  his  colleagues  and  heads  of  departments  under  the  government  as 
the  business  man  of  the  Senate.  This  will  be  referred  to  later ;  the 
more  picturesque  incidents  now  claim  attention. 

In  the  Senate  there  were  echoes  of  the  disturbance  made  by  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  during  the  latter  part  of  the  Pierce  administra 
tion.  Charles  Sumner  was  now  making  himself  felt.  Several  times 

1  Senator  Hamlin  gave  much  time  and  labor  to  obtain  the  passage  of  a  bill  re 
funding  $5,000,000  to  those  whose  property  the  French  government  had  despoiled. 
President  Pierce  vetoed  the  bill.     See  chapter  on  Legislature. 

2  Mr.  Hamlin  was  active  in  supporting  the  movement  originated  by  Dorothea 
Lynde  Dix  to  have  the  government  appropriate  10,000,000  acres  of  land  to  pro 
vide  for  the  indigent  insane.     President  Pierce  vetoed  the  bill.     Miss  Dix  wrote 
Mr.  Hamlin:  "I  cannot  allow  the  period  touching  the  passage  of  the  land  bill 
for  the  relief  of  the  insane,  by  the  Senate,  to  pass  without  adverting  to  my  sense 
of  the  energy  and  ability  with  which  you  last  year  conducted  this  measure,  and 
though  not  successful,  all  know  that  delay  was  the  result  of  circumstances  beyond 
your  control.     I  shall,  sir,  always  associate  your  name  with  the  final  success  of 
this  bill,  and  beg  to  be  allowed  to  express  my  high  appreciation  of  your  worth 
as  a  statesman  and  my  respect  for  you  in  your  station  as  a  citizen." 


MR.   HAMLIN   LEAVES   THE   DEMOCRACY  279 

he  introduced  bills,  or  tried  to  initiate  measures,  to  repeal  the  Fugi 
tive  Slave  Law.  In  a  preceding  chapter  reference  was  made  to  the 
first  two  attempts  by  Sumner.  Mr.  Hamlin  supported  him  on  each 
occasion.  At  another  time,  August  26,  1852,  Mr.  Hamlin  voted 
against  a  proposition  of  Mr.  Sumner' s  to  amend  a  bill  to  abrogate 
the  obnoxious  statute.  The  incident  should  be  alluded  to  because  it 
has  been  made  to  serve  the  purposes  of  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  critics 
to  misrepresent  him.  An  illustration  of  this  is  found  in  Edward  L. 
Pierce's  "  Life  and  Memoirs  of  Charles  Sumner,"  vol.  iii.  p.  304.  Mr. 
Pierce  found  fault  because  only  three  senators  —  Hale,  Chase,  and 
Wade  —  supported  Sumner,  and  he  censured  those  who  opposed 
Sumner  by  placing  their  names  in  the  "  column  of  compromisers  and 
disunionists,"  and  saying  that  it  "  is  difficult  at  this  distance  of  time 
to  comprehend  the  degradation  of  American  politics."  Mr.  Hamlin, 
Hamilton  Fish,  John  H.  Clarke,  of  Rhode  Island,  Truman  Smith,  of 
Connecticut,  and  William  Upham  were  among  those  who  voted  No. 
Their  anti-slavery  course  needs  no  defense  here.  Mr.  Hamlin  was 
an  anti-slavery  leader  in  the  House  before  Mr.  Sumner  was  known 
outside  of  Massachusetts.  He  did  not  find  it  necessary  to  shape  his 
course  according  to  the  desires  of  Mr.  Sumner.  On  this  occasion 
only  three  of  the  anti-slavery  senators  thought  that  it  was  the  right 
day  to  bring  up  the  question  of  the  repeal  of  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 
Mr.  Sumner's  biographer  adds  that  Seward  and  John  Davis  "dodged" 
the  vote.  But  this  is  the  way  a  certain  type  of  Sumner's  admirers 
had  of  judging  public  men ;  that  is,  they  measured  them  by  their 
attitude  towards  Mr.  Sumner. 

This  incident,  which  happened  in  1852,  would  be  an  anachronism 
in  this  chapter  were  it  not  presented  to  introduce  another  from  the 
same  biographer,  which  is  of  a  more  serious  character.  This  time 
Mr.  Hamlin  was  singled  out,  and  the  circumstances  of  the  instance 
render  the  animus  in  both  cases  clear.  On  July  31,  1854,  Mr  Sum 
ner  once  again  brought  up  his  bill  to  repeal  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 
In  his  account  of  the  vote,  in  his  Life  of  Sumner,  vol.  iii.  p.  393, 
Pierce  observes  :  "  Fessenden  gave  his  vote  for  the  repeal,  while 
Hamlin  remained  discreetly  silent."  l  The  purpose  of  this  was  to 
persuade  th'e  reader  that  Mr.  Hamlin  "  dodged  "  the  issue,  and  was 
in  the  Senate  at  the  time.  Now  there  was  no  excuse  for  this  mis- 
statement.  It  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  there  was  a 
deliberate  suppression  of  facts.  To  write  of  this  episode  the  author 
of  this  charge  against  Mr.  Hamlin  necessarily  had  to  refer  to  the 

1  The  same  biographer  also  misrepresented  Mr.  Hamlin's  course  on  the  annexa 
tion  of  Texas.  On  p.  99,  vol.  iii.,  he  made  it  appear  to  the  casual  reader  that 
Mr.  Hamlin  voted  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  as  a  slave  State  at  the  behest  of 
the  slave  party. 


280  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

printed  pages  of  the  "Congressional  Globe."  Mr.  Sumner1  himself 
announced  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  absent,  and  had  asked  him  to  take 
charge  of  a  bill  for  him,  which  he  had  consented  to  do.  Mr.  Sumner 
introduced  the  bill,  and  then  took  up  his  own  measure.  In  the 
"  Bangor  Jeffersonian,"  of  August  I,  18^4,  the  explicit  reason  for 
Mr.  Hamlin' s  absence  from  the  Senate  is  found  in  the  announcement 
that  he  had  been  summoned  to  his  home  in  Hampden  by  serious  ill 
ness  in  his  family. 

There  was  anxiety  about  Mrs.  Hamlin.  She  had  fallen  into  a  de 
cline  in  health,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  had  been  summoned  home  because 
she  had  developed  symptons  of  a  serious  pulmonary  trouble.  In  a 
short  time  the  fatal  disease  that  had  seized  her  made  such  rapid  pro 
gress  that  it  was  evident  there  was  no  hope  of  recovery.  For  a  year 
Mrs.  Hamlin  lingered  between  life  and  death.  It  was  a  terrible 
ordeal  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  was  torn  with  grief  over  the  condition 
of  his  beloved  wife  and  anxiety  over  the  political  situation  at  Wash 
ington.  It  had  been  a  perfect  union.  Mrs.  Hamlin  had  been  a  de 
voted  wife  and  mother,  and  there  had  been  five  children,  but  only 
three,  Charles,  Cyrus,  and  Sarah,  then  survived.  The  only  sorrow 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  had  known  was  the  death  of  two  sons  in  their 
infancy.  One  was  their  firstborn,  who  lost  his  life  through  a  dis 
tressing  accident.  The  friends  of  the  family  thought  that  this  son 
was  his  father  over  again  as  a  boy.  He  strongly  resembled  him  in 
looks,  spirit,  and  nature,  and  to  the  end  of  his  life  Mr.  Hamlin  could 
not  reconcile  himself  to  the  loss  of  this  promising  boy.  Mr.  Hamlin 
devoted  almost  unceasing  care  to  his  wife  during  her  last  days,  snatch 
ing  a  few  days  now  and  then  to  go  to  Washington  during  the  session 
of  Congress,  when  he  thought  he  could  leave  his  wife  with  safety. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  letters  during  this  trying  ordeal  are  touching  and 
sacred.  An  allusion,  however,  may  be  made  to  one  which  was  writ 
ten  to  A.  M.  Robinson,  November  24,  1854.  In  this  Mr.  Hamlin 
wrote  that  he  was  with  his  wife  all  the  time,  and  knew  that  his  con 
stituents  would  sympathize  with  him  and  find  no  fault  with  his  absence 
from  Washington.  He  added  that  he  should  go  to  the  capital  when 
Congress  organized  in  December,  but  should  return  to  his  wife. 
"That  is  my  duty,  and  I  shall  do  it,"  he  said  in  closing. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  feelings  of  delicacy  concerning  his  duties  to  his  con 
stituents  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  letter  Preston  King 
wrote  him  on  January  6,  1855.  It  is  evident  that  Mr.  Hamlin  con 
templated  resigning  his  seat  in  the  Senate.  Mr.  King  wrote  :  — 

"  Yours  of  the  first  instant  is  received,  and  I  most  sincerely  sympathize 
with  you  in  the  affliction  that  detains  you  at  home.     Be  pleased  to  give  my 
very  kindest  remembrances  to  Mrs.  Hamlin. 
1  See  Congressional  Globe,  No.  34,  Part  iii.,  p.  2015,  ist  Session,  3ist  Congress. 


MR.   HAMLIN   LEAVES   THE   DEMOCRACY  281 

"  You  must  not,  under  any  circumstances  whatever,  resign  your  seat  in 
the  Senate.  Your  first  duty,  it  is  true,  except  in  some  extraordinary  emer 
gency  not  likly  to  arise,  is  to  remain  where  you  are,  — with  your  wife.  Your 
second  duty  is  to  your  country,  and,  if  need  be,  the  last  duty  would  be  first. 
Hold  the  position  to  be  most  serviceable  to  your  principles  which  the 
people  of  Maine  have  called  you  to  and  imposed  upon  you,  and  you  will 
not  regard  it  officious  in  me  to  say  what  I  think,  —  for  what  else  should  a 
man  say  ? 

"  I  had  a  letter  from  Wilmot  the  other  day,  the  first  in  a  long  time.  He 
mourns  the  loss  of  Benton,  in  the  speech  read  for  him  by  his  colleague 
Oliver.  Your  letter  expresses  the  apprehension  which  the  condition  of 
parties  and  the  intrigues  of  slavery  propagandism  compel  us  all  to  feel. 
But  the  sheet  anchor  is  confidence  in  the  good  sense  and  patriotism  of  the 
people.  This  cannot  fail  —  for  with  it  the  republic  must  stand  or  fall. 

"  Seward  will  be  reflected  in  this  State.  .  .  .  There  is  a  good  degree  of 
darkness  about  these  days,  but  great  confusion  and  convulsion  of  parties 
must  precede  and  attend  the  downfall  of  slavery  propagandism." 

Many  other  letters  from  Mr.  Hamlin's  constituents  to  the  same 
effect  could  be  quoted.  This  was  a  great  comfort  to  him  in  his  hour 
of  trial.  He  retained  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  and  devoted  himself  to 
his  wife  until  she  passed  away,  in  April,  1855. 

The  time  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  deliverance  from  the  sin-laden  Demo 
cracy  was  rapidly  drawing  near.  He  still  stood  pledged  to  his  word 
to  Douglas  and  Hunter  that  he  would  leave  the  party  should  it  at 
tempt  to  enforce  the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  after  repealing 
the  Missouri  Compromise.  There  are  none  so  blind  as  those  who 
will  not  see.  The  wrath  that  the  abrogation  of  the  barrier  of  1820 
produced  among  the  Northern  people  was  a  warning  that  they  would 
drop  the  usual  political  issues  and  resist  the  intrusion  of  slavery  on 
their  soil.  But  deceived  by  their  victory,  and  the  false  representa 
tions  of  the  so-called  "dough-face"  element,  the  leaders  of  the  new 
South  prepared  to  take  advantage  of  their  opportunity  to  make 
Kansas  a  slave  State.  No  doubt  they  were  spurred  on  by  the  con 
demnation  the  North  had  visited  on  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise,  by  wrenching  the  House  from  the  control  of  the  slave  party 
in  the  election  of  1854.  The  crowning  triumph  of  the  anti-slavery 
forces  was  the  subsequent  election  of  Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  speaker  of  the  House  over  William  Aiken,  of  South  Caro 
lina,  in  February,  1855,  after  an  unparalleled  contest  of  two  months. 
But  the  last  dregs  of  bitterness  for  Mr.  Pierce  in  this  hour  of  humilia 
tion  was  his  complete  repudiation  in  his  own  State.  The  faithless 
senators  and  representatives  of  the  Granite  State  were  all  retired,  and 
John  P.  Hale  and  James  Bell  elected  to  the  Senate,  with  a  solid  body 
of  anti-slavery  men  in  the  House. 


282  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

President  Pierce  entered  with  zeal  on  the  last  stage  of  his  desperate 
struggle  for  another  term.  It  was  claimed  that  he  pursued  a  course 
towards  Cuba  and  Great  Britain  in  order  to  divert  national  attention 
from  the  outrages  the  slave  party  was  committing  in  Kansas,  and 
there  were  even  loud  insinuations  that  the  administration  would  not 
be  averse  to  a  war  with  Spain.  The  United  States  had  long  had 
complicated  relations  with  that  country  over  Cuba,  and  the  slave 
power  desired  to  acquire  the  island  now  to  extend  its  institution. 
Mr.  Pierce  directed  Mr.  Buchanan,  John  Y.  Mason,  and  Pierre  Soule, 
the  United  States  ministers  to  England,  France,  and  Spain,  to  meet 
at  Ostend  and  take  action  with  regard  to  Cuba.  They  issued  the 
so-called  manifesto,  which  was  a  bold  declaration  that  if  Spain  would 
not  sell  Cuba  to  the  United  States  that  nation  would  be  warranted  in 
seizing  the  island  to  prevent  it  from  being  Africanized  into  a  second 
San  Domingo.  This  created  a  great  sensation,  but  European  powers 
quickly  intervened,  and  there  was  an  end  to  his  scheme.  Mr.  Hamlin 
wrote  A.  M.  Robinson  on  June  10,  1854:  — 

"  I  did  fear  that  we  would  have  a  '  row '  with  Spain,  growing  out  of 
Cuban  matters,  but  I  think  it  will  blow  over  now.  It  looks  that 
way." 

The  fertile  Caleb  Cushing  employed  his  talents  in  seeking  to  stir 
up  a  blustering  controversy  with  Great  Britain  over  the  efforts  of 
certain  officials  of  that  nation  to  enlist  men  in  this  country  for  the 
Crimean  war.  Mr.  Cushing  pointed  out,  in  an  elaborate  opinion  to 
the  English  Foreign  Office,  that  this  was  a  violation  of  the  neutrality 
treaty.  During  the  civil  war  the  English  Foreign  Office  charged  the 
United  States  government  with  enlisting  men  in  Ireland,  and  at  the 
same  time  politely  returned  Mr.  Cushing's  note  to  Secretary  Seward. 
President  Pierce  demanded  the  recall  of  Mr.  Crampton,  the  British 
minister  at  Washington.  When  it  was  refused,  Mr.  Pierce  dismissed 
Mr.  Crampton  and  the  British  consuls  at  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
and  Cincinnati.  Great  Britain,  having  one  war  on  hand,  promptly 
acquiesced,  and  in  the  official  correspondence  admitted  that  Mr. 
Crampton's  conduct  was  "  notoriously  at  war  with  the  rights  of  neu 
trality  and  national  honor."  Yet  at  the  same  time  the  English 
government  transformed  the  man  it  thus  castigated  into  Sir  John 
Crampton,  and  promoted  him  to  the  Russian  embassy,  all  of  which 
showed  that  the  British  lion  could  box  with  one  paw  and  pat  with 
another,  if  need  be,  to  disarm  a  warlike  administration. 

Thus  it  was  not  permitted  the  pro-slavery  party  to  raise  a  smoke  of 
foreign  complications  in  order  that  it  might  slink  behind  it,  and  accom 
plish  its  purpose  in  Kansas.  The  plot  against  Kansas  soon  stood  out 
clear  and  bold.  Mr.  Pierce  called  a  special  election  for  the  people  of 
Kansas  to  choose  a  delegate  to  Congress.  The  struggle  that  followed 


MR.    HAMLIN   LEAVES   THE   DEMOCRACY  283 

is  almost  without  parallel  in  the  history  of  established  government. 
Ruffians  from  Missouri  swarmed  into  Kansas,  armed  with  rifles  and 
pistols.  Riot  and  murder  reigned.  The  pro-slavery  mobs  captured 
the  ballot-boxes,  and  at  the  special  election  stuffed  more  ballots  into 
the  boxes  than  there  were  legal  residents  in  the  territory.  President 
Pierce  set  the  great  machine  at  his  command  in  motion  to  aid  the  cut 
throats  who  were  trampling  on  the  rights  of  freeborn  men  and  women. 
Andrew  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  whom  he  had  appointed  governor 
of  the  territory,  refused  to  do  his  bidding.  Mr.  Reeder's  removal 
from  office  by  the  President  was  a  testimonial  to  his  patriotism  and 
integrity.  But  the  men  who  fought  for  Kansas's  freedom  were  not 
the  kind  of  stuff  to  bow  to  this  slave  administration.  They  came  from 
New  England  and  other  free  States.  They  held  an  election,  and 
chose  Reeder  as  their  delegate.  Thus  Congress  was  called  on  to  act, 
and  was  embroiled  in  the  hottest  and  fiercest  fight  that  the  slavery 
question  had  yet  provoked. 

Mr.  Hamlin  resumed  his  seat  in  the  Senate  when  the  controversy 
over  Kansas  was  coming  to  a  white  heat.  The  slave  party  had  never 
been  as  bold  and  desperate  as  now.  Though  the  doctrine  of  "  popular 
sovereignty  "  had  proved  to  be  a  vulgar  swindle,  and  though  it  was  a 
notorious  fact  that  border  ruffians  from  Missouri  had  brought  civil 
war  into  Kansas,  and  were  trampling  on  the  rights  of  the  legal  resi 
dents  of  the  territory,  nevertheless  this  President  and  his  supporters  in 
Congress  put  on  a  brazen  face  and  continued  to  abet  the  malefactors. 
Mr.  Pierce  made  one  of  his  last  bids  for  a  renomination  when  he  de 
clared  in  a  message  to  Congress  that  the  responsibilities  for  the  trou 
bles  in  Kansas  rested  on  the  shoulders  of  the  anti-slavery  settlers. 
But  although  Mr.  Pierce  had  broken  his  sacred  pledges,  and  dragged 
himself  through  the  mud  of  politics  at  the  behest  of  his  masters,  they 
denied  him  his  coveted  honor.  Men  who  depend  on  a  tool  do  not 
keep  faith  with  him  after  he  has  served  their  purpose.  Mr.  Hamlin 
watched  the  Pierce  farce.  One  of  his  comments  is  interesting.  To 
A.  M.  Robinson  he  wrote  on  January  10,  1856  :  — 

"  Pierce  stands  no  chance  for  a  renomination  at  all.  He  has  been  used, 
and  is  now  to  be  thrown  away,  as  we  do  a  lemon  after  we  have  squeezed  it. 
.  .  .  He  has  not  many  more  friends  in  the  South  than  in  the  North." 

The  next  development  in  the  conspiracy  against  Kansas  was  the 
establishment  of  a  fraudulent  legislature  by  the  Missouri  Border  Ruf 
fians.  They  were  incited  by  David  R.  Atchison,  senator  from  their 
own  State  and  once  acting  vice-president.  They  seized  the  ballot- 
boxes,  intimidated  legal  voters,  and  cast  twice  as  many  votes  as  there 
were  voters  in  the  territory  according  to  the  census.  The  Free-Soil 
citizens  established  a  government,  held  a  constitutional  convention, 


284  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

and  sent  a  memorial  to  Congress  petitioning  for  the  right  to  organize 
Kansas  into  a  State.  The  leaders  of  the  slave  party  in  the  Senate 
were  in  such  an  intolerant  frame  of  mind  that  they  even  proposed  to 
refuse  the  petitioners  the  courtesy  of  printing  this  memorial.  While 
this  was  being  discussed  on  April  10,  1856?  Mr.  Hamlin  made  some 
brief,  but  vigorous  remarks.  A  Washington  correspondent  of  the 
"Bangor  Jeffersonian  "  describes  the  incident  as  follows :  — 

"  The  debate  was  more  acrimonious  than  at  any  time  during  the  session. 
The  Border  Ruffians  were  chafed  and  soured  by  the  lecture  they  had  re 
ceived  from  Governor  Seward,  and  were  altogether  in  a  highly  inflammable 
state.  In  this  condition  of  things  Mr.  Hamlin  applied  a  spark  to  the  pow 
der  by  quietly  remarking  that  the  proposition  to  refuse  to  print  the  memo 
rial  of  the  free  state  legislature  of  Kansas  could  have  its  parallel  only  in 
the  treatment  of  the  petitions  and  remonstrances  of  the  American  colonies 
by  the  British  Parliament  under  the  administration  of  Lord  North.  Either 
what  was  said  or  the  quarter  from  which  it  was  said,  or  both  combined, 
stirred  the  passions  of  the  Southern  senators  to  the  bottom.  Judge  Butler 
was  especially  rampant.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  as  cool  and  as  unruffled  as  a 
summer  morning,  and  I  suspect  enjoyed  the  scene.  Others  did  if  he  did 
not." 

The  temper  of  the  slave  party  was  now  intolerant.  Ruffians 
swarmed  at  the  capital ;  personal  encounters  were  not  infrequent ; 
Washington  seemed  to  have  caught  the  atmosphere  of  far-away  Kan 
sas.  This  was  the  state  of  things  that  produced  the  crowning  act  of 
brutality,  —  the  murderous  assault  Preston  Brooks,  a  representative 
from  South  Carolina,  made  on  Charles  Sumner.  The  fury  this  das 
tardly  outrage  aroused  at  the  North  stimulated  the  popularity  of  the 
anti-slavery  cause.  Sumner  was  struck  down  because  he  had  told  the 
truth  about  the  "  crime  against  Kansas."  The  unfortunate  man  who 
committed  this  act  was  the  tool  of  more  malignant  men  than  he.  To 
the  maddened  anti-slavery  people  Brooks's  bludgeon  was  the  incarna 
tion  of  the  old  gag-law.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  one  of  the  Republican  sen 
ators  who  met  at  Senator  Seward's  house  and  discussed  the  proper 
course  to  pursue.  Several  of  the  senators  armed  themselves ;  many 
Republican  senators  carried  revolvers.  On  May  28,  1856,  six  days 
after  the  attack  on  Sumner,  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  Senator  Fessenden, 
who  had  been  called  to  Maine  :  — 

"We  are  having  rare  times  here,  such  as  I  have  never  seen.  It  is 
my  candid  opinion  that  some  will  be  shot  down  before  the  session 
closes.  All  I  have  to  say  is,  let  it  come.  If  we  do  not  stand  manfully 
and  fearlessly  to  the  work  before  us,  we  ought  to  be  slaves" 

This  letter  throws  a  little  light  on  the  plans  of  the  Republican 
senators.  They  unquestionably  expected  another  outbreak,  and  were 
prepared  for  it.  The  impassioned  utterances  of  Ben  Wade,  in  de- 


MR.   HAMLIN   LEAVES   THE   DEMOCRACY  285 

nouncing  the  assault  on  Sumner,  were  undoubtedly  known  before 
hand  to  his  Republican  colleagues.  "  Live  or  die,"  said  he,  "  I  will 
vindicate  the  right  and  liberty  of  debate  and  freedom  of  discussion 
upon  this  floor  as  long  as  I  live."  This  was  understood,  moreover,  to 
be  a  reply  to  "  Bob"  Toombs,  who  had  declared  that  he  had  witnessed 
the  attack  on  Sumner  and  approved  it.  But  Toombs  did  not  chal 
lenge  Wade,  who  was  known  to  be  a  crack  rifle  shot.  Brooks  sent  a 
challenge  to  Henry  Wilson,  who  declined  to  accept  on  the  grounds 
that  he  was  opposed  to  the  code.  Anson  Burlingame  professed  his 
willingness  to  fight  Brooks  in  Canada,  but  the  latter  withdrew  his 
challenge  on  the  allegation  that  it  would  not  be  safe  for  him  to  pass 
through  the  North.  Mr.  Burlingame  was  another  good  shot.  Brooks 
soon  afterwards  died  of  remorse,  and  there  were  no  duels. 

The  Democratic  party  held  its  presidential  convention  at  Cincin 
nati  on  June  2,  1856.  It  formally  indorsed  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  upheld  the  doctrine  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  inter 
fere  with  slavery  in  the  territories,  rejected  Pierce  and  Douglas,  and 
nominated  James  Buchanan  and  John  C.  Breckinridge  as  its  candi 
dates.  Thus  the  Democracy  by  its  own  act  acknowledged  itself  to 
be  the  aggressive  pro-slavery  party.  Thus  it  accepted  the  doctrine 
of  John  C.  Calhoun,  that  the  national  flag  carried  slavery  wherever 
it  floated.  It  was  no  longer  the  party  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson,  which 
had  dedicated  itself  to  the  noble  work  of  preserving  the  liberty  of 
the  individual  and  sustaining  the  Constitution ;  it  was  a  machine, 
whose  purpose  it  was  to  trample  on  the  rights  of  a  people,  and  to 
force  them  to  receive  slavery  into  their  lives ;  it  would  subvert  the 
Constitution  to  do  this,  if  necessary.  The  downfall  of  the  once 
proud  and  noble  party  was  as  complete  as  the  fall  of  a  woman.  The 
candidates  it  named  possessed  blameless  private  characters,  but  they 
were  both  heartily  in  accord  with  the  doctrines  of  their  party. 

Senator  Hamlin  had,  it  is  unnecessary  to  say,  anticipated  the  action 
of  the  Cincinnati  convention.  Although  he  had  not  yet  formally 
withdrawn  from  the  Democracy,  he  had  regularly  acted  with  the 
Republican  senators,  and  was  classed  with  them.  The  first  expres 
sions  of  condemnation  he  uttered  in  regard  to  the  proceedings-  of  the 
Cincinnati  convention  are  contained  in  the  following  letter  of  June  6, 
to  his  trusted  friend,  Leander  Valentine,  of  Westbrook  :  — 

"  Your  letter  breathes  the  right  tone,  and  I  concur  fully  in  all  you  say. 
We  were  most  woefully  cheated  in  our  President.  He  has  not  only  falsi 
fied  all  his  promises,  but  he  has  brought  the  country  to  the  verge  of  ruin. 
All  good  men  must  take  hold  and  save  it.  Tyranny  rules  in  our  territories  ; 
ruffianism  revels  in  Congress,  riots  in  Washington.  All  is  the  result  of 
the  measures  of  this  wicked  administration.  But  these  acts  of  crime  will 


286  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

revolutionize  and  save  the  country.  If  the  North  will  not  unite  now  to 
vindicate  their  rights  and  constitutional  freedom,  they  will  not  only  deserve 
to  be  slaves,  but  they  will  be.  The  small  minority  in  the  Senate  will  stand 
manfully  by  their  rights  and  the  rights  of  the  free  white  men.  You  may 
rely  on  that.  If  they  did  not  do  that,  they  would  be  worse  than  slaves. 

"  You  will  see  that  the  Cincinnati  convention  has  indorsed  all  the  ini 
quity  of  this  administration.  Now  let  the  work  begin.  Kindle  up  the 
fires  and  roll  on  the  ball.  We  will  sweep  the  country,  and  save  it  from  the 
storms  that  gather  round  it.  I  was  quiet  last  year,  but  shall  not  be  so  this 
year.  ...  I  will  do  all  I  can  to  whirl  this  corrupt  administration  from 
power,  and  to  prevent  its  perpetuation  in  any  other  person  of  the  same 
stamp  (as  Pierce).  The  old  Democratic  party  is  now  only  the  party  of 
slavery.  It  has  no  other  issue  ;  that  is  the  standard  by  which  it  measures 
everything  and  every  man  !  !  !  Beautiful  Democracy  ! ! !  I  did  not  learn 
my  principles,  and  shall  not  practice,  in  that  school. 

"  Freedom  is  crushed  out  in  Kansas.  There  is  no  remedy  but  in  a 
change  of  administration,  and  that  we  must  have." 

Douglas,  Hunter,  and  other  pillars  of  the  Democracy  now  watched 
Mr.  Hamlin  with  great  apprehension.  They  knew  that  he  would 
redeem  his  word  to  them  and  formally  withdraw  from  their  party. 
There  was  active  speculation  among  them  as  to  the  time  and  place 
Senator  Hamlin  would  choose  for  severing  his  party  ties.  They  could 
find  out  nothing  from  him.  He  was  as  courteous  as  ever,  but  silent 
as  to  his  intentions.  On  June  12,  or  six  days  after  the  Cincinnati 
convention,  Mr.  Hamlin  arose  in  the  Senate,  and  immediately  attracted 
its  attention  by  saying :  — 

"  Mr.  President,  I  rise  for  a  purpose  purely  personal,  such  as  I 
have  never  before  risen  for  in  the  Senate.  I  desire  to  explain  some 
matters  personal  to  myself  and  to  my  future  course  in  public  life." 

When  the  pro-slavery  leaders  heard  this,  they  knew  that  Mr. 
Hamlin  had  decided  that  the  time  had  come  for  him  to  speak  out. 
Douglas,  Hunter,  and  even  Sam  Houston  and  other  conservative 
Democrats  immediately  left  their  seats  and  crowded  around  Mr. 
Hamlin's  desk  to  "implore  him  to  put  off  his  speech." 

"Don't  do  it  now,"  said  Douglas  ;  "wait  until  to-morrow." 

"Yes,  wait  until  to-morrow,"  urged  Hunter. 

Their  object  was  to  gain  time,  in  the  hope  that  they  might  per 
suade  Mr.  Hamlin  to  choose  another  place  than  the  United  States 
Senate  for  his  act  of  repudiation.  They  feared  the  moral  effect  of 
his  course,  and  were  anxious  to  anticipate  his  withdrawal  from  their 
party  in  order  to  discount  it  as  much  as  possible.  But  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  well  aware  of  their  object ;  he  did  not  propose  to  lose  the  advan 
tage  of  his  silence,  and  he  replied  firmly  but  courteously,  "  No,  my 
mind  is  made  up  ;  I  shall  speak  it  out  now." 


MR.    HAMLIN   LEAVES   THE   DEMOCRACY  287 

In  the  mean  time  Wade,  Hale,  and  several  other  Republican  sen 
ators,  who  had  an  idea  of  what  was  coming,  called  out,  "  Go  on,  go  on  ! " 
Mr.  Hamlin  then  spoke  as  follows,  amidst  breathless  silence :  — 

"  I  ask  the  Senate  to  excuse  me  from  further  service  as  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Commerce.  I  do  so,  because  I  feel  that  my 
relations  hereafter  will  be  of  such  a  character  as  to  render  it  proper 
that  I  should  no  longer  hold  that  position.  I  owe  this  act  to  the  dom 
inant  majority  in  the  Senate.  When  I  cease  to  harmonize  with  the 
majority,  or  tests  are  applied  by  that  party  with  which  I  have  acted, 
to  which  I  cannot  submit,  I  feel  that  I  ought  no  longer  to  hold  that 
responsible  position.  I  propose  to  state  briefly  the  reasons  which 
have  brought  me  to  that  conclusion. 

"During  nine  years  of  service  in  the  Senate,  I  have  preferred  rather 
to  be  a  working  than  a  talking  member,  and  so  I  have  been  almost  a 
silent  one.  On  the  subjects  which  have  so  much  agitated  the  country, 
senators  know  that  I  have  rarely  uttered  a  word.  I  love  my  country 
more  than  I  love  my  party.  I  love  my  country  above  my  love  for  any 
interest  that  can  too  deeply  agitate  or  disturb  its  harmony.  I  saw,  in 
all  the  exciting  scenes  and  debates  through  which  we  have  passed,  no 
particular  good  that  would  result  from  my  active  intermingling  in 
them.  My  heart  has  often  been  full,  and  the  impulses  of  that  heart 
have  often  been  felt  upon  my  lips,  but  I  have  repressed  them  there. 

"  Sir,  I  hold  that  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  a  gross 
moral  and  political  wrong,  unequaled  in  the  annals  of  the  legislation 
of  this  country,  and  hardly  equaled  in  the  annals  of  any  other  free 
country.  Still,  sir,  with  a  desire  to  promote  harmony  and  concord  and 
brotherly  feeling,  I  was  a  quiet  man  under  all  the  exciting  debates 
which  led  to  that  fatal  result.  I  believed  it  wrong  then  ;  I  can  see 
that  wrong  lying  broadcast  all  around  us  now.  As  a  wrong  I  opposed 
that  measure  —  not  indeed  by  my  voice,  but  with  consistent  and  steady 
and  uniform  votes.  I  so  resisted  it  in  obedience  to  the  dictates  of 
my  own  judgment.  I  did  it  also  cheerfully,  in  compliance  with  the 
instructions  of  the  legislature  of  Maine,  which  were  passed  by  a 
vote  almost  unanimous.  In  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Maine, 
consisting  of  151  members,  only  six,  I  think,  dissented;  and  in  the 
Senate,  consisting  of  31  members,  only  one  member  non-concurred. 

"But  the  Missouri  restriction  was  abrogated.  The  portentous  evils 
that  were  predicted  have  followed,  and  are  yet  following,  along  in  its 
train.  It  was  done,  sir,  in  violation  of  the  pledges  of  that  party  with 
which  I  have  always  acted,  and  with  which  I  have  always  voted.  It 
was  done  in  violation  of  solemn  pledges  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  made  in  his  inaugural  address.  Still,  sir,  I  was  disposed  to 
suffer  the  wrong,  until  I  should  see  that  no  evil  results  were  flowing 
from  it.  We  were  told  by  almost  every  senator  who  addressed  us 


288  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

upon  that  occasion  that  no  evil  results  would  follow ;  that  no  practical 
difference  in  the  settlement  of  the  country,  and  the  character  of  the 
future  State,  would  take  place,  whether  the  act  were  done  or  not.  I 
have  waited  calmly  and  patiently  to  see  the  fulfillment  of  that  predic 
tion  ;  and  I  am  grieved,  sir,  to  say  now  th£t  they  have  at  least  been 
mistaken  in  their  predictions  and  promises.  They  all  have  signally 
failed. 

"That  senators  might  have  voted  for  that  measure  under  the  belief 
then  expressed,  and  the  predictions  to  which  I  have  alluded,  I  can 
well  understand;  but  how  senators  can  now  defend  that  measure 
amid  all  its  evils,  which  are  overwhelming  the  land,  if  not  threatening 
it  with  a  conflagration,  is  what  I  do  not  comprehend.  The  whole  of 
the  disturbed  state  of  the  country  has  its  rise  in,  and  is  attributable  to, 
that  act  alone  —  nothing  else.  It  lies  at  the  foundation  of  all  our  mis 
fortunes  and  commotions.  There  would  have  been  no  incursions  by 
Missouri  borderers  into  Kansas,  either  to  establish  slavery  or  control 
elections.  There  would  have  been  no  necessity,  either,  for  others  to 
have  gone  there  partially  to  aid  in  preserving  the  country  in  its  then 
condition.  All  would  have  been  peace  there.  Had  it  not  been  done, 
that  repose  and  quiet  which  pervaded  the  public  mind  then  would  hold 
it  in  tranquillity  to-day.  Instead  of  startling  events,  we  should  have 
quiet  and  peace  within  our  borders,  and  that  fraternal  feeling  which 
ought  to  animate  the  citizens  of  every  part  of  the  Union  toward  those 
of  all  other  sections. 

"  Sir,  the  events  that  are  taking  place  around  us  are  indeed  star 
tling.  They  challenge  the  public  mind,  and  appeal  to  the  public  judg 
ment  ;  they  thrill  the  public  nerve  as  electricity  imparts  a  tremulous 
motion  to  the  telegraphic  wire.  It  is  a  period  when  all  good  men 
should  unite  in  applying  the  proper  remedy  to  secure  peace  and  har 
mony  to  the  country.  Is  this  to  be  done  by  any  of  us,  by  remaining 
associated  with  those  who  have  been  instrumental  in  producing  these 
results,  and  who  now  justify  them  ?  I  do  not  see  my  duty  lying  in 
that  direction. 

"  I  have,  while  temporarily  acquiescing,  stated  here  and  at  home, 
everywhere  uniformly,  that  when  the  tests  of  those  measures  were 
applied  to  me  as  one  of  party  fidelity,  I  would  sunder  them  as  flax  is 
sundered  at  the  touch  of  fire.  I  do  it  now. 

"  The  occasion  involves  a  question  of  moral  duty ;  and  self-respect 
allows  me  no  other  line  of  duty  but  to  follow  the  dictates  of  my  own 
judgment  and  the  impulses  of  my  own  heart.  A  just  man  may  cheer 
fully  submit  to  many  enforced  humiliations  ;  but  a  self-degraded  man 
has  ceased  to  be  worthy  to  be  deemed  a  man  at  all. 

"Sir,  what  has  the  recent  Democratic  Convention  at  Cincinnati 
done  ?  It  has  indorsed  the  measure  I  have  condemned,  and  has  sane- 


MR.    HAMLIN   LEAVES   THE   DEMOCRACY  289 

tioned  its  destructive  and  ruinous  effects.  It  has  done  more,  —  vastly 
more.  That  principle  or  policy  of  territorial  sovereignty  which  once 
had,  and  which  I  suppose  now  has,  its  advocates  within  these  walls  is 
stricken  down ;  and  there  is  an  absolute  denial  of  it  in  the  resolution 
of  the  convention  —  if  I  can  draw  right  conclusions  —  a  denial  equally 
to  Congress,  and  even  to  the  people  of  the  territories,  of  the  right  to 
settle  the  question  of  slavery  therein.  On  the  contrary,  the  conven 
tion  has  actually  incorporated  into  the  platform  of  the  Democratic 
party  that  doctrine  which,  only  a  few  years  ago,  met  nothing  but  ridi 
cule  and  contempt,  here  and  elsewhere,  namely,  that  the  flag  of  the 
federal  Union,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  carries 
slavery  wherever  it  floats.  If  this  baleful  principle  be  true,  then  that 
national  ode  which  inspires  us  always  as  on  a  battlefield  should  be 
rewritten  by  Drake,  and  should  read  thus  :  — 

"  '  Forever  float  that  standard  sheet ! 

Where  breathes  the  foe  but  falls  before  us, 
With  Slavery's  soil  beneath  our  feet, 
And  Slavery's  banner  streaming  o'er  us  ? ' 

"  Now,  sir,  what  is  the  precise  condition  in  which  this  matter  is  left 
by  the  Cincinnati  convention  ?  I  do  not  design  to  trespass  many 
moments  on  the  Senate ;  but  allow  me  to  read  and  offer  a  very  few 
comments  upon  some  portions  of  the  Democratic  platform.  The  first 
resolution  that  treats  upon  the  subject  is  in  these  words  —  I  read  just 
so  much  of  it  as  is  applicable  to  my  present  remarks  :  — 

" '  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to  interfere 
with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  States ;  and 
that  all  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything  ap 
pertaining  to  their  own  affairs  not  prohibited  by  the  Constitution.' 

"  I  take  it  that  this  language,  thus  far,  is  language  which  meets  a 
willing  and  ready  response  from  every  senator  here  —  certainly  it 
does  from  me.  But  in  the  following  resolution  I  find  these  words  :  — 

"  '  Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  was  intended 
to  embrace,  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress.' 

"  The  first  resolution  which  I  read  was  adopted  years  ago  in  Demo 
cratic  conventions.  The  second  resolution  which  I  read  was  adopted 
in  subsequent  years,  when  a  different  state  of  things  had  arisen,  and 
it  became  necessary  to  apply  an  abstract  proposition  relating  to  the 
States  to  the  territories.  Hence,  the  adoption  of  the  language  con 
tained  in  the  second  resolution  which  I  have  read. 

"Now,  sir,  I  deny  the  position  thus  assumed  by  the  Cincinnati 
convention.  In  the  language  of  the  senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr. 
Crittenden],  so  ably  and  so  appropriately  used  on  Tuesday  last,  I  hold 
that  the  entire  and  unqualified  sovereignty  of  the  territories  is  in 
Congress.  That  is  my  judgment;  but  this  resolution  brings  the  terri- 


290  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

tories  precisely  within  the  same  limitations  which  are  applied  to  the 
States  in  the  resolution  which  I  first  read.  The  two  taken  together 
deny  to  Congress  any  power  of  legislation  in  the  territories. 

"  Follow  on,  and  let  us  see  what  remains.  Adopted  as  a  part  of 
the  present  platform,  and  as  necessary  to  a  new  state  of  things,  and 
to  meet  an  emergency  now  existing,  the  convention  says  :  — 

"  '  The  American  Democracy  recognize  and  adopt  the  principles 
contained  in  the  organic  laws  establishing  the  territories  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska,  as  embodying  the  only  sound  and  safe  solution  of  the 
slavery  question,  upon  which  the  great  national  idea  of  the  people  of 
this  whole  country  can  repose,  in  its  determined  conservatism  of  the 
Union,  —  non-interference  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  States  and 
territories/ 

"  Then  follows  the  last  resolution. 

"  '  Resolved,  That  we  recognize  the  right  of  the  people  of  all  the 
territories,  including  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  acting  through  the  fairly 
expressed  will  of  the  majority  of  actual  residents,  and  whenever  the 
number  of  their  inhabitants  justifies  it,  to  form  a  constitution,  with  or 
without  domestic  slavery,  and  be  admitted  into  the  Union  upon  terms 
of  perfect  equality  with  the  other  States.' 

"  Take  all  these  resolutions  together,  and  the  deduction  which  we 
must  necessarily  draw  from  them  is  a  denial  to  Congress  of  any  power 
whatever  to  legislate  upon  the  subject  of  slavery.  The  last  resolu 
tion  denies  to  the  people  of  the  territory  any  power  over  the  subject, 
save  when  they  shall  have  a  sufficient  number  to  form  a  constitution 
and  become  a  State,  and  also  denies  that  Congress  has  any  power 
over  the  subject ;  and  so  the  resolutions  hold  that  this  power  is  at 
least  in  abeyance  while  the  territory  is  in  a  territorial  condition.  That 
is  the  only  conclusion  which  you  can  draw  from  these  resolutions. 
Alas !  for  short-lived  territorial  sovereignty.  It  came  to  its  death  in 
the  house  of  its  friends  ;  it  was  buried  by  the  same  hands  which  had 
given  it  baptism ! 

"  But,  sir,  I  did  not  rise  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  these  reso 
lutions,  but  only  to  read  them,  and  state  the  action  which  I  propose 
to  take  in  view  of  them.  I  may  —  I  probably  shall  —  take  some  sub 
sequent  occasion,  when  I  shall  endeavor  to  present  to  the  Senate  and 
the  country  a  fair  account  of  what  is  the  true  issue  presented  to  the 
people  for  their  consideration  and  decision. 

"  My  object  now  is  to  show  only  that  the  Cincinnati  convention 
has  indorsed  and  approved  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
from  which  so  many  evils  have  already  flowed  —  from  which,  I  fear, 
more  and  worse  evils  must  yet  be  anticipated.  It  would,  of  course, 
be  expected  that  the  presidential  nominee  of  that  convention  would 
accept,  cordially  and  cheerfully,  the  platform  prepared  for  him  by  his 


MR.   HAMLIN   LEAVES   THE   DEMOCRACY  291 

party  friends.  No  person  can  object  to  that.  There  is  no  equivoca 
tion  on  his  part  about  the  matter.  I  beg  leave  to  read  a  short  extract 
from  a  speech  of  that  gentleman,  made  at  his  own  home,  within  the 
last  few  days.  In  reply  to  the  Keystone  Club,  which  paid  him  a  visit 
there,  Mr.  Buchanan  said  :  — 

"  *  Gentlemen,  two  weeks  since  I  should  have  made  you  a  longer 
speech,  but  now  I  have  been  placed  on  a  platform  of  which  I  most 
heartily  approve,  and  that  can  speak  for  me.  Being  the  representa 
tive  of  the  great  Democratic  party,  and  not  simply  James  Buchanan, 
I  must  square  my  conduct  according  to  the  platform  of  the  party,  and 
insert  no  new  plank,  nor  take  one  from  it.' 

"  These  events  leave  to  me  only  one  unpleasant  duty,  which  is  to 
declare  here  that  I  can  maintain  political  associations  with  no  party 
that  insists  upon  such  doctrines ;  that  I  can  support  no  man  for  Presi 
dent  who  avows  and  recognizes  them  ;  and  that  the  little  of  that 
power  with  which  God  has  endowed  me  shall  be  employed  to  battle 
manfully,  firmly,  and  consistently  for  his  defeat,  demanded  as  it  is  by 
the  highest  interests  of  the  country  which  owns  all  my  allegiance." 


CHAPTER   XXV 

HAMLIN    A    FATHER    OF    THE    REPUBLICAN    PARTY 

THE  bonds  broken  that  had  held  Senator  Hamlin  to  the  Demo 
cracy,  he  was  now  free  to  follow  the  impulses  of  his  heart  and  help 
organize  the  anti-slavery  elements  into  a  national  party.  The  action 
of  the  Democracy  at  Cincinnati,  in  indorsing  the  doctrine  that  slavery 
was  national,  freed  thousands  of  men  from  their  allegiance  to  that 
organization,  and  the  growth  of  the  party  of  freedom  was  rapid,  phe 
nomenal,  from  that  time  until  it  fought  its  first  great  battle.  Mr. 
Hamlin's  withdrawal  from  the  Calhoun  party  helped  swell  the  tide  of 
Republicanism  which  was  now  rising  at  the  North.  The  evidence 
of  the  newspapers  of  the  day  shows  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  abandonment 
of  the  slave-laden  Democracy  was  the  political  sensation  of  the  hour. 
'He  had  entered  politics  in  the  days  of  Andrew  Jackson,  and  to  the 
young  anti-slavery  Democracy  he  seemed  to  have  come  down  from 
the  time  of  Old  Hickory ;  he  had  led  his  party  in  Maine  to  many  a 
victory,  and  for  twelve  years  had  been  one  of  its  accepted  champions 
in  Congress ;  he  had  been  the  follower  and  advocate  of  Benton, 
Wright,  and  Woodbury  ;  his  defection  from  his  party  was  the  removal 
of  a  pillar  from  the  temple  of  the  Democracy.  But  the  country  at 
large  had  not  been  prepared  for  Mr.  Hamlin's  exit  from  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  His  course  created,  therefore,  all  the  greater  exultation 
among  the  friends  of  freedom,  and  the  greater  dismay  among  the  sup 
porters  of  the  slave  party.  His  silence  had  served  to  enhance  the 
importance  of  his  rupture  with  the  Democracy  and  the  force  of  his 
powerful  and  unique  declaration  of  independence.  He  had  been  just 
and  generous  to  his  party ;  he  had  waited  until  it  stultified  itself  by 
its  own  act  before  he  left  it.  But  Senator  Hamlin  was  now  more 
than  justified  in  his  course  of  action.  He  had  kept  touch  of  elbow 
with  his  party  in  Maine,  and  now  when  he  joined  the  rapidly  growing 
Republican  party,  he  brought  his  followers  with  him,  swept  the  Pine 
Tree  State  out  of  the  Democracy,  and  placed  it  at  the  head  of  the 
column  of  Republican  States,  where  it  has  since  remained  for  nearly 
half  a  century.  This  was  the  most  important  act  of  Mr.  Hamlin's 
eventful  life. 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  what  the  friends  and  foes  of  Free  Soil 
had  to  say  in  regard  to  Senator  Hamlin's  course.  The  leading  edi- 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY     293 

torial  in  the  "New  York  Times,"  on  June  13,  was  entitled,  "The 
Flight  from  Egypt,"  and  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  It  is  not  often  that  the  telegraphic  wires  have  throbbed  with  a  piece  of 
intelligence  calculated  to  cause  such  varying  emotions  as  that  which  was 
sent  to  the  extreme  points  of  the  Union  last  night  from  the  capital  of  the 
nation.  It  was  the  announcement  of  the  first  genuine  effect  of  t^ie  nomina 
tion  of  Buchanan,  and  the  adoption  of  a  platform  by  the  Cincinnati  con 
vention  approving  the  principles  of  the  Douglas  Democracy.  It  is  the 
commencement  of  a  flight  from  Egypt,  we  believe,  of  many  a  noble  nature 
that  has  long  been  held  in  bondage  by  the  inexorable  Pharaohs  of  party. 
Honorable  Hannibal  Hamlin,  who  has  represented  the  Democracy  of  Maine 
nine  years  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  been  a  stanch  member  of  the 
Democratic  party,  has  been  driven  from  his  old  associates  by  the  action  of 
the  Cincinnati  convention.  He  can  stand  the  encroachments  by  the  slave 
power  no  longer,  and  yesterday  boldly  declared  in  the  Senate  that  hereafter 
he  would  use  whatever  power  God  had  endowed  him  with  to  oppose  the 
party  which  made  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  a  part  of  its  creed.  Mr.  Ham 
lin  said  he  had  been  a  silent  member  of  the  Senate  for  nine  years,  but  his 
love  of  country,  which  was  greater  than  his  love  of  party,  now  compelled 
him  to  speak.  And  a  noble  speech  he  made,  which  would  atone  for  twice 
nine  years  of  silence.  There  was  once  a  British  member  of  the  House  of 
Commons  who,  during  a  lifelong  time,  made  but  one  speech,  but  that  was 
so  eloquent  and  effective  that  it  immortalized  him ;  and  he  is  now  known 
in  history  as  single-speech  Hamilton.  What  a  mass  of  forgotten  trash  has 
been  uttered  in  the  Senate,  while  Mr.  Hamlin  sat  silent  ripening  for  the 
one  brief  speech  that  will  make  him  famous !  It  would  be  a  happy  thing 
for  the  country  if  we  had  a  few  more  such  single-speech  senators." 

The  "  Boston  Journal  "  said,  among  other  things  :  — 

"  Like  many  other  high-minded  Democrats,  Mr.  Hamlin  cannot  stand 
the  new  test  which  has  been  introduced  into  the  creed  of  the  party.  He 
is  a  Democrat  of  the  old  school,  —  a  disciple  of  Jefferson,  and  declines  to 
follow  the  fortunes  of  a  party  which  has  departed  so  widely  from  first  prin 
ciples,  and  which  makes  the  support  of  slavery  the  highest  purpose  of  its 
political  action.  Mr.  Hamlin  voted  consistently  against  the  Nebraska  bill, 
believing  it  to  be  a  great  moral  and  political  wrong,  but,  unlike  some  other 
Northern  Democrats  who  opposed  the  bill  in  Congress,  but  have  not  the 
moral  courage  to  array  themselves  against  the  administration,  he  could  not 
*  acquiesce'  in  a  wrong,  the  bitter  fruits  of  which  the  country  is  daily  reap 
ing.  .  .  .  Mr.  Hamlin  could  not  consistently  remain  in  the  party,  and  in 
withdrawing  from  it,  he  has,  with  a  delicacy  which  does  him  credit,  resigned 
his  place  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Commerce  to  which  he  was 
appointed  as  a  Democrat.  The  course  of  Mr.  Hamlin  derives  the  more 
importance  from  the  fact  that  he  undoubtedly  represents  a  large  class  of 
Democrats  in  his  own  State  and  elsewhere,  who  can  no  longer  act  with  their 
party,  and  will  not  support  Mr.  Buchanan  and  the  platform  which  he 
4  most  heartily  approves.'  " 


294  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

The  "  New  York  Tribune  "  said  in  part  :  — 

"  Mr.  Hamlin  is  one  of  the  foremost  men  of  his  State,  of  spotless  in 
tegrity,  scrupulous  fidelity  to  principle,  and  of  extensive  personal  influence. 
He  opposed  the  Nebraska  bill  quietly  but  firjnly ;  he  henceforth  opposes 
that  party  which  makes  that  bill  its  shibboleth.  His  declaration  must  have 
great  weight  with  the  other  Democrats  who  still  cherish  a  lingering  devo 
tion  to  free  soil  and  free  speech." 

The  comments  of  the  Democratic  press  of  Maine  on  Mr.  Hamlin's 
repudiation  of  their  party  are  both  interesting  and  instructive.  The 
Democratic  leaders  of  this  State  favored  the  nomination  of  Buchanan. 
Nathan  Clifford,  John  Appleton,  and  George  F.  Shepley,  three  of  the 
Portland  leaders,  influenced  their  delegation  at  the  Cincinnati  conven 
tion  to  vote  for  Buchanan.  He  recognized  their  claims  by  appoint 
ing  Mr.  Clifford  associate  justice  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  by  making  Mr.  Appleton  first  assistant  secretary  of  state,  and 
finally  minister  to  Russia,  and  by  reappointing  Mr.  Shepley  United 
States  district  attorney  for  the  district  of  Maine.  The  Maine  follow 
ers  of  Mr.  Buchanan  had,  therefore,  more  than  one  reason  for  dislik 
ing  Mr.  Hamlin's  rejection  of  their  chief.  Mr.  Appleton,  who  is  not 
to  be  confounded  with  the  eminent  late  chief  justice  of  the  State, 
was  then  editor  of  the  "  Eastern  Argus."  He  was  a  man  of  unusual 
ability  and  character,  and  in  previous  years  had  indorsed  the  Wil- 
mot  Proviso  and  supported  Mr.  Hamlin.  But  adhesion  to  party  had 
begotten  in  him  that  kind  of  conservatism  that  kept  many  good  men 
within  the  ranks  of  the  Democracy.  Portions  of  Mr.  Appleton's 
attack  on  Mr.  Hamlin  in  the  "Argus"  of  June  16,  1856,  may  be 
quoted  :  — 

"  Ever  since  the  Wilmot  Proviso  was  first  introduced  in  Congress  Mr. 
Hamlin  has  been  gradually  but  surely  tending  towards  the  political  preci 
pice  over  which  he  has  now  taken  his  fatal  plunge.  .  .  .  For  years  Mr. 
Hamlin  has  been  hovering  on  the  confines  of  the  party  half  claimed  by  the 
opposition,  and  rendering  them  aid  and  comfort  by  his  peculiar  position. 
The  troops  he  could  no  longer  control  have  long  since  left  us.  Last  fall 
he  voted  against  us  at  the  polls.  [This  is  not  true.  —  Ed.]  He  now  follows 
his  baggage  and  men  into  the  ranks  of  the  opposition.  We  congratulate 
our  political  friends  that  he  has  at  last  defined  his  position.  .  .  .  The  Demo 
cracy  of  Maine  have  no  representative  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
The  man  whom  they  have  twice  elected  to  that  office,  and  whom  they  have 
loaded  down  with  favors  for  twenty  years,  has  proved  unfaithful  to  their 
principles  and  joined  their  enemies.  .  .  .  The  Democratic  party  was  never 
in  a  better  condition  to  part  with  false  friends,  or  withstand  the  assaults  of 
open  enemies. 

"  The  reason  given  by  Mr.  Hamlin  for  his  desertion  denotes  a  foregone 
conclusion  in  his  mind.  He  complains  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise.  Yet  for  all  practical  purposes  this  repeal  was  embodied  in  the 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY     295 

platform  of  1852.  As  a  matter  of  principle,  there  is  nothing  in  the  resolu 
tions  adopted  at  Cincinnati  which  was  not  contained  in  the  compromises 
of  1850  and  the  Baltimore  resolutions  of  1852.  We  do  not  understand 
how  any  man  who  could  support  the  latter  can  hesitate  to  support  the 
former.  But  in  point  of  fact  who  proposes  to  restore  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  ?  In  joining  the  opposition,  has  Mr.  Hamlin  any  expectation  that 
the  policy  of  the  government  on  this  subject  will  be  changed  ?  Is  there 
any  longer  a  doubt  that  the  principles  of  self-government  embraced  in  the 
Kansas  act  will  be  sustained  by  the  people  ?  Is  any  party  yet  so  infatuated 
as  to  raise  the  standard  of  repeal  and  state  issues  on  that  result  ?  .  .  .  The 
opposition  expend  their  time  and  energies  only  in  creating  a  wicked  excite 
ment  upon  incidental  subjects.  ...  In  vague  (sic  !)  terms  they  shout  de 
nunciation  against  slavery  ;  but  they  propose  no  practical  remedy  for  it, 
and  only  lash  the  public  mind  into  a  worse  than  useless  rage.  They  hold 
indignation  meetings  about  the  attack  on  Sumner ;  but  if  every  man,  woman, 
and  child  in  the  country  were  to  join  in  their  resolves,  and  shout  Amen  ! 
to  their  violent  outcries,  how  would  this  change  the  conduct  of  affairs  in 
Kansas,  or  affect  the  future  policy  of  the  government  ?  They  shriek  daily 
anathemas  against  Border  Ruffianism  in  Missouri ;  but  nobody  defends 
Border  Ruffianism.  .  .  .  Their  sole  capital  is  agitation,  —  constant,  unceas 
ing  violent  agitation.  He  [Buchanan]  will  have  the  full  confidence  of  the 
whole  country,  and  will  be  able  to  give  it  repose.  Mr.  Hamlin  will  oppose 
him  •  but  a  large  majority  of  the  people  of  Maine  will  give  him  a  warm 
and  enthusiastic  support." 

There  was  a  column  or  more  of  this.  The  only  comment  to  be 
made  is  that  it  was  after  all  an  elaborate,  though  unintentional,  testi 
monial  to  Senator  Hamlin's  consistent  devotion  to  the  principles  of 
Free  Soil.  The  argument  also  shows  how  blind  good  and  prominent 
men  were  to  their  real  duty.  When  it  is  remembered  that  the  Maine 
Democracy  had  eminent  leaders  at  this  time,  such  as  Nathan  Clifford, 
George  F.  Shepley,  John  Appleton,  James  W.  Bradbury,  Robert  P. 
Dunlap,  —  and  many  other  upright  men,  —  the  more  clearly  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  course  stands  out  in  relief. 

The  blatherskite  view  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  departure  from  the  Demo 
cracy  was  expressed  in  the  "  Bangor  Democrat,"  the  newspaper  which 
called  him  a  "disunionist,"  and  urged  his  defeat  in  the  senatorial  cam 
paign  of  1850.  Among  other  things,  this  journal  said  of  Mr.  Hamlin's 
notice  of  withdrawal :  - 

"  It  was  only  a  statement  of  a  preexisting  and  notorious  fact,  as  long 
ago  he  'fell  from  grace,'  his  fall  having  commenced  with  opposition  to  the 
reannexation  of  Texas,  and  progressed  slowly  but  steadily  until  he  reached 
his  present  level.  Occasionally  he  has  paused  in  his  downward  career,  but 
it  was  only  a  halt  as  if  for  rest  and  to  find  the  best  and  easiest  path  to  reach 
the  bottom.  .  .  .  For  his  last  election  to  the  Senate  he  is  indebted  to  the 
Abolitionists,  and  he  now  proposes  to  pay  that  debt  and  to  render  services 


296  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

which  entitle  him  to  reelection  at  the  hands  of  the  Black  Republicans.  .  .  . 
For  years  many  of  the  national  Democrats  of  this  State  have  had  no  confi 
dence  in  him  as  a  party  man.  He  has  done  more  than  any  other  person  to 
abolitionize  it,  and  create  a  sectional  sentiment.  There  is  nobody  to  go 
with  or  follow  him  to  the  Black  Republican  patty." 

Other  comments  equally  prophetic  and  amusing  might  be  cited,  but 
enough  has  been  reproduced  to  give  an  idea  of  the  rancorous  partisan 
ship  Mr.  Hamlin  had  to  contend  with  when  he  vindicated  his  prin 
ciples  in  1856.  But  the  open-minded,  progressive  people  of  Maine 
raised  one  voice  in  approval  of  his  course;  indeed,  as  soon  as  he 
officially  severed  his  connection  with  the  Democracy,  a  spontaneous 
demand  came  from  the  Republicans  of  Maine  that  Mr.  Hamlin  should 
be  their  candidate  for  governor  in  the  coming  election.  This  was  the 
first  effect  produced  in  Maine  by  Mr.  Hamlin's  exit  from  the  Demo 
cracy,  and  is  alluded  to  now,  although  the  incident  is  more  fully  ex 
plained  later.  He  was  undoubtedly  embarrassed  by  this  movement, 
for  he  felt  himself  in  a  peculiar  position.  He  wanted  to  be  guided  by 
his  delicate  sense  of  propriety.  The  truth  is,  when  Mr.  Hamlin 
resigned  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on  Commerce,  he  would 
have  relinquished  his  seat  in  the  Senate  also  if  circumstances  had  per 
mitted.  But  Samuel  Wells  was  now  governor  of  Maine,  and  although 
a  man  of  high  personal  character,  he  supported  the  Pierce  administra 
tion,  and  would  have  appointed  a  Pierce  follower  to  succeed  Mr. 
Hamlin.  Thus  if  the  latter  had  resigned  his  post  in  the  Senate,  the 
anti-slavery  party  would  have  lost  a  vote,  and  the  slave  party  would 
have  gained  one  in  .that  body  when  the  Kansas  troubles  were  an  issue 
before  Congress.  Mr.  Hamlin  reasoned  that  he  should  remain  in  the 
Senate  to  oppose  the  plots  against  Kansas  ;  his  sense  of  delicacy  per 
suaded  him  that  if  he  should  take  the  nomination  for  governor,  he 
should  then  give  up  his  chair  in  the  Senate.  He  did  not  see  how  he 
could  hold  two  positions  at  the  same  time.  He  came  to  Maine  several 
times,  and  sincerely  urged  his  friends  to  take  another  man.  There 
was  only  one  way  to  overcome  Mr.  Hamlin's  scruples,  and  that  was 
to  force  the  nomination  on  him.  This  was  done. 

While  affairs  in  Maine  were  developing  in  this  manner,  the  Repub 
lican  party  held  its  first  national  convention.  By  a  happy  coincidence 
this  took  place  in  Philadelphia,  the  birthplace  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  and  on  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill 
—  the  1 7th  of  June.  Never  since  the  gathering  of  the  fathers  of  this 
republic  was  there  a  more  patriotic  assemblage  of  men  brought  to 
gether  within  the  walls  of  that  historic  city.  They  were  the  fathers 
of  the  party  which  afterwards  wiped  out  slavery,  crushed  a  rebellion 
against  the  government,  saved  the  republic,  and  dedicated  it  anew  to 
the  preservation  of  human  liberty  and  the  advancement  of  civilization. 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY      297 

They  came  together  to  enforce  a  fundamental  doctrine  of  the  Consti 
tution,  —  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  the  individual,  whereby  the  free- 
born  citizens  of  the  North  could  prevent  a  selfish  party,  not  content 
with  the  entire  territory  of  the  South,  from  forcing  slavery  into  their 
lives.  The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  the  first  plank  in  their 
platform;  the  extinguishment  of  the  "twin  relics  of  barbarism,"  sla 
very  and  polygamy,  in  the  territories,  their  slogan.  Abolitionists, 
Whigs,  and  Democrats  could  stand  together  on  this  platform.  Joshua 
R.  Giddings,  Horace  Greeley,  Hannibal  Hamlin,  Henry  Wilson,  John 
P.  Hale,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  John  A.  King,  David  Wilmot,  Pres 
ton  King,  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  George  W.  Julian,  Zachariah  Chan 
dler,  Ben  Wade,  Galusha  A.  Grow,  N.  B.  Judd,  Henry  S.  Lane, 
Robert  Emmet,  Caleb  B.  Smith,  Owen  Lovejoy,  and  many  others 
whose  names  are  now  historic  in  national  or  state  records  were 
among  the  leading  men  at  this  convention. 

Senator  Hamlin  attended  the  convention  out  of  sympathy  with  the 
cause  it  represented.  But  it  would  appear  that  he  had  another  reason 
for  being  present.  His  retirement  from  the  Democracy  only  five 
days  before  the  Republican  Convention  opened  was  a  source  of  con 
gratulation  and  live  interest  to  the  delegates  flocking  to  Philadelphia, 
and  it  seems  that  during  the  contest  between  Fremont  and  McLean 
for  the  nomination  for  President  an  undertow  of  sentiment  developed 
in  favor  of  Senator  Hamlin  as  a  compromise  candidate.  The  mem 
bers  of  the  Maine  delegation  received  the  suggestion  with  enthu 
siasm,  and,  without  Mr.  Hamlin's  knowledge  or  permission,  at  once 
prepared  to  present  his  name  to  the  convention.  This  was  one  of 
several  incidents  that  connected  Mr.  Hamlin's  name  with  the  presi 
dency  which  he  never  mentioned  to  his  family.  The  circumstance 
was  learned  through  a  letter  Joseph  Bartlett,  editor  of  the  "  Bangor 
Jeffersonian,"  and  a  member  of  the  Republican  National  Executive 
Committee,  wrote  to  Mr.  Hamlin  the  day  before  the  convention  was 
opened.  It  is  known  that  Senator  Hamlin  immediately  left  Wash 
ington,  and  went  to  Philadelphia  for  the  purpose  of  stopping  this 
movement.  This  emphasized  his  unwillingness  to  become  a  presiden 
tial  candidate.  He  had  seen  enough  of  that  high  office  to  understand 
its  great  responsibilities.  He  preferred  to  be  a  senator  rather  than 
President. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  choice  for  President  was  John  McLean,  of  Ohio, 
whose  high  character,  ability,  long  public  experience  as  senator,  post 
master-general,  and  associate  justice  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  and  pronounced  anti-slavery  convictions,  indicated  him,  in  Mr. 
Hamlin's  opinion,  as  the  safest  man  for  the  convention  to  name. 
But  the  popular  demand  was  for  John  Charles  Fremont,  whose  pic- 


298  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

turesque  exploring  expeditions  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  the  far 
West  had  given  him  an  interest  in  the  public  eye  that  few  men  of  his 
day  could  claim.  He  was  young,  brave,  able,  and  dashing ;  his  title, 
the  "  Pathfinder,"  was  a  name  to  conjure  with  among  the  masses. 
Youth  and  enthusiasm  dominated  the  convention,  and  Fremont  was 
nominated  by  a  vote  of  359  to  196  for  McLean.  William  L.  Day 
ton,  one  of  the  best  men  New  Jersey  ever  produced,  was  taken  for 
Vice-President  from  a  number  of  competitors,  one  being  Abraham 
Lincoln,  who  received  no  votes.  He  was  so  little  known  at  that 
time  outside  of  the  Northwest  that  when  his  name  was  presented 
inquiries  were  heard,  "  Who  is  he  ? "  Mr.  Hamlin,  it  is  needless  to 
say,  gave  his  hearty  support  to  the  ticket,  Fremont  and  Dayton, 
and  forthwith  entered  into  the  campaign,  —  a  contest,  the  like  of 
which  the  country  had  never  seen  before,  and  has  never  seen  since. 
The  Republican  cause  was  right,  and  the  North  was  stirred  as  never 
before.  The  masses  were  beginning  to  see  that  if  they  did  not  wish 
to  hear  the  crack  of  the  slave  driver's  whip  in  their  streets,  and 
witness  the  sale  of  human  flesh  and  blood,  they  must  stand  by  the 
party  of  Free  Soil. 

Republican  enthusiasm  overran  the  North  as  fire  spreads  over 
a  prairie.  Verily,  the  hilltops  were  lighted.  Immense  ratification 
meetings  were  held.  One  of  the  first  —  which  was  long  famous  in 
the  annals  of  Massachusetts  politics  —  took  place  at  Faneuil  Hall, 
on  June  23.  This  is  of  personal  interest.  It  was  at  this  meeting 
that  Senator  Hamlin  made  his  first  Republican  speech,  which  un 
doubtedly  formed  the  basis  of  his  speeches  in  the  memorable  cam 
paign  that  followed  in  Maine.  This  occasion  attracted  an  overflowing 
crowd,  and  was  a  night  of  jubilation  and  excitement.  The  scene 
as  described  by  the  newspapers  was  stirring  indeed.  Old  parties 
and  issues  were  forgotten.  "  Free  Soil  and  Fremont "  was  the  cry. 
Thomas  D.  Eliot,  a  former  Whig  representative  in  Congress,  with 
whom  Mr.  Hamlin  entertained  very  cordial  relations,  was  the  presid 
ing  officer.  The  newspaper  reports  described  Mr.  Hamlin's  reception 
as  the  dramatic  scene  of  the  evening.  Unfortunately,  only  a  rough 
report  of  his  speech  was  given,  —  for  shorthand  reporting  was  not 
commonly  employed  by  the  newspapers  at  that  time.  Many  of  the 
main  points  were  undoubtedly  expressed  in  the  reporter's  own  words. 
Yet  the  substance  was  saved  and  is  herewith  presented  :  — 

"Your  cheers  assure  me  that  the  spirit  of  your  Puritan  fathers  glows 
within  your  bosoms.  For  the  first  time  in  my  life  my  foot  has  trod  upon 
the  soil  where  was  shed  the  blood  of  the  first  martyrs  of  the  Revolution ; 
for  the  first  time  I  stand  within  these  hallowed  walls,  and  there  comes  an 
echo  responsive  from  every  bosom ;  within  these  walls  three  fourths  of  a 
century  ago  shouts  for  freedom  were  raised,  and  rocked  them  even  as  now. 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY      299 

The  infant  form  of  liberty  was  cradled  here,  and  you  have  gathered  to 
protect  its  manly  and  matured  form.  Here  we  should  feel  the  sentiments 
that  inspired  the  souls  of  Adams,  Otis,  and  Warren.  Their  revolution  was 
that  of  force ;  our  revolution  is  that  of  the  ballot-box.  These  are  revolu 
tionary  times,  —  times  when  your  cheers  should  fill  with  dismay  every 
Hunker  Democrat  in  the  old  Bay  State.  [Cheers.]  I  tell  the  honest 
Democrats  of  Massachusetts,  —  and  I  tell  you  all,  —  the  train  is  in  motion, 
and  unless  they  jump  on  soon,  the  cars  will  be  gone  and  they  will  be  left 
behind. 

"  There  is  in  this  struggle  but  a  single  issue,  —  liberty  against  slavery. 
The  Hunker  press  of  the  North  and  the  South  have  had  the  boldness  for 
the  first  time  to  stand  forth  and  avow  their  position.  It  is  no  longer  the 
question  of  abolition  at  the  South,  but  it  is  whether  slavery  shall  not  be 
extended  over  the  whole  North;  not  whether  the  negro  slaves  shall  be 
emancipated,  but  whether  the  free  laboring  men  of  the  North  shall  not 
be  reduced  to  the  level  of  the  slaves.  [Cries,  *  That 's  it.']  It  is  a  time 
for  men  of  all  classes  to  rally  to  the  standard  and  preserve  the  institutions 
of  freedom  bequeathed  to  you  by  your  fathers.  The  old  party  issues  have 
no  longer  any  force.  Questions  of  commercial  considerations  now  pass 
away  before  the  rising  of  the  dark  issues  of  slavery.  With  the  passing  of 
these  oldtirne  issues,  I  stand  here  side  by  side  with  one  whom  in  former 
years  I  contended  warmly  on  party  issues  of  the  day ;  but  now  it  is  one  of 
the  proudest  days  of  my  life  that  I  can  forget  past  feelings,  and  stand  here 
to  battle  for  the  institutions  of  the  North. 

"  It  has  been  announced  that  I  was  a  member  of  the  Democratic  party 
that  was.  [Laughter.]  It  has  ceased  to  be  a  Democratic  party  in  prin 
ciple  ;  it  has  inaugurated  a  policy  that  makes  it  a  negro  slave  party,  a  sec 
tional  party,  only  more  sectional  than  the  Garrison  Abolition  party  ever 
was.1  A  single  point  embraces  its  creed.  No  matter  what  may  have  been 
a  man's  political  antecedents,  —  he  may  have  been  steeped  to  his  lips  in 
Whiggery ;  he  may  have  been  dyed  in  Federalism,  —  if  he  comes  up  to  the 
standard  of  slavery  he  is  as  white  as  the  driven  snow  in  the  eyes  of  this 
Democracy.  It  has  no  other  issue  than  slavery  propagandism.  We  are 
called  a  sectional  party ;  but  while  it  is  true  that  we  do  not  number  quite 
as  many  men  at  the  South  as  the  Democratic  party  does  at  the  North,  my 
word  for  it,  sir,  we  will  have  more  men  with  us  from  the  South  than  they 
will  from  the  North,  if  the  North  but  stands  by  the  doctrines  of  Washing 
ton,  Jefferson,  and  Madison. 

"  There  is  something  in  this  contest  with  slavery  that  grinds  out  the 
spirit  of  men.  God  knows  how  often  I  have  seen  a  representative  of  the 
North  yield  up  the  rights  of  the  free  laborer  to  the  slave  power  of  the  South. 

1  The  erratic  attitude  of  the  Abolition  party  was  expressed  by  William  Lloyd 
Garrison,  who  said  in  the  Liberator,  "We  dissent  from  the  sentiment,  'the  dispo 
sition  to  divide  the  Union  is  very  slight  now,'  for  it  is  widespread  and  growing 
every  hour,  and  will  undoubtedly  be  greatly  increased  by  the  triumph  of  '  Border 
Ruffianism '  in  the  person  of  James  Buchanan.  There  is  strong  ground  for  believ 
ing  that  he  will  be  the  last  President  of  the  United  States,  in  which  case  the 
jubilee  is  not  far  distant." 


300  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Sectional  are  we  ?  Why,  sir,  we  have  a  principle  as  broad  as  our  common 
country.  .  .  .  The  Southern  slaveholders  know  in  their  hearts  and  con 
sciences  that  they  are  sustaining  doctrines  that  are  wrong.  We  support  a 
principle  that  is  national,  that  applies  to  the  whole  country.  Our  oppo 
nents  seek  to  foist  on  the  country  that  which  belongs  only  to  the  local  laws 
of  the  South.  Which  is  the  sectional,  which  is  the  national  party  ?  Such 
are  the  two  parties. 

"  The  Democracy,  at  its  recent  convention  at  Cincinnati,  inaugurated 
the  policy  that  neither  the  people  of  the  territories  nor  Congress  had  the 
right  to  control  the  institution  of  slavery  in  our  territories.  We  might  as 
well  believe  that  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts  could  not  by  a  system  of 
quarantine  exclude  the  yellow  fever  from  their  State.  [Cheers.]  But  this 
policy  of  the  Democratic  party  is  the  alchemy  through  which  everything 
it  distills  enters  into  the  government.  The  Missouri  Compromise  was 
repealed  only  and  solely  to  extend  the  peculiar  institution,  and  the  fruits 
of  that  repeal  we  see  on  every  hand.  We  see  desolation  in  our  territo 
ries  ;  men  murdered,  women  fleeing  from  their  homes  with  babies  clinging 
to  their  bosoms  !  Yet  we  are  told  that  this  Democratic  policy  should 
command  our  respect.  It  is  but  the  legitimate  fruits  of  this  policy  that  we 
witness  at  the  capital  of  the  nation.  What  is  it  but  the  Democratic  policy 
that  shoots  hotel  waiters,  cowhides  editors,  prostrates  senators  in  the  halls 
of  Congress  ?  It  is  the  legitimate  fruits  of  that  policy  that  finds  support 
in  this  administration,  indorsement  at  the  Cincinnati  convention  which 
nominated  that  person  who  is  to  carry  out  precisely  the  same  principles 
the  present  administration  is  sustaining. 

"  I  appeal  to  the  laboring  men  of  Massachusetts.  Will  they  stand  up  for 
such  a  party  standing  on  such  principles  ?  [Cries  of  '  No  !  No  ! ']  Labor 
lies  at  the  foundation  of  the  prosperity  of  every  government.  Labor  builds 
up  the  cities,  delves  in  the  mines,  works  in  your  machine  shops,  sends 
your  canvas  across  the  trackless  deep.  And  I  ask  the  laboring  men  of 
Massachusetts  as  a  laboring  man,  — for  I  am  one  myself,  —  Will  you  sus 
tain  a  policy  that  would  degrade  you  beside  the  slave  ?  [Cries  of  '  No  ! 
No!'] 

"  I  know  Mr.  Buchanan  well,  and  it  is  consoling  to  know  that  he  was 
nominated  pledged  to  support  the  present  administration,  —  this  adminis 
tration  which  came  in  by  accident  and  goes  out  by  design.  .  .  .  This  much 
I  would  say  of  our  political  opponents  :  always  treat  them  truthfully  and 
fairly.  ['  Good  !  That 's  right !']...  James  Buchanan  has  been  a  conser 
vative  man,  but  he  is  a  different  man  standing  on  the  Cincinnati  plat 
form.  While  he  is  a  statesman  of  eminent  abilities,  he  is  peculiarly  fitted 
for  his  present  position,  because  he  has  always  been  ready  to  adopt  any 
opinion  to  advance  himself.  During  the  war  of  1812  he  was  a  Federalist, 
and  now  he  is  a  modern  Democrat.  Was  he  not  in  favor  of  and  against 
the  national  bank  ?  Was  he  not  in  favor  of  protection  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  is  he  not  now  running  on  a  platform  that  typifies  free  trade  run  mad  ? 
Moreover,  is  it  not  true  that  he  once  stood  up  in  Pennsylvania  a  gallant 
defender  of  the  freeman  ?  Did  he  not  denounce  the  aggressions  of  the  slave 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY      301 

power  in  1821  ?  But  does  he  not  support  slavery  under  the  new  dogmas 
of  his  party's  creed  ?  I  know  no  prominent  question  nor  measure  which 
has  agitated  this  country  during  the  last  twenty  years  on  which  Mr.  Buch 
anan  has  not  been  on  both  sides.  [A  hiss.]  It  has  been  said  that  the  hiss 
of  a  goose  once  saved  Rome  ;  but  all  the  hisses  in  Massachusetts  cannot 
save  the  Hunker  Democracy.  [Roars  of  laughter.]  .  .  .  Are  you  ready, 
men  of  Massachusetts,  for  the  contest  ?  [Cheers  and  '  Yes  !  Yes  ! ']  Kindle, 
then,  the  fires ;  throw  out  your  banners  to  the  breeze,  with  the  legend  in 
scribed,  '  God  and  the  right,'  and  in  that  sign  we  will  conquer." 

Mr.  Hamlin  proceeded  to  Portland,  where  the  Republicans  of  Maine 
fired  their  first  big  gun  of  the  campaign.  This  occasion  was  described 
by  the  press  of  Portland  as  one  of  the  most  notable  in  the  history  of 
political  parties  in  the  State.  It  represented  a  spontaneous  uprising 
of  the  masses,  and  in  its  personnel  and  speakers  demonstrated  that 
many  distinguished  leaders  and  thousands  of  the  rank  and  file  of%  the 
old  parties  had  thrown  off  their  former  ties  to  ally  themselves  with 
the  new  party  of  freedom.  Thomas  A.  Deblois,  Mr.  Hamlin's  law 
preceptor  and  once  an  ardent  Whig,  was  the  presiding  officer.  Sen 
ator  Fessenden  and  ex-Governor  Kent,  who  had  led  the  Whig  party 
to  great  victories  in  Maine,  now  joined  hands  with  Mr.  Hamlin  and 
Lot  M.  Morrill  to  speak  for  Republicanism.  The  newspapers  did 
not  report  the  speeches,  but  it  appears  that  Mr.  Hamlin  delivered 
substantially  the  same  remarks  he  made  at  Boston.  He  was  received 
as  the  coming  standard-bearer  of  the  Republican  party.  The  follow 
ing  comment  of  the  "Argus,"  of  June  26,  on  Mr.  Hamlin's  appear 
ance  at  this  meeting,  was  a  prophecy  that  was  not  realized  :  "  He  has 
left  a  glorious  and  renowned  party  whose  principles  are  ever  young, 
and  has  united  himself  with  a  deformed  monster  whose  embrace  is 
destructive." 

The  next  day,  June  27,  the  Republicans  of  the  Bangor  district  held 
their  first  ratification  meeting,  when  Mr.  Hamlin  addressed  his  old 
neighbors  for  the  first  time  as  a  Republican.  This  was  another 
extraordinary  outpouring  of  the  people.  Norumbega  Hall  was 
crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity  long  before  the  speaking  began. 
Bangor  was  not  only  alive  with  excitement  and  interest,  but  the 
neighboring  towns  added  to  the  throng.  Hollis  Bowman,  mayor  of 
Bangor,  called  the  meeting  to  order  ;  Elijah  Hamlin  was  elected  chair 
man  ;  Captain  Luther  H.  Eaton  and  \Villiam  Sanford  were  appointed 
secretaries  ;  Jabez  True,  William  H.  Mills,  General  Samuel  F.  Her- 
sey,  S.  P.  Strickland,  J.  A.  Cushing,  Eben  French,  John  Short, 
Thomas  A.  Taylor,  J.  T.  K.  Hayward,  John  Williams,  G.  K.  Jewett, 
John  S.  Chadwick,  and  B.'S.  Deane,  of  Bangor ;  Gorham  Davis,  of 
Bradford  ;  Henry  Richardson,  of  Old  Town  ;  Charles  E.  Dole,  of 
Brewer ;  Reuben  K.  Stetson,  of  Hampden  ;  J.  Nickerson,  of  Orring- 


302  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

ton ;  E.  F.  Crane,  of  Kenduskeag,  and  J.  N.  Svvasey,  of  Bucksport, 
were  the  vice-presidents. 

The  first  speech,  by  Noah  Barker,  of  Exeter,  a  land  surveyor  of 
high  standing,  and  afterward  land  agent  o£  Maine,  brought  the  situ 
ation  in  Kansas  before  the  assembly.  He  had  gone  to  Kansas  a 
Pierce  Democrat.  But  there  he  saw  Border  Ruffians  murder  men, 
drive  women  from  their  homes,  sack  houses,  and  stuff  ballot-boxes 
with  the  connivance  of  the  administration  to  make  Kansas  a  slave 
State  ;  and  finally  he  himself  was  driven  out  of  the  territory  at  the 
point  of  a  revolver,  on  the  mere  suspicion  of  being  an  Abolitionist. 
Lot  M.  Morrill  followed  with  a  renunciation  of  the  Democracy,  and 
then  Senator  Hamlin  came  forward.  A  dramatic  scene  occurred  in 
the  midst  of  his  opening  remarks.  Mr.  Hamlin  spoke  first  to  his 
brother  Elijah  :  — 

"  I  never  return  to  my  Northern  home  and  the  State  of  my  nativity  with 
out  thanking  God  that  I  was  born  in  Maine,  on  free  soil,  and  among  free 
men.  You  and  I,  sir,  for  the  first  time  in  our  lives,  stand  upon  the  same 
political  platform,  and  battle  for  the  same  great  cause.  And  let  me  tell  you, 
sir,  that  that  cause  involves  the  destiny  of  your  country  and  mine.  When 
you  were  the  candidate  of  the  great  Whig  party  for  governor  of  our  native 
State,  in  which  we  both  feel  so  much  pride,  you  did  not  receive  my  suffrage, 
and  when  I  was  the  humble  candidate  of  the  late  Democratic  party  for  its 
national  representative,  I  did  not  receive  your  vote.  Now,  thank  God, 
we  stand  firmly  together  upon  a  platform  broad  as  the  Union,  and  with 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution  for  our  principles. 
Those  words,  dear  to  every  American,  liberty  and  union,  are  emblazoned 
on  it  in  letters  of  living  light.  Brother,  I  give  you  the  right  hand  of  polit 
ical  fellowship,  and,  God  grant,  may  we  always  remain  side  by  side  in  the 
cause  of  our  country  and  human  liberty." 

And  so  saying,  Senator  Hamlin  extended  his  hand  to  Elijah.  They 
embraced  each  other,  and  cemented  new  ties  that  were  auspicious  of 
a  permanent  union  between  anti- slavery  Whigs  and  Democrats. 
Thus  the  compact  of  the  two  brothers  made  as  boys  was  absolved. 
They  could  now  stand  together  after  a  separation  of  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  and  strive  for  the  same  political  principles. 
Senator  Hamlin  continued  after  the  cheering  had  subsided  :  — 

"  The  times  and  the  issue  that  is  to  be  made  call  upon  every  patriot 
throughout  our  republic  to  decide  whether  liberty  and  the  Union,  or  sla 
very  and  the  Union,  shall  be  the  characteristic  of  our  government.  This 
is  the  only  issue.  The  bank,  the  tariff,  the  revenue,  —  those  old  issues 
have  passed  into  abeyance.  The  question  we  must  settle  at  our  next  elec 
tion,  and  settle  forever,  is  whether  the  free  labor  of  the  North  shall  be 
degraded  to  an  equality  and  a  daily  association  with  slave  labor.  It  is 
whether  our  daily  laborers  shall  be  reduced  to  the  miserable  degradation  of 
the  poor  white  laborers  of  the  South,  whom  even  the  slaves  treat  with  con- 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY      303 

tempt.  Already  the  South  is  demanding  that  slavery  shall  go  into  the 
Northern  States  in  spite  of  state  laws,  state  constitutions,  and  state  rights. 
Four  of  the  Southern  States  instructed  their  delegates  to  demand  from  the 
Cincinnati  convention  a  distinct  recognition  of  this  principle.  They  have 
virtually  obtained  their  demands.  They  are  perfectly  satisfied  with  the 
platform  adopted. 

"  The  aggressions  of  the  slave  power  have  been  constant  and  pressing. 
It  was  the  South  that  made  the  Missouri  Compromise  live  in  order  to 
snatch  a  portion  of  free  territory  from  freedom  and  curse  it  with  slavery. 
Grown  strong  with  increasing  years  and  more  States,  and  incited  by  the 
servility  of  Northern  dough-faces,  the  slave  power  repealed  that  ordinance 
in  order  to  secure  the  whole  of  the  remaining  territories  of  this  Union,  the 
President  solemnly  promised  that  he  would  not  allow  any  further  agitation 
of  the  slavery  question  during  his  official  term.  Whilst  these  words  were 
yet  upon  his  lips,  Franklin  Pierce  entered  into  a  conspiracy  which  in  infamy 
and  damnable  consequences  is  only  surpassed  in  the  history  of  .the  world 
by  the  traitorous  Judas.  Common  gratitude  should  have  taught  these  trai 
tors  to  have  renominated  New  Hampshire's  degenerate  son ;  but  although 
they  knew  that  he  was  elected  almost  unanimously,  he  would  have  been 
beaten  this  time  almost  unanimously.  The  South  is  too  cunning  to  re-use 
its  blunted  tools.  The  leaders  of  the  slave  power  take  a  weak-backed 
man,  use  him  for  their  degrading  purposes,  and  then  coldly  send  him  home 
to  everlasting  disgrace.  I  speak  next  week  in  the  home  of  Frank  Pierce, 
and,  God  willing,  I  mean  to  free  my  mind  there. 

"  The  so-called  Democratic  party,  although  it  has  thrown  overboard 
every  Democratic  principle  of  Jefferson,  Jackson,  and  the  great  and  good 
Silas  Wright,  —  who  died  too  early  for  his  country's  good, — the  Demo 
cratic  party  is  responsible  for  this  intense  excitement,  for  the  murderous 
assault  upon  an  eloquent  and  accomplished  senator  upon  the  floor  of 
the  Senate,  for  the  blood-stained  fields  of  Kansas,  where  freemen  have 
been  cruelly  shot  without  provocation  by  citizens  of  the  same  republic. 
For  all  these  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  I  arraign  before  the  Ameri 
can  people  these  Cincinnati  aiders  and  abetters  of  the  Border  Ruffians.  I 
charge  these  crimes  upon  them,  — the  undivided  votes  of  the  slave  power 
in  Congress  sustain  them  ;  the  resolutions  at  the  Cincinnati  convention 
indorsing  the  present  administration  sanction  these  crimes ! 

"  But  the  Republican  party  is  not  sectional.  It  stands  upon  the  Con 
stitution  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  It  goes  with  Jefferson, 
with  Jackson,  with  Wright,  with  Clay,  with  Webster,  with  the  Adamses, 
with  all  the  early  patriots  upon  resistance  to  the  extension  of  the  slave 
power. 

"  The  present  dynasty  of  the  slave  oligarchy  has  put  in  nomination  a 
man  suitable  for  its  purposes,  —  James  Buchanan.  He  has  been  on  every 
side  of  every  important  question  since  he  has  been  in  political  life.  I  con 
cede  to  him  eminent  abilities  and  spotless  private  life,  and  when  I  have 
said  that,  I  have  told  all  that  can  be  enumerated  in  his  favor.  He  is  cold, 
haughty,  and  reserved.  His  social  qualities  are  so  frigid  that  a  thermome- 


304  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

ter  to  take  his  temperature  must  have  the  point  of  temperature  somewhere 
below  the  degree  at  which  mercury  freezes.  His  frozen  heart  was  never 
warmed  by  woman's  charms,  and  so  there  can  be  nothing  on  earth  that 
will  soften  him  to  any  humanity. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  the  young,  the  gallant,  the  chivalric  Fre 
mont,  with  the  smack  of  victory  even  in  his  name.  It  rings  clear  as  the 
bugle's  call.  He  is  the  Columbus  of  the  land.  He  has  endured  in  the 
vast  plains  and  mountain  fastnesses  of  the  great  West  all  the  hardships 
that  human  nature  can  endure.  His  occupation  is  that  of  the  early  man 
hood  of  Washington.  He  first  planted  the  stars  and  stripes  upon  the 
Pacific  coast.  He  was  the  first  governor  of  California,  her  first  senator 
in  Congress.  I  have  known  him  intimately  for  years.  Before  he  was 
mentioned  for  the  presidency,  all  who  came  in  contact  with  him  spoke  of 
his  wonderful  genius,  and  conceded  that  he  was  one  of  the  greatest  men  of 
the  age.  Born  and  educated  in  the  South,  he  has  always  detested  slavery. 
He  loves  free  soil  and  free  labor,  for  his  heart  is  generous  and  manly. 
When  he  started  for  his  last  exploration,  he  was  solicited  to  purchase  a 
female  slave  for  his  wife  Jessie  and  her  young  child,  to  aid  them  in  his  ab 
sence.  His  noble  reply  was,  '  I  love  my  wife  as  a  husband  should ;  I  love 
my  child  as  a  father  should  ;  but  Jess  must  work  for  her  support  before  I 
will  own  one  cent  of  property  in  a  fellow  being.' 

"  Let  all  who  love  their  country  forget  and  forgive  past  animosities 
and  petty  jealousies,  and  unite  upon  the  broad  national  Republican  plat 
form." 

The  Democratic  party  held  its  state  convention  at  Bangoron  July  i. 
It  was  a  numerous,  enthusiastic  gathering,  and  this  contributed  to 
blind  the  politicians  to  the  drift  of  popular  sentiment.  The  conser 
vative  force  of  party  action  was  well  illustrated  by  the  presence  of 
many  honorable  men,  who  had  decided  to  remain  with  the  Demo 
cracy  although  their  consciences  could  not  wholly  approve  its  course. 
Robert  P.  Dunlap,  four  times  governor  of  Maine,  four  years  a  member 
of  Congress,  four  times  president  of  the  Maine  Senate,  and  collector 
of  the  port  of  Portland,  presided  over  the  convention.  Among  the 
speakers  were  James  W.  Bradbury,  who  had  just  retired  from  the 
United  States  Senate ;  George  F.  Shepley,  who  then  stood  among 
the  leaders  of  the  Maine  bar  ;  John  Appleton,  who  was  editor  of  the 
"Eastern  Argus,"  had  served  in  Congress,  and  was  to  be  first  assist 
ant  secretary  of  state,  under  Buchanan  ;  John  C.  Talbot,  long  a  power 
in  the  Maine  Democracy ;  and  others,  including  Moses  Macdonald, 
the  only  congressman  from  Maine  who  voted  for  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise.  From  Dunlap  to  Macdonald  was  another  way 
of  reading  the  descent  of  the  Democracy  from  Jackson  to  Buchanan. 
Governor  Wells  was  unanimously  renominated,  indorsed  by  the 
ghastly  faction  called  the  straight  Whigs,  and  the  combination  entered 
the  fight  absolutely  confident  of  success. 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY     305 

The  first  state  convention  held  in  Maine  that  represented  pure  and 
undefiled  Republicanism  was  the  one  that  took  place  at  Portland  on 
July  8,  1856,  and  nominated  Hannibal  Hamlin  for  governor.  There 
had  been  two  so-called  Republican  conventions  in  1854  and  1855,  but 
they  represented  the  interests  of  the  Know-Nothing  party,  while 
recognizing  the  temperance  element  and  the  undeveloped  Republican 
sentiment.  The  rise  of  the  Know-Nothing  party  was  phenomenal. 
At  one  time  it  numbered  fully  a  million  and  three  quarters  members. 
Its  growth  was  so  rapid  that  many  good  men  were  swept  from  their 
anchorage  into  its  ranks.  But  while  the  Know-Nothing  party  was 
an  abnormal  development  of  American  politics  in  one  way,  it  was 
really  a  bubbling  of  the  political  caldron  in  which  the  old  parties  were 
undergoing  a  transmutation.  In  Maine  this  organization  had  a  brief 
existence.  Senator  Hamlin,  for  one,  strongly  opposed  it  on  account 
of  its  proscriptive  creed.  For  this  reason  he  supported  Wells  for 
governor  in  1855,  which  was  before  Mr.  Wells  had  squarely  identi 
fied  himself  with  the  progressive  pro-slavery  party.  But  this  Repub 
lican  convention  was  purged  of  any  suspicion  of  having  the  taint  of 
Know-Nothingism.  Hundreds  of  men  who,  like  Mr.  Hamlin,  had 
fought  Know-Nothingism  were  delegates  to  the  convention.  But 
this  phase  of  politics  was  swallowed  up  in  the  great  convulsions  that 
were  now  ending  the  old  parties  in  Maine.  The  preservation  of  free 
soil  and  the  liberty  of  the  individual  was  the  rallying  call  of  this 
assemblage. 

In  its  character,  attendance,  unanimity  of  purpose,  and  enthusiasm, 
the  Republican  Convention  of  1856  has  never  been  surpassed  in  Maine, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  its  survivors.  It  marked  an  epoch 
when  men  were  moved  by  their  moral  convictions  and  sense  of  justice 
as  never  before  since  the  organization  of  Maine  into  a  State  ;  and 
among  the  delegates  were  many  who  afterwards  rose  to  national  and 
state  distinction  as  leaders  of  the  party  whose  organization  they  then 
perfected.  The  convincing  proof  of  the  unanimous  spirit  that  ani 
mated  this  assemblage  is  that  it  bestowed  the  nomination  for  gov 
ernor  on  Mr.  Hamlin  against  his  wishes,  and  even  before  it  could  be 
definitely  ascertained  whether  he  would  accept.  This  was  in  obedi 
ence  to  popular  party  demand,  which  had  grown  so  strong  that  it  was 
now  irresistible.  The  newspapers  of  the  day,  the  letters  Mr.  Hamlin 
received,  the  personal  evidence  of  survivors,  all  show  this,  and  pages 
might  be  written  on  this  point  alone  if  there  were  space.  The  unique 
feature  was  that  Mr.  Hamlin  himself  was  the  chief  opposition  to  his 
own  nomination,  and  he  was  sincerely  desirous  that  another  man 
should  be  chosen.  This  was  conceded  by  his  opponents  afterwards. 
The  truth  is,  Mr.  Hamlin  still  feared  that  if  he  retained  his  seat  in 
the  Senate,  and  at  the  same  time  ran  for  governor,  he  might  lessen 


306  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

his  party's  chances  of  success.  But  the  delegates  met  this  objection 
in  two  ways  :  first,  they  showed  that  he  was  under  no  obligations  to 
consider  the  feelings  of  the  Hunkers ;  second,  they  nominated  him 
before  he  made  his  decision  known. 

There  were  about  twelve  hundred  delegates  in  the  convention,  and 
more  than  eleven  hundred  voted  for  Mr.  Hamlin.  A  few  cast  their 
votes  for  the  presiding  officer,  Freeman  H.  Morse,  as  a  compliment 
to  him.  Mr.  Morse  had  advocated  Mr.  Hamlin's  nomination,  and, 
moreover,  had  just  been  chosen  the  Republican  nominee  for  Congress 
in  the  Bath  district.  This  substantially  unanimous  action  of  the  con 
vention  was  followed  by  the  adoption  of  a  resolution,  expressing  the 
wish  and  opinion  of  the  assemblage  that  Mr.  Hamlin  should  not  resign 
his  seat  in  the  Senate.  This  relieved  him  of  any  personal  responsi 
bility  that  might  attach  to  his  appearance  in  the  dual  capacity  of 
senator  and  candidate  for  governor.  It  was  now  a  party  affair,  and 
as  pressure  was  so  powerful,  Mr.  Hamlin  had  to  yield,  and  promise 
to  accept  the  nomination.  But  apparently  to  make  sure  that  he 
would  run,  delegates,  after  adjournment  had  been  taken,  sent  him 
messages  that  would  be  interesting  reading  were  there  room  for  them. 
The  purport  may  be  gathered  from  three :  One  was  from  Charles  J. 
Talbot,  Mr.  Hamlin's  lifelong  friend  :  "  We  will  not  excuse  you ;  you 
will  take  five  thousand  votes  from  the  Democracy.  It  is  your  duty 
to  run."  The  second,  from  Dennis  L.  Milliken,  of  Waterville,  once 
a  prominent  leader :  "  The  convention  has  nominated  you.  If  you 
should  come  here  and  decline,  the  party  would  still  vote  for  you." 
George  H.  Shirley  :  "You  must  accept ;  God  bless  you." 

No  man  could  help  being  touched  at  this  proof  of  confidence  in  his 
abilities  of  leadership,  and  when  Mr.  Hamlin  saw  that  his  nomination 
was  clearly  due  to  a  spontaneous  outburst  in  his  favor,  he  rose  to  the 
occasion,  and  declared  that  he  would  fight  the  slave  power  as  he  had 
never  fought  it  before.  Then  began  a  campaign  that  the  veteran 
politicians  of  Maine  assert  has  no  equal,  to  their  knowledge,  in  the 
annals  of  the  nation,  in  point  of  responsiveness  of  the  masses  to  the 
presentation  of  great  moral  issues,  the  dramatic  surprises  furnished, 
the  tension  of  feeling  produced,  and  exciting  incidents  evolved. 
Throughout,  Mr.  Hamlin's  picturesque  personality  was  the  central 
figure  in  a  procession  of  never-to-be-forgotten  scenes  by  those  who 
witnessed  them.  As  a  personal  canvass  nothing  like  it  had  been  seen 
before  in  Maine ;  to  quote  Thomas  B.  Reed,  "  It  was  a  triumphal 
procession  from  one  end  of  the  State  to  the  other."  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  at  the  height  of  his  mental  and  physical  powers,  in  the  prime  of 
his  imperial  manhood.  His  heart  and  soul  were  in  his  work.  The 
result  was  the  crowning  triumph  of  his  long  battle  against  the  slave 
power. 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY     307 

At  the  beginning  of  the  campaign  the  Republican  leaders  were 
doubtful  of  achieving  a  decisive  victory ;  at  the  most,  they  hoped  to 
save  Maine  from  the  Democracy  by  electing  Mr.  Hamlin  by  a  major 
ity  of  several  thousand  votes,  —  four  or  five  thousand  was  regarded 
as  the  extreme  limit.  He  who  at  the  opening  of  the  fight  predicted 
a  Republican  landslide  was  set  down  as  a  dreamer  or  an  erratic 
guesser.  The  conditions  forbade  sanguine  expectations  of  a  sweeping 
victory  for  either  side.  The  vote  at  the  previous  election  had  resulted 
in  a  drawn  battle.  Governor  Morrill,  the  Republican,  Temperance, 
and  Know-Nothing  candidate,  received  51,441  votes;  Wells,  Demo 
crat,  48,341  ;  Isaac  Reed,  Whig,  10,610.  There  was  no  choice  by 
the  people,  and  the  Democrats  and  their  Whig  allies,  having  control 
of  the  legislature,  chose  Mr.  Wells  governor.  Thus  the  Democrats 
and  their  Whig  allies  held  the  fort,  and,  moreover,  they  had  all  the 
reinforcements  they  wanted  from  Washington.  Finally,  in  the  dis 
integration  of  parties  this  year  more  Whigs  came  over  to  the  Demo 
cracy,  led  by  no  less  a  man  than  George  Evans,  who,  in  Mr.  Hamlin's 
opinion,  was  the  most  intellectual  man  Maine  ever  sent  to  Congress. 
When  Evans  was  in  the  Senate,  Clay  said  of  him  :  "  Mr.  Evans  knows 
more  about  the  finances  than  any  other  man  in  the  United  States." 
When  he  left  the  Senate,  Webster  .said  "  his  retirement  would  be  a 
serious  loss  to  the  government  and  the  country."  Alas !  If  Evans 
had  only  seen  the  slavery  question  right.  He  is  now  forgotten. 

Although  the  outcome  of  the  campaign  appeared  in  doubt  in  the 
opening  stages,  yet  when  Mr.  Hamlin  took  his  place  at  the  head  of 
his  party,  he  expected  to  carry  the  State  by  a  substantial  majority. 
But  this  was  before  he  had  felt  the  public  pulse.  After  the  campaign 
had  fairly  begun,  his  hopes  of  a  sweeping  victory  strengthened  as  he 
read  the  signs  of  the  times.  He  did  not,  to  be  sure,  foresee  in  all  its 
scope  the  revolution  that  was  impending  and  which  appeared  to  the 
country  as  if  it  had  been  produced  by  magic.  He  did,  however,  pre 
dict  his  election  by  a  majority  of  10,000  or  15,000  votes.  This  would 
have  been  regarded  as  a  triumph  of  great  magnitude,  and  there  were 
but  few  leaders  who  could  agree  with  Mr.  Hamlin  in  his  prophecy, 
much  as  they  wanted  to.  But  his  estimate  of  his  chances  was  not 
the  result  of  a  shrewd  calculation ;  it  was  an  expression  of  his  philo 
sophy  of  life,  his  knowledge  of  men.  Out  of  his  belief  that  life  is 
development  and  progress,  his  faith  in  mankind  and  confidence  in  the 
honesty  of  others,  there  came  an  insight  and  foresight  that  a  superior 
intellect  could  not  possess  unless  it  was  united  with  rugged  integrity 
of  character  and  sincerity  of  purpose.  Mr.  Hamlin  knew  the  masses 
of  Maine.  He  had  kept  touch  of  elbow  with  them,  and  as  he  believed 
that  "  nothing  was  settled  until  it  was  ended  right,"  so  did  he  con 
fidently  believe  he  would  succeed. 


3o8  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Senator  Hamlin  opened  his  campaign  at  Kittery,  on  August  4, 
when  incidents  occurred  that  at  once  filled  him  with  absolute  confi 
dence  in  victory.  Many  descriptions  have  been  given  of  this  notable 
occasion.  All  agree  that  it  marked  a  spontaneous  uprising  of  the 
people,  and  showed  that  they  felt  that  Mr.  Hamlin  had  lifted  the 
slavery  issue  from  a  low  partisan  level  into  the  pure  air  of  lofty 
statesmanship.  It  was  also  described  as  an  occasion  when  Mr.  Ham 
lin  gave  signal  proofs  of  his  wonderful  personal  influence  over  an 
audience.  General  Mark  F.  Wentworth,  of  Kittery,  a  pioneer  Repub 
lican  and  a  lifelong  friend  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  gave  several  accounts  of 
this  scene,  which  may  be  presented  in  general  terms :  "  The  outpour 
ing  of  the  people  was  prodigious,  but  their  attention  and  responsive 
ness  to  Senator  Hamlin's  speech  were  the  more  important  feature. 
They  came  from  miles  around  to  hear  him,  and  they  stayed  to  the 
end.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  at  his  best,  and  he  and  the  audience  seemed 
to  act  and  react  on  each  other.  While  his  speech  was  in  the  main 
that  plain  statement  of  fact  which  seems  simple  enough  because  it  is 
the  'art  that  conceals  art,'  it  was  pervaded  with  Hamlin's  earnest, 
sincere,  and  magnetic  personality,  and  at  times  wrought  the  audience 
up  to  a  pitch  of  great  enthusiasm.  It  was  a  powerful  argument,  and 
stamped  Hamlin  a  great  man.  One  who  was  there  can  never  forget 
that  magnificent-looking  leader,  his  clear,  ringing  tenor  voice,  or  the 
scene  of  the  multitude  as  they  hung  on  his  lips  in  breathless  silence 
one  moment,  and  broke  into  spontaneous  cheers  the  next." 

The  interesting  results  that  immediately  followed  Mr.  Hamlin's 
opening  speech  appear  to  have  vindicated  his  ability  as  a  stump 
orator.  Among  his  opponents  and  rivals  in  Maine  were  certain  men 
who  underrated  him  as  a  speechmaker,  very  much  the  same  way  that 
Mr.  Lincoln's  opponents  and  rivals  underrated  him.  One  who  was 
in  Congress  with  Mr.  Hamlin  said  :  "  He  has  a  rough,  rude  way  of 
speaking  that  is  effective  with  a  certain  portion  of  the  crowd,  but  he 
is  no  speechmaker."  This  was  the  view  of  a  jealous  rival,  and  it  may 
have  affected  others.  As  speech  is  an  index  to  the  personality,  so 
were  the  speeches  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  unique  and  original, 
because  they  were  productions  of  unique  and  original  men.  Both 
avoided  high-sounding  phrases,  big  words,  and  the  rounded  period ; 
each  aimed  at  the  popular  understanding,  and  each  knew  how,  in  his 
own  way,  to  present  a  great  question  in  a  manner  that  would  make  it 
a  home  truth  to  the  average  mind.  Perhaps  the  ability  to  lead  the 
masses  in  the  right  path  is  more  important  to  the  welfare  of  this  re 
public  than  ability  to  dominate  Congress  or  interest  the  well-educated, 
since  the  republic  rests  on  the  multitude.  The  value  of  a  speech 
depends  on  the  effect  it  has  on  the  public,  and  Mr.  Hamlin's 
speeches  are  to  be  judged  from  this  point  of  view.  The  Kittery 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY      309 

meeting  is  a  point  in  evidence.  When  Senator  Hamlin  closed,  the 
great  crowd  lingered  in  an  afterglow  of  enthusiasm,  discussing  and 
taking  to  heart  the  points  he  had  made.  At  the  same  time  many 
men  thronged  their  way  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  one  after  another  said  :  — 

"  Senator,  I  have  always  been  a  Democrat,  but  now  I  am  a  Repub 
lican.  You  are  right  about  the  slavery  question,  and  I  will  vote  for 
you." 

In  relating  this  incident  to  his  son  Charles,  Mr.  Hamlin  said  that 
he  personally  knew  several  of  the  men  who  thus  addressed  him  and 
announced  their  conversion.  "  They  represented  the  average  type  of 
citizen,"  said  he,  "  and  reflected  the  drift  of  popular  sentiment.  When 
they  told  me  that  they  should  vote  for  me,  I  knew  that  we  would 
carry  the  State." 

From  this  time  on  until  the  close  of  the  campaign,  Senator  Hamlin 
spoke  continually.  He  addressed  as  many  as  one  hundred  meetings 
in  a  little  over  a  month's  time.  He  met  the  people  in  the  cities, 
towns,  and  at  the  cross-roads.  He  was  buoyed  up  with  that  enthu 
siasm  which  comes  from  confidence  of  success,  and,  as  one  of  his 
admirers  said,  "swept  around  the  State  like  a  whirlwind." 

The  newspapers  of  the  day  did  not  attempt  to  record  the  speeches 
delivered  except  on  rare  occasions,  and  as  Mr.  Hamlin  never  wrote 
out  even  the  substance  of  his  remarks,  no  further  account  of  his 
speechmaking  can  be  given.  He  varied  his  remarks  at  different 
places,  seizing  opportunity  to  present  new  illustrations  which  were 
peculiarly  suited  to  the  localities  he  visited.  But  as  to  the  effect  of 
his  speeches,  there  is  abundant  testimony  in  addition  to  the  eloquent 
evidence  furnished  by  the  vote.  One  interesting  and  important  wit 
ness  was  James  W.  Nye,  who  stumped  a  part  of  the  State  with  Mr. 
Hamlin,  and  thus  heard  him  on  many  occasions.  Mr.  Nye  was  sub 
sequently  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate  from  Nevada,  and 
was  ranked  as  one  of  the  wittiest  and  most  effective  speakers  in  that 
body.  His  popularity  and  ability  may  be  judged  from  the  fact  that 
he  was  chosen  by  the  Republican  National  Committee,  in  the  presi 
dential  campaign  of  1860,  to  speak  with  William  H.  Seward  on  a  joint 
stumping  tour  through  the  Northwest.  Senator  Nye  became  a  great 
admirer  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  in  consequence  of  their  association  in  the 
campaign  of  1856.  The  following  story  is  told  by  Charles  E.  Bliss, 
who  was  Mr.  Hamlin's  neighbor  and  personal  friend  for  many  years, 
and  is  well  known  in  Maine  as  the  superintendent  of  the  Western 
Union  Telegraph  Company  in  Bangor,  and  also  as  postmaster  of  that 
city.  Mr.  Bliss  said  :  — 

"  Senator  Nye  came  into  the  telegraph  office  a  few  days  before  the 
end  of  the  campaign,  and  after  sending  off  some  dispatches,  broke  out 
of  his  own  accord  about  the  campaign.  He  was  full  of  it  and  bub- 


3io  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

bling  with  enthusiasm  over  Mr.  Hamlin.  'What  a  wonderful  man 
Hannibal  Hamlin  is,'  said  he,  '  what  a  great  man !  He  is  unique. 
He  is  the  most  effective  stump  orator  in  the  United  States  to-day. 
The  people  believe  everything  he  says, —  that's  the  point,  they 
believe  everything  he  says.  I  never  saw  a  man  with  his  power  among 
the  masses.' " 

The  Democrats  made  a  stubborn  fight  and  contested  every  inch  of 
the  ground.  They  not  only  had  the  help  of  able  Maine  men,  —  such 
as  Governor  Wells,  Nathan  Clifford,  George  F.  Shepley,  ex-Senator 
Bradbury,  and  others, — but  they  also  had  the  assistance  of  Judah  P. 
Benjamin,  Howell  Cobb,  and  other  leaders  of  national  reputation. 
Benjamin,  who  was  then  a  senator  from  Louisiana,  had  a  Mephisto- 
phelian  cast  of  countenance.  At  Portland  he  made  a  crafty  speech 
in  which  he  pooh-poohed  the  Kansas  outrages,  and  belittled  the  trou 
bles  as  purely  local  affairs.  But  he  showed  the  cloven  foot  when  he 
threatened  that  the  South  would  secede  if  it  should  not  be  allowed  to 
carry  slavery  into  the  new  territories.  This  was  held  over  Northern 
heads  as  an  alternative  proposition,  and  probably  frightened  thou 
sands  of  conserative  men  into  voting  for  Buchanan.  Howell  Cobb, 
jovial  and  with  an  air  of  good-fellowship,  also  laughed  at  the  "slavery 
bugbear."  At  Portland,  on  August  10,  he  spoke  of  Mr.  Hamlin  in  this 
apparently  disingenuous  way :  "I  do  not  like  to  say  anything  about 
my  friend  Hamlin.  I  have  been  trying  for  ten  years  to  keep  him 
straight,  and  he  has  been  the  hardest  man  I  ever  had  to  deal  with.  I 
have  talked  to  him  like  a  brother ;  but  that  Herculean  task  of  keep 
ing  friend  Hamlin  straight  is  reserved  for  somebody  else.  Perhaps 
these  Black  Republicans  will  try  their  hands  on  him."  1 

A  few  days  before  the  election,  the  Free-Soil  newspapers  claimed  that 
a  large  corruption  fund  had  been  raised  by  the  federal  office-holders 
with  which  to  flood  Maine.  The  "  New  York  Tribune  "  charged,  on 
July  30,  that  the  Democratic  National  Committee  at  Washington  had 
contributed  $15,000  to  defeat  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  that  that  fund  was  to 
be  increased  by  the  levying  of  assessments  on  office-holders  in  Maine. 
The  "  New  York  Evening  Post "  the  night  before  election  charged 
that  the  corruption  fund  had  been  swelled  to  $100,000.  It  is  certain 
that  if  the  pro-slavery  Democracy  would  pooh-pooh  the  civil  war  in 
Kansas,  they  would  not  stop  at  a  little  thing  like  buying  votes  if  they 
could  find  any  to  buy.  The  shrieks  of  their  newspapers  in  Maine  now 
furnish  amusing  reading ;  their  distress  is  plain.  Here  is  the  final 
appeal  the  "  Argus  "  made  on  September  6  :  — 

"  Will  any  man  who  loves  his  Bible  and  his  God  give  his  sanction  and 
approval  of  the  Republican  doctrine  promulgated  by  Anson  Burlingame, 
'  that  the  times  demand,  and  we  must  have,  an  anti-slavery  Constitution,  an 
1  Eastern  Argus,  August  11,  1856. 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY     311 

anti-slavery  Bible,  and  an  anti-slavery  God,'  by  voting  for  Hannibal  Ham- 
lin  ?  We  trust  not.  We  have  reason  to  hope  better  things  for  those  who 
call  themselves  the  children  of  God." 

That  the  Pierce  administration  sought  in  every  way  to  defeat  the 
Republicans  is  certain.  One  incident  related  by  Josiah  H.  Drum- 
mond  shows  how  the  government  machine  was  used  to  embarrass  the 
Republicans,  and  how  they  were  forced  to  checkmate  it  by  their  own 
efforts.  Mr.  Drummond  was  then  a  young  lawyer  living  at  Water- 
ville.  He  was  elected  to  the  legislature  that  fall,  became  speaker  of 
the  House  the  next  year,  and  entered  the  Senate  in  1860,  to  be  elected 
attorney-general  of  Maine.  He  has  since  taken  a  high  rank  at  the 
Cumberland  bar,  and  has  supported  Mr.  Hamlin  in  many  a  notable 
contest.  Mr.  Drummond  said  :  — 

"  We  soon  learned  that  the  Democracy  would  contest  every  inch  of  the 
ground  by  fair  means  or  foul.  We  wasted  no  time  in  meeting  the  emer 
gency.  For  example,  I  learned  that  the  Pierce  postmasters  were  prevent 
ing  Republican  newspapers  from  being  circulated.  I  left  my  law  office, 
hired  a  cart,  filled  it  with  bundles  of  Republican  newspapers,  and  started 
off  at  a  gallop  for  the  neighboring  country  towns.  When  I  reached  a  town 
I  would  pull  off  my  coat  and  shout  to  the  crowd,  '  Do  you  want  any  Repub 
lican  newspapers?'  How  they  would  shout,  'Yes!  yes,  yes!'  and  flock 
around  the  cart !  Then  I  would  ask  them  if  they  wanted  a  speech.  The 
Saturday  before  the  election  I  drove  sixty  miles,  and  spoke  in  all  six  hours. 
But  the  excitement  buoyed  me  up.  The  very  air  seemed  like  champagne. 
There  never  was  a  campaign  like  it  in  the  country." 

The  Democracy  was  blind  to  the  last  to  the  signs  of  revolt  in  the 
air.  The  day  of  the  election,  Governor  Wells  predicted,  in  the  pre 
sence  of  a  friend  of  Mr.  Drummond,  that  he  would  be  elected  over 
Mr.  Hamlin  by  a  majority  of  10,000  votes.  Mr.  Drummond  gave  a 
vivid  idea  of  the  intense  excitement  and  wave  of  jubilation  that  swept 
over  the  State  :  — 

"  We  rushed  to  the  telegraph  station  at  Waterville,  as  eager  for  news  as 
if  a  war  was  being  fought.  The  telegrapher  sat  laughing.  He  was  a  Re 
publican.  'What  are  you  laughing  at?'  we  shouted.  'Oh,'  said  he,  'just 
hear  the  wires  buzz  with  great  news.'  We  did  not  know  a  telegrapher  could 
tell  the  news  as  it  was  sent  over  the  wires,  and  there  was  a  chorus  of  '  Non 
sense  ! '  But  he  laughed  away.  '  There  goes  a  message  from  Unity : 
"  Glory  to  God !  Hamlin  has  carried  the  State  by  a  whirlwind  majority  !  " 
Here  comes  one  from  Dexter:  "Hallelujah!  Freedom  carries  the  day. 
Hamlin  wins."  '  We  made  him  have  the  messages  repeated  in  the  Water 
ville  office  over  his  machine,  and  while  they  were  coming  it  was  a  moment 
of  delicious  agony.  But  it  was  worth  waiting  for." 

In  Bangor,  as  well  as  in  every  other  part  of  the  State,  the  Repub 
licans  scented  victory  in  the  air,  and  as  the  time  approached  for  the 


3i2  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

returns  to  come  in,  by  a  common  impulse  they  rushed  to  Norumbega 
Hall.  Every  seat  was  taken  out,  and  the  place  was  jammed  with 
a  palpitating  mass  of  humanity.  One  who  took  an  active  interest  in 
the  occasion  was  John  L.  Crosby,  a  leading  citizen  of  Bangor  and 
long  its  city  treasurer.  His  account  of  the  scene  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  Mr.  Hamlin  was  the  great  commoner  of  Maine,  and  his  personal  canvass 
of  the  State  met  with  an  unprecedented  reception.  Yet  it  was  difficult  for 
either  friends  or  foes  to  measure  the  extent  of  the  revolution  in  the  State. 
One  of  the  most  brilliant  journalists  ever  connected  with  the  Bangor  press, 
a  week  before  the  election,  appealed  to  the  demoralized  and  motley  opposi 
tion  :  '  Let  us  make  one  more  allied  effort,  and  the  sullen  retreat  of  the 
Hamlin  hosts,  already  begun,  will  become  a  complete  rout.'  On  election 
night  I  joined  the  throng  going  to  Norumbega,  when  some  one  thrust  his 
arm  through  mine  and  said,  *  Come,  John,  let 's  go  see  the  boys  ! '  It  was 
Mr.  Hamlin,  who  had  just  driven  up  post  haste  from  Hampden  to  hear  the 
news.  He  was  filled  with  excitement,  but  even  then  he  remembered  to  ask 
me  something  that  was  on  his  mind.  Said  he,  'What's  that  verse  about 
"  Sound  the  loud  timbrel  "  ? '  I  hastily  recalled  the  lines,  and  then  he  sprang 
through  the  cheering  crowd  on  the  stage,  to  be  met  with  the  most  over 
whelming  welcome  I  had  ever  witnessed.  When  the  glad  uproar  of  thou 
sands  had  ceased  from  sheer  exhaustion,  Mr.  Hamlin  lifted  his  arms,  and 
in  his  ringing,  clear  voice  recited  Tom  Moore's  lines  :  — 

4  Sound  the  loud  timbrel  o'er  Egypt's  dark  sea ! 
Jehovah  has  triumphed,  —  his  people  are  free.' 

"  Never,  I  am  sure,  since  *  Israel  saw  the  Egyptians  dead  upon  the  sea 
shore,'  and  Moses  sang  this  song  of  triumph  over  the  oppressors  of  his  race, 
had  the  words  been  more  fittingly  spoken.  The  scene  formed  an  unfading 
picture  in  the  memory  of  those  who  saw  it  and  heard  it  all." 

By  midnight  it  was  known  that  the  Republican  minority  of  8000 
votes  the  year  before,  had  been  turned  into  a  Republican  majority  of 
18,000;  and  finally,  that  Hannibal  Hamlin  had  been  chosen  governor 
by  an  unprecedented  plurality  of  more  than  25,000  votes.  Jehovah 
had  spoken  —  and  Maine  was  free. 

The  revolution  in  Maine  caused  the  greatest  jubilation  among  the 
Republicans,  and  consternation  among  the  Democrats,  throughout  the 
country.  It  was  unexpected,  and  the  followers  of  Fremont  thought 
that  they  already  saw  the  dawn  of  a  better  day.  But  that  was  not  yet 
come,  though  the  light  was  piercing  the  clouds.  In  carrying  eleven 
States,  and  throwing  1,341,264  votes  for  Fremont  and  Dayton,  against 
1,838,162  for  Buchanan,  and  874,534  for  Fillmore,  the  Know-Nothing 
candidate,  the  young  and  undisciplined  Republican  party  accomplished 
a  result  of  which  it  might  well  be  proud.  Freedom  or  slavery  in  the 
territories  was  clearly  the  issue,  and  in  the  first  trial  the  party  of 
slavery  was  in  an  actual  minority  of  nearly  400,000  votes,  though  it 


HAMLIN  A  FATHER  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY     313 

had  retained  control  of  the  government.  The  Republicans  claimed 
that  they  had  won  a  moral  victory,  and  that  the  future  was  bright. 
Senator  Fessenden  wrote  Mr.  Hamlin :  "  We  have  fought  and  lost, 
but  we  have  a  noble  party  and  a  future  before  us."  And  Mr.  Hamlin 
responded,  "  Amen  !  " 

The  closing  incident  of  personal  interest  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  career  of 
this  period  was  his  marriage  to  Ellen  V.  Emery,  the  youngest  daughter 
of  Judge  Stephen  Emery,  and  a  half  sister  of  his  first  wife.  The 
wedding  took  place  at  Paris  Hill,  Mr.  Hamlin's  old  home,  on  Sep 
tember  25. 


CHAPTER   XXVI 

GOVERNOR    AND    SENATOR 

WHEN  Mr.  Hamlin  became  governor  of  Maine,  it  was  well  under 
stood  that  he  would  be  returned  to  the  Senate  as  soon  as  the  legisla 
ture  was  called  on  to  act.  The  election  of  Buchanan  had  settled 
one  thing,  and  that  was  that  the  agitation  over  slavery  was  bound  to 
continue.  The  final  acts  of  the  wretched  weathercock  who  was  still 
President  —  his  declaration  one  day  that  he  had  no  power  to  stop  the 
outrages  in  Kansas,  his  order  the  next  for  troops  to  proceed  to  the 
scenes  of  disorder  ;  his  tearful  assertions  that  he  believed  the  troubles 
were  local  in  nature ;  his  consistent  removal  of  honest  men  from  the 
governorship  of  that  territory  who  would  not  sanction  the  hideous 
crimes  perpetrated  there  — were  plain  evidence  of  the  pressure  the 
slave  power  would  put  on  its  new  tool  as  soon  as  he  entered  the 
presidency.  The  whole  programme  of  infamy,  which  united  the  gov 
ernment  and  Border  Ruffians  in  a  conspiracy  to  force  slavery  into 
Kansas  by  flooding  the  territory  with  cutthroats  and  United  States 
soldiers,  to  stuff  ballot-boxes,  to  intimidate  citizens,  to  set  up  a  fraudu 
lent  legislature,  enforce  their  barbarous  laws,  burn  towns,  drive  away 
Free-Soil  men,  and  even  shoot  them  down,  —  this  was  to  continue 
under  Buchanan.  Events  made  Mr.  Hamlin  the  logical  choice  of  his 
party  for  the  Senate.  He  was  an  anti-slavery  leader  of  long  experi 
ence,  and  knew  how  to  fight  the  enemy.  Thus  Mr.  Hamlin's  admin 
istration  as  governor  of  Maine  was  only  an  episode  in  his  life,  and 
may  be  briefly  related. 

He  was  inaugurated  on  January  8,  1857.  The  ceremony  was  sim 
ple.  The  address  was  a  clear  and  comparatively  short  discussion  of 
national  and  state  topics.  In  speaking  of  the  presidential  election, 
Governor  Hamlin  said  that  the  result  foretold  with  "unerring  cer 
tainty  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  great  principles  for  which  the  Re- 
publican  party  had  struggled."  In  tracing  the  early  history  of  the 
government  to  demonstrate  that  its  fathers  designed  it  should  be  one 
of  freedom  and  not  of  slavery,  he  declared  that  it  was  "  time  for  all 
who  desire  to  restore  the  government  to  what  it  was  under  Wash 
ington  and  Jefferson  to  unite  with  undivided  ranks  for  that  purpose." 
In  foreshadowing  the  intention  of  the  incoming  Buchanan  adminis 
tration  to  extend  slavery,  Governor  Hamlin  asserted  that  it  was  the 


GOVERNOR  AND  SENATOR  315 

duty  of  the  Republican  party  "  to  maintain  the  right  of  freedom  by 
opposing  in  every  legal  mode  the  extension  of  slavery  over  the  territory 
of  the  United  States,  and  by  persevering  in  that  effort  firmly  and  con 
sistently  to  the  end."  In  depicting  the  "deplorable  spectacle"  pre 
sented  in  Kansas  which  made  "free  government "  a  "miserable  mock 
ery,"  Governor  Hamlin  said  that  the  existing  state  of  affairs  "furnishes 
only  a  true  exhibition  of  what  results  from  attempts  to  establish  and 
extend  slavery ;"  and  in  connection  with  this  he  urged  Maine  to  ap 
propriate  a  liberal  sum  to  aid  those  of  her  citizens  who  had  gone  to 
Kansas  to  extend  civilization  and  might  be  in  need  of  the  necessities 
of  life. 

Another  subject  of  interest  Governor  Hamlin  considered  in  his 
address  was  the  cultivation  of  agriculture  with  reference  to  the  de 
sirability  of  "teaching  agricultural  chemistry  in  the  schools,"  or  "of 
endowing  some  of  the  existing  literary  institutions  of  the  State"  for 
that  purpose.  He  felt  the  need  of  providing  the  youth  of  the  State, 
who  could  not  or  did  not  desire  to  take  a  course  of  study  at  a  classical 
college,  opportunity  of  pursuing  a  practical  and  liberal  course  of  edu 
cation  which  would  fit  them  for  the  actual  duties  of  life.  He  believed 
that  the  State  should  interest  itself  in  this  institution,  to  raise  the  level 
of  intelligence,  and  also,  as  he  urged  at  this  time,  because  "  a  wise  sys 
tem  which  shall  develop  our  agricultural  resources  will  tend  to  check 
the  great  emigration  of  our  citizens  to  other  sections,"  that  is,  he  wanted 
to  keep  Maine's  young  men  at  home.  At  this  time,  it  should  be  re 
membered,  the  project  was  being  discussed  out  of  which  came  the 
American  college  of  agricultural  and  mechanical  arts.  Mr.  Hamlin 
followed  this  institution  from  its  inception  to  its  realization,  and  it  had 
few  stronger  friends  than  he.  Another  chapter  is  devoted  to  this 
subject ;  the  incident  introduced  in  his  inaugural  address  is  referred 
to  and  explained  only  to  show  how  he  was  thinking  with  regard  to  this 
college  long  before  it  was  established. 

Another  point  in  the  address  of  importance  to  the  history  of  Maine 
was  Governor  Hamlin's  reference  to  the  removal  of  Woodbury  Davis l 
from  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court.  Judge  Davis  would  not,  at  the 
behest  of  the  Wells  administration,  render  a  decision  in  favor  of  a 
pro-slavery  candidate  for  sheriff.  This  was  one  of  the  issues  of  the 
state  campaign,  and  it  cost  Mr.  Wells  many  votes.  Mr.  Davis's  re 
moval  was  an  outrage  on  the  judiciary.  To  quote  Governor  Hamlin  : 
"  At  the  last  session  of  the  legislature,  one  of  the  justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court  was  arbitrarily,  if  not  unconstitutionally  removed  by 
address.  In  the  opinion  of  the  best  legal  minds  of  the  State,  the  act 
was  entirely  unconstitutional.  Whether  so  or  not,  it  was  at  least  con- 

1  This  was  a  celebrated  case.  Rufus  Choate  made  the  argument  for  Judge 
Davis. 


3i6  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

fessedly  predicated  upon  an  error  of  judgment,  honestly  exercised  in 
the  discharge  of  official  duty,  upon  a  matter  of  indisputable  jurisdic 
tion.  ...  If  for  such  a  cause  a  judicial  officer  may  be  removed  in  the 
malice  or  madness  of  party  organization,  where  is  the  independence 
of  the  judiciary,  and  what  can  it  become  but  the  mere  instrument  of 
party  ?  "  Perhaps  the  most  important  act  of  Governor  Hamlin's  ad 
ministration  was  his  restoration  of  Judge  Davis  to  the  bench,  upon 
which  the  latter  remained  until  1865,  when  he  voluntarily  retired. 

The  record  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  administration  would  not  be  complete 
without  a  reference  to  the  council  and  legislature  which  were  brought 
into  power  at  this  time,  and  were  the  first  exponents  of  pure  Repub 
licanism  to  hold  these  positions.  A  partial  list  will  indicate  the  kind 
of  men  these  stirring  times  brought  to  the  front  in  politics  in  Maine. 
In  the  council  were  Abner  Coburn,  of  Skowhegan,  who  was  subse 
quently  one  of  the  war  governors  of  Maine,  and  a  noted  philanthro 
pist  ;  Benjamin  F.  Eastman,  of  Strong,  a  founder  of  the  Republican 
party  in  this  State,  and  a  lifelong  friend  of  Mr.  Hamlin ;  J.  S.  Mon 
roe,  for  many  years  probate  judge  of  Piscataquis  County,  and  another 
personal  friend  of  the  governor  ;  and  Nathaniel  A.  Joy,  an  active 
leader  of  Ellsworth.  The  changed  conditions  of  political  affairs  was 
reflected  in  the  Senate,  which  had  twenty-nine  Republicans  and  one 
Democrat.  To  paraphrase  Dr.  Holmes,  fate  conspired  to  save  this 
lone  representative  of  his  party  from  obscurity  by  naming  him  Smith.1 
The  president  of  the  Senate  was  Joseph  H.  Williams,  of  Augusta,  a 
man  of  decided  ability  and  scholarly  attainments.  He  succeeded  Mr. 
Hamlin  as  governor,  and  served  with  credit  to  himself  and  the  State. 
Lyndon  Oak,  of  Garland,  was  a  conspicuous  anti-slavery  leader  and 
one  of  the  cleanest  and  most  useful  legislators  Maine  ever  produced. 
William  R.  Hersey,  of  Lincoln,  was  one  of  the  Hamlin  guard  in  the 
senatorial  fight  of  1850.  Wyer  G.  Sargent  and  Samuel  WTasson  were 
representative  men  of  Hancock  County.  Charles  P.  Chandler  was  a 
typical  anti-slavery  man  of  Piscataquis.  Enoch  W.  Woodbury,  of 
Bethel,  was  a  leader  of  prominence  in  his  district.  William  Connor, 
of  Fairfield,  —  father  of  Selden  Connor,  a  distinguished  soldier  and 
later  governor  of  Maine,  —  was  one  of  the  Whigs  who  united  with 
the  anti-slavery  Democrats  in  1856. 

The  House  had  one  hundred  and  fifteen  Republicans  and  twenty- 
one  Democrats.  Charles  A.  Spofford,  a  brilliant  lawyer  of  Deer  Isle, 
was  speaker.  Among  the  leading  members  were  Thomas  A.  Deblois, 
of  Portland,  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  strongest  friends  and  a  leading  law 
yer  of  the  State ;  Josiah  H.  Drummond,  then  of  Waterville,  whose 

1  Mr.  Smith  used  to  issue  calls  for  a  Democratic  senatorial  caucus,  and  act  as 
the  caucus  and  presiding  officer.  He  was  truly  the  captain  and  crew  of  the  Dem 
ocratic  "  Nancy  Jane." 


GOVERNOR  AND  SENATOR  317 

record  in  this  House  made  him  speaker  of  the  next ;  General  Samuel 
F.  Hersey,  of  Bangor,  who  was  then  one  of  the  principal  lumbermen 
of  the  State  and  afterwards  of  the  country,  and  a  personal  friend  of 
the  governor  ;  William  T.  Johnson,  the  former  editor  of  the  "  Augusta 
Age  "  when  it  was  an  anti-slavery  newspaper,  and  another  member  of 
the  anti-slavery  guard  of  1850;  Charles  Danforth,  of  Gardiner,  who 
was  subsequently  for  many  years  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  State ;  Nathaniel  C.  Deering,  of  Hampden,  who  afterwards  served 
in  Congress  from  Iowa,  and  was  another  lifelong  friend  of  Mr.  Ham- 
lin ;  Seth  L.  Milliken,  then  of  Camden,  who  represented  the  Belfast 
district  in  Congress  for  ten  years  with  ability ;  W.  C.  Hammatt,  a 
former  Whig  and  collector  of  the  port  of  Bangor,  and  a  close  friend  of 
Governor  Hamlin  ;  N.  G.  Hichborn,  of  Stockton,  who  later  was  the 
state  treasurer ;  Parker  P.  Burleigh,  land  agent  of  the  State  ;  Theodore 
C.  Woodman,  of  Bucksport,  whose  name  was  a  synonym  for  integrity  ; 
Jeremiah  Tolman,  of  Rockland,  a  trusted  leader  in  the  Senate  cam 
paign  of  1850;  Samuel  H.  Allen,  of  Thomaston ;  Isaac  C.  Kimball, 
of  Bethel ;  Samuel  H.  Houghton,  of  Greenwood  ;  Josiah  L.  Hobbs, 
of  Waterford  ;  Samuel  P.  Strickland,  of  Bangor  ;  Solomon  Dunning,  of 
Charleston  ;  Josiah  Crosby,  of  Dexter,  and  others,  who  all  helped  estab 
lish  the  Republican  party  in  Maine,  and  are  entitled  to  remembrance 
on  that  account.  « 

The  same  week  Mr.  Hamlin  became  governor  of  Maine,  the  Repub 
lican  legislators  nominated  him  for  another  term  in  the  Senate.  There 
were  some  who  were  of  the  opinion  that  it  might  be  better  for  Mr. 
Hamlin  to  remain  in  Maine  for  a  few  years  at  the  head  of  his  party,  to 
strengthen  it  during  the  Buchanan  administration.  Mr.  Deblois  made 
a  powerful  speech  in  the  caucus  exposing  the  sophistry  of  this  argu 
ment,  and  showing  that  the  prestige  which  he  gained  in  the  campaign 
of  1856  would  strengthen  his  standing  and  influence  as  a  national 
leader.  Lot  M.  Morrill  was  one  of  the  leaders  who  urged  Mr.  Ham 
lin  to  take  the  nomination  for  governor,  and  said  that  he  should  be 
returned  to  the  Senate  if  he  desired ;  yet  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  surprise, 
Mr.  Morrill,  notwithstanding  his  course  of  action,  allowed  his  name  to 
be  presented  as  a  candidate.  But  the  sentiment  was  so  strong  in 
favor  of  Mr.  Hamlin  that  there  was  no  contest  worth  recording. 
This  was  the  first  time,  by  the  way,  when  Mr.  Hamlin  had  been  a 
candidate  for  the  Senate  that  his  party  machinery  was  not  arrayed 
against  him.  His  most  brilliant  campaigns  were  won  against  the 
machine.  He  resigned  the  governorship  on  February  26,  and  on 
March  4,  1857,  the  same  day  on  which  James  Buchanan  entered 
the  presidency,  resumed  his  seat  in  the  Senate. 

And  now  the  die  was  cast.  In  his  first  message  to  Congress  Mr. 
Buchanan  asserted  that  the  slavery  troubles  were  over,  placed  the 


3i8  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

blame  of  the  agitation  on  the  clergy,  announced  himself  in  favor  of  a 
constitution  agreeable  to  the  majority  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  and 
seriously  compromised  the  Supreme  Court  by  virtually  pledging  it  to 
deliver  an  opinion  in  the  near  future  that^would  finally  remove  the 
slavery  issue  from  the  realms  of  political  action.  Mr.  Buchanan's 
hint  at  the  forthcoming  opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court  was  based  on 
positive  knowledge.  In  a  few  days  Chief  Justice  Taney  handed  down 
his  now  historic  deliverance  on  the  Dred  Scott  case.  The  essence  of 
this  was  that  the  negro  could  not  become  a  citizen  because  he  was  a 
chattel,  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the 
territories,  and  finally  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  an  uncon 
stitutional  measure,  and  its  repeal  justified.  This  opinion  was  re 
garded  as  obiter  dicta,  in  part,  but  it  was  substantially  concurred  in 
by  a  majority  of  the  justices,  though  strong  dissents  were  taken  by 
Justices  McLean  and  Curtis.  The  action  of  the  court  was  an  appar 
ent  triumph  for  the  slave  power.  The  plot  Mr.  Hamlin  exposed  in 
his  first  speech  in  the  Senate,  by  revealing  the  meaning  of  the  Clay 
ton  compromise  bill,  had  at  last  borne  fruit.  The  slave  power  had 
succeeded  in  bringing  to  its  aid  the  highest  tribunal  in  the  land. 
The  purport  of  the  court's  deliverance  was  that  slavery  was  the 
organic  law  of  the  country;  and  thus  fortified  by  the  judiciary  and 
supported  by  Congress,  President  Buchanan  entered  on  the  last  act 
of  the  damnable  conspiracy  to  force  slavery  into  the  lives  of  the  free 
Northern  people,  —  Kansas  being  his  first  objective  point. 

Under  these  circumstances  Congress  gathered  in  December. 
Although  the  slave  power  now  controlled  both  branches  of  Congress, 
the  executive,  and  the  judiciary,  it  could  not  control  the  consciences 
and  hearts  of  the  men  in  the  Senate  and  the  House  who  represented 
the  Republican  party.  The  day  of  the  cowardly  "dough-face"  was 
passing  away ;  the  day  of  the  representative  anti-slavery  man  of  the 
North  was  dawning.  On  the  other  hand,  the  power  of  the  conservative 
Southern  statesman  was  gone.  The  word  of  the  aggressive  pro-sla 
very  leader  was  the  law  of  the  new  South.  The  changed  condition 
of  affairs  was  reflected  in  this  Congress.  The  Republican  wave  had 
swept  into  the  Senate  and  House  men  whose  names  are  now  his 
toric,  and  had  carried  into  private  life  others  who  had  been  towers  of 
strength  to  the  slave  party.  For  the  first  time  in  the  existence  of  the 
republic  since  slavery  had  become  a  political  issue,  there  were  two 
political  parties  in  Congress  that  drew  their  lines  entirely  on  this 
question.  Not  since  the  days  of  the  Revolution  had  there  been  gath 
ered  together  groups  of  American  leaders  who  possessed  so  marked 
individualities,  or  who  exerted  so  much  personal  influence  among  the 
masses,  or  stood  for  such  widely  antagonistic  principles,  as  the  prin 
cipal  senators  and  representatives  in  this  Congress.  The  names  of 


GOVERNOR  AND  SENATOR  319 

many  will  endure  as  long  as  memory  preserves  the  scenes  in  which 
they  figured. 

The  Senate  had  sixty-two  members,  of  whom  twenty  were  Repub 
licans,  as  against  half  a  dozen  before  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise.  The  Republicans  were  Hannibal  Hamlin  and  William  Pitt 
Fessenden,  of  Maine  ;  Charles  Sumner  and  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massa 
chusetts  ;  John  P.  Hale  and  Daniel  Clark,  of  New  Hampshire  ;  Jacob 
Collamer  and  Solomon  Foot,  of  Vermont ;  Lafayette  S.  Foster  and 
James  Dixon,  of  Connecticut ;  James  F.  Simmons,  of  Rhode  Island ; 
William  H.  Seward  and  Preston  King,  of  New  York  ;  Simon  Cam 
eron,  of  Pennsylvania;  Benjamin  F.  Wade,  of  Ohio;  Lyman  Trum- 
bull,  of  Illinois ;  Zachariah  Chandler,  of  Michigan ;  Charles  Durkee 
and  James  R.  Doolittle,  of  Wisconsin  ;  and  James  Harlan,  of  Iowa. 
Seward  was  the  leading  spokesman  ;  Fessenden  the  keenest  debater ; 
Chandler  the  rough  Jupiter  Tonans  ;  Sumner  the  anti-slavery  knight ; 
Hale  the  free  lance ;  Trumbull  a  sharp  blade  ;  Collamer  was  a  con 
stitutional  authority ;  Wade  a  fighter ;  King  weighty  in  council  ; 
Wilson  an  outspoken  commoner  ;  Clark  a  sound  adviser ;  Cameron 
the  great  political  manager  of  his  day.  Senator  Hamlin's  chosen 
associates  at  this  time  were  Chandler,  Wade,  Cameron,  and  Clark. 
His  friendship  for  Chandler,  Wade,  and  Cameron  extended  over  a 
period  of  many  years.  They  were  more  than  once  called  the  four 
old  guardsmen  of  the  Republican  senators  of  this  time.  They  were 
unique  men,  and  the  story  of  their  friendship  is  an  unique  and  inter 
esting  record. 

The  entrance  of  Chandler,  Trumbull,  Doolittle,  and  Durkee  into 
the  Senate  signalized  the  downfall  of  Hunkerism  in  the  great  North 
west.  Chandler  himself  dethroned  the  king  of  the  Northern  Hunkers, 
General  Cass,  and  Michigan  was  now  a  permanent  Republican  State. 
No  man  in  the  Senate  better  embodied  the  resolute,  aggressive,  and 
progressive  Republican  spirit  of  the  Northwest  than  Zach  Chandler,  as 
the  great  senator  from  Michigan  was  familiarly  known.  He  made 
himself  felt  the  first  day  he  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  and  the  little 
group  of  Republicans  knew  that  a  champion  after  their  own  hearts 
had  come  among  them.  At  the  outset  Chandler  and  Senator  Hamlin 
conceived  a  strong  liking  for  each  other.  There  was  much  in  com 
mon  between  the  two.  Both  were  New  England  Yankees,  men  of 
the  people,  and  they  were  equally  ardent  in  their  attachment  to  the 
Union  and  hatred  of  slavery.  Chandler  was  a  giant  in  every  sense  of 
the  word.  In  point  of  resolute  leadership,  personal  courage,  and  abil 
ity  to  sway  the  masses  by  sheer  strength  of  individuality,  Chandler 
certainly  had  no  superior  in  his  day  —  and  who  was  his  equal?  In 
the  Senate  he  was  an  immense  force.  In  debating  he  used  the  short 
sword,  in  speechmaking  the  sledge  hammer.  From  now  on  until 


320  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  end  of  his  public  career,  Mr.  Hamlin  held  no  associate  in  closer 
intimacy  or  in  more  affectionate  regard  than  Zach  Chandler,  with 
the  exception  of  Lincoln,  who  always  had  the  first  place  in  his 
heart.  % 

The  new  South  had  abler  men  in  the  Senate  than  in  the  House. 
The  most  prominent  were  Jefferson  Davis,  Robert  Toombs,  R.  M.  T. 
Hunter,  James  M.  Mason,  Judah  P.  Benjamin,  John  Slidell,  David  L. 
Yulee,  Stephen  R.  Mallory,  Trusten  Polk,  Clement  C.  Clay,  Jr., 
Alfred  Iverson,  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick,  Albert  G.  Brown,  and  James 
H.  Hammond,  who  were  all  identified  with  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
They  were  bold  unto  that  degree  of  rashness  expressed  in  the  pro 
verb,  "Whom  the  gods  would  destroy  they  first  make  mad."  Doug 
las  was  the  leader  of  the  decimated  Northern  Democracy.  David  C. 
Broderick,  of  California,  a  man  of  romantic  career  and  great  possibil 
ities  of  leadership,  was  his  right-hand  supporter.  George  E.  Pugh, 
of  Ohio  ;  William  Bigler,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Jesse  D.  Bright,  of 
Indiana,  were  Buchanan  sympathizers.  Sam  Houston  and  Andrew 
Johnson  were  Southern  Union  Democrats.  John  J.  Crittenden,  of 
Kentucky,  and  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  were  also  now  opposed  to 
the  slave  power,  and  were  the  sole  representatives  of  the  Southern 
conservative  Whig  party  in  the  Senate.  James  A.  Bayard,  of  Dela 
ware,  appeared  to  be  "on  the  fence."  John  C.  Breckinridge,  the 
Vice- President,  was  a  tall  Kentuckian,  with  the  bearing  of  a  Scottish 
chieftain,  and  was  distinguished  for  his  interesting  personality,  charm 
of  manner,  and  sense  of  personal  honor  rather  than  for  intellectual 
strength.  He  was  only  thirty-five,  the  youngest  man  yet  elected  Vice- 
President. 

In  the  House  there  were  a  few  more  than  eighty  Republicans, 
whose  superior  courage  and  ability  often  enabled  them  to  defeat  a 
less  well  equipped  majority.  John  Sherman,  whose  services  as  a 
statesman  are  to  be  ranked  with  the  military  achievements  of  William 
T.  Sherman,  his  brother,  began  his  national  career  in  the  preceding 
Congress.  A  powerful  leader  was  Elihu  B.  Washburne,1  of  Illinois,  tall, 
strongly  built,  genial  in  manner,  and  afterwards  famous  as  the  watch 
dog  of  the  Treasury  and  father  of  the  House.  Israel  Washburn,  Jr., 
of  Maine,  Cadwallader  C.  Washburn,  of  Wisconsin,  were  brothers  of 
Elihu,  and  men  of  great  ability.  Justin  S.  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  author 
of  the  Morrill  tariff,  father  of  the  American  college  of  agricultural 
and  mechanical  arts,  and  later  dean  of  the  Senate,  also  entered  on 
his  long  and  useful  career  with  this  Congress.  Another  coming 
statesman,  with  an  honorable  record  before  him,  was  Henry  L.  Dawes, 
one  of  the  most  practical  and  upright  men  Massachusetts  ever  sent 

1  Elihu  was  the  only  one  of  the  brothers  who  spelled  the  family  name  with  the 
final  e. 


GOVERNOR  AND  SENATOR  321 

to  the  Senate.  Anson  Burlingame,  the  diplomat,  was  a  forceful  fig 
ure  in  this  House.  Galusha  A.  Grow  was  to  be  speaker  of  the  next 
House,  the  first  Republican  to  hold  that  office.  Schuyler  Colfax  was 
a  coming  speaker  and  Vice-President.  Reuben  E.  Fenton  was  a 
future  governor  and  senator  of  New  York,  and  so  was  Edwin  B.  Mor 
gan.  John  A.  Bingham,  of  Ohio,  was  a  keen  blade,  whose  flashes 
were  worthy  of  William  Pinkney.  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  was  making 
himself  felt  in  Missouri.  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  Owen  Lovejoy,  Na 
thaniel  P.  Banks,  were  among  the  older  members.  John  Fox  Potter, 
of  Wisconsin,  and  a  native  of  Maine,  was  a  high-spirited  Yankee,  who 
named  bowie  knives  as  weapons  of  his  choice  when  challenged  by 
Roger  A.  Pryor  to  fight  a  duel.  Another  interesting  Yankee  was 
Eli  Thayer,  of  Massachusetts,  who  organized  the  New  England  Emi 
grant  Aid  Company,  to  send  men  to  Kansas  to  populate  it  with 
defenders  of  freedom.  Freeman  H.  Morse,  Stephen  C.  Foster, 
Charles  J.  Gilman,  John  M.  Wood,  and  Nehemiah  Abbott  were  other 
members  from  Maine.  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  was  the 
brilliant  intellectual  figure  of  this  House. 

Among  the  Democrats  were  some  men  of  note.  James  L.  Orr,  of 
South  Carolina,  the  speaker,  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  Confederate 
leaders  to  accept  the  result  of  the  war  and  aid  the  Republican  party 
to  reconstruct  the  South.  George  H.  Pendleton  was  a  man  of  charm 
ing  personality,  and  represented  Ohio  in  the  Senate  with  dignity  and 
ability.  He  was  also  a  defeated  candidate  for  Vice-President  on  the 
ticket  with  McClellan  in  1864.  William  H.  English,  of  Indiana,  was 
another  Democratic  aspirant  for  the  vice-presidency,  and  was  beaten 
in  1880.  Lucius  Q.  C.  Lamar,  of  Mississippi,  was  a  man  of  great 
personal  worth  and  scholarship,  though  of  mistaken  political  convic 
tions.  The  same  might  be  said  of  J.  L.  M.  Curry,  of  Alabama,  a 
Confederate  soldier,  and  subsequently  an  educator  of  note  and  our 
minister  to  Spain.  S.  S.  Cox,  then  of  Ohio,  affectionately  known  as 
Sunset  Cox,  was  now  recognized  as  a  genial  wit.  William  S.  Groes- 
beck,  of  the  same  State,  was  a  lawyer  of  national  reputation,  and  was 
later  one  of  the  counsel  for  Andrew  Johnson  in  his  impeachment 
trial.  Among  the  extremists  were  Thomas  L.  Clingman,  Lawrence 
M.  Keitt,  William  Barksdale,  Humphrey  Marshall,  and  others  iden 
tified  with  the  Confederacy.  John  Hickman  and  Henry  Chapman, 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  Horace  F.  Clark  and  John  B.  Haskin,  of  New 
York,  were  a  small  group  known  as  anti-Nebraska  Democrats.  Daniel 
E.  Sickles  was  one  of  the  pro-slavery  Democrats  who  attained  distinc 
tion  in  the  Union  army  after  the  appeal  to  arms  was  made.  Isaac  I. 
Stevens,  delegate  from  Washington  Territory,  and  a  native  of  Massa 
chusetts,  was  another  pro-slavery  Democrat  of  the  same  kind.  His 
great  ability  as  a  fighter  — he  was  a  West-Pointer— led  his  superior 


322  HANNIBAL    HAMLIN 

officers  to  expect  him  to  make  a  brilliant  record ;  but  he  was  killed  in 
the  battle  of  Chantilly,  at  the  same  time  Kearny  lost  his  life.  John 
Kelly,  the  subsequent  "  boss  "  of  Tammany  Hall,  was  another  interest 
ing  Democrat  in  this  House.  ^ 

In  returning  to  the  Senate  as  a  Republican,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  placed 
in  necessarily  antagonistic  political  relations  with  his  Democratic  col 
leagues,  with  whom  he  had  cooperated  on  all  issues  save  that  of 
slavery.  When  a  distinguished  political  leader  leaves  a  party  with 
which  he  has  long  been  identified,  he  and  his  friends  speedily  learn 
the  true  estimate  that  his  former  associates  placed  on  him.  This 
occasion  furnished  an  interesting  opportunity  to  judge  of  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  personal  status  among  the  leaders  of  the  Democracy  who  cor 
rectly  understood  him.  Among  men  of  this  kind,  Mr.  Hamlin's 
change  of  party  made  no  difference  in  the  personal  or  official  rela 
tions  they  had  sustained  with  him.  While  they  regretted  his  depar 
ture  from  the  Democracy,  they  recognized  and  conceded  that  his 
motives  were  pure  and  that  his  course  was  entirely  logical.  On  this 
point  Hugh  J.  Anderson  may  be  quoted.  He  had  been  a  congress 
man  from  Maine,  governor  of  the  State,  and  now  held  the  important 
position  of  commissioner  of  customs  of  the  Treasury  Department. 
He  was  always  a  Democrat.  When  Mr.  Hamlin  reentered  the  Senate 
some  Democrats,  who  did  not  know  him  personally,  denounced  him 
severely  for  leaving  their  party.  Governor  Anderson  stopped  them, 
saying,  "  You  would  not  speak  thus  of  Mr.  Hamlin  if  you  knew  him. 
He  is  an  absolutely  sincere  and  honest  man.  He  follows  the  dictates 
of  his  own  conscience,  and  did  he  not  have  that  right  ? " 

Another  view  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  status  in  the  Senate,  and 
the  explanation  of  his  strength  among  those  who  differed  from  him 
politically,  was  furnished  by  Henry  L.  Dawes,  his  personal  friend 
and  party  associate  in  Congress  for  a  period  of  nearly  forty  years. 
He  wrote  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  qualities,  in  part,  as  follows  : 
"  Never  losing  that  plain,  simple,  unaffected  manner  which  belonged 
to  the  life  his  father  had  lived  before  him,  he  nevertheless  acquired 
an  ease,  almost  reaching  gracefulness,  in  his  intercourse  with  men 
and  women,  which  came  to  be  quite  charming.  He  was  a  true 
gentleman,  .  .  .  one  that  every  one  recognized  had  no  alloy  in  his 
composition,  nothing  but  genuine  sincerity  in  the  hand  he  offered. 
.  .  .  His  conversation  was  piquant,  crisp,  and  pungent,  but  there 
never  was  any  sting  in  it.  ...  Mr.  Hamlin  made  no  pretension  to 
oratory,  but  nevertheless  he  was  a  debater  of  uncommon  force  and 
skill.  He  was  distinguished  for  the  cleverness  and  directness  of  his 
statement.  His  style  was  terse  and  crisp,  with  a  good  deal  of  the 
Yankee  in  the  quaintness  and  aptness  in  putting  things.  His  long 
service  and  absolute  integrity  added  great  weight  to  his  opinions  and 


GOVERNOR  AND  SENATOR  323 

judgment.  He,  however,  spoke  rarely;  but  in  all  legislative  business 
—  of  far  more  importance  at  all  times  than  oratory  —  he  ranked 
among  the  first,  and  as  a  political  adviser  he  was  a  leader.  He  was 
the  soul  of  honor,  as  well  in  his  private  relations  and  public  duties, 
as  well  in  all  political  transactions.  He  was  from  the  beginning  a 
Democrat,  and  remained  throughout  life  a  Democrat,  in  every  pulse 
and  impulse."  l 

In  connection  with  this  subject,  an  incident  may  be  related  that 
happened  at  this  time,  and  illustrated  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  strength 
with  his  Democratic  colleagues  in  the  Senate.  But  first  some  words 
of  Charles  Levi  Woodbury,  a  lifelong  leader  of  the  Massachusetts 
Democracy,  should  be  quoted  :  "  I  knew  Mr.  Hamlin  very  soon  after 
he  entered  Congress.  But  in  the  House  and  the  Senate  he  had  a 
personal  influence  independent  of  his  political  views,  due  greatly  to 
his  obliging  kindness  to  his  compeers  in  matters  not  of  political 
principles,  and  his  fidelity  to  his  engagements."  The  incident  is  in 
dependent  of  this,  but  Mr.  Woodbury,  being  a  party  supporter  of 
Buchanan  and  a  constant  visitor  at  Washington,  knew  Mr.  Hamlin's 
power  in  the  Senate.  There  were  four  Democrats  from  Maine  to 
whom  Mr.  Buchanan  professed  great  indebtedness  for  the  work  they 
accomplished  in  bringing  the  Maine  delegation  to  his  support  when 
he  was  nominated.  They  visited  him  at  his  home  before  the  Cincin 
nati  convention,  and  said  they  were  unpledged.  After  Mr.  Buchanan 
became  President  he  bestowed  national  offices  on  three,  —  one  being 
one  of  the  highest  in  his  gift.  The  fourth  he  nominated  for  the  posi 
tion  of  commissioner  of  customs,  to  succeed  Governor  Anderson,  and 
made  this  a  personal  issue  with  the  Senate  for  confirmation.  He 
need  not  be  named.  To  quote  Mr.  Hamlin's  words,  in  a  letter  to 
Senator  Fessenden,  "he  was  an  unmitigated  scoundrel."  But  his 
ability  in  buying  votes,  and  fighting  anti-slavery  candidates  for  the 
Senate  and  the  House,  glossed  his  sins  in  the  eyes  of  his  party.  Mr. 
Hamlin's  word  that  this  fellow  was  corrupt  induced  the  Senate,  a 
Buchanan  body,  to  reject  the  nomination  by  a  vote  of  more  than 
two  to  one.  Mr.  Buchanan  proved  his  loyalty  to  this  man  by  appoint 
ing  him  to  an  office  to  which  no  confirmation  was  necessary. 

Before  dismissing  this  subject,  it  must  be  added  that  Senator  Ham 
lin  continued  to  take  a  prominent  part  in  shaping  practical  legislation 
during  the  remainder  of  the  ante-bellum  period.  In  fact,  the  evidence 
of  the  "  Congressional  Record  "  would  seem  to  indicate  that  while  he 
was  no  longer  the  head  of  an  important  committee,  he  appeared  to 
exert  the  same  marked  influence  in  the  transaction  of  public  affairs 

1  See  "Two  Vice-Presldents,"  in  the  Century  Magazine,  July,  1895,  by  Henry 
L.  Dawes,  member  of  the  House  from  Massachusetts  from  1857  to  1873,  an<l 
senator  from  1875  to  1891. 


324  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

that  he  wielded  when  he  was  in  sympathy  with  the  Democracy.  He 
advocated  precisely  the  same  principles  he  had  advocated  since  he 
entered  Congress,  —  economy  and  honesty  in  the  transaction  of  public 
business,  the  national  idea  of  government,  and  the  liberty  of  the  indi 
vidual  as  exemplified  in  the  right  of  the  people  of  the  free  States  and 
territories  to  exclude  slavery  from  their  homes.  These  creeds  were 
the  basis  of  the  pure  Jeffersonian  Democracy  as  enunciated  and 
practiced  by  its  illustrious  author.  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  change  his 
principles  one  whit,  —  he  was  even  then,  and  for  years  afterwards, 
a  believer  in  the  low-tariff  idea ;  in  fact,  he  used  to  say  wittily  : 
"I  did  not  leave  the  Democracy  ;  it  was  the  Democracy  that  left 
me."  But  now  with  this  brief  analysis  of  Mr.  Hamlin' s  position  in 
the  Senate,  the  narrative  returns  to  the  striking  incidents  in  his  life 
at  this  juncture.1 

The  slave  party  even  grudged  the  Republicans  their  fair  represen 
tation  on  the  congressional  committees,  and  the  Senate  was  promptly 
organized  in  its  interests.  Mr.  Hamlin' s  status  among  his  Republican 
colleagues  was  established  by  their  act  in  choosing  him  as  their  candi 
date  for  president  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate,  on  account  of  his  know 
ledge  of  parliamentary  procedure,  and  he  received  his  party's  vote. 
But  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick  was  elected.  The  probable  formation  of 
the  Senate  committees  was  announced  in  March,  when  there  was  a 
protest  made  by  Mr.  Hamlin,  Mr.  Fessenden,  Mr.  Chandler,  and 
other  Republicans,  at  the  unfair  allotments  of  positions.  When  the 
Senate  was  organized  in  December,  it  was  found  that  this  protest  had 
been  unheeded,  and  Mr.  Hamlin,  on  behalf  of  the  Northern  senators, 
made  a  rather  sharp  speech  on  December  16,  charging  the  majority 
with  having  given  an  "unjust,  disproportionate,  and  sectional  cast" 
to  the  committees.  He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  while  it  was 
conceded  that  the  majority  party  had  a  right  to  control  the  business 
of  the  Senate,  yet  the  principal  committees  were  all  in  the  hands  of 
the  South,  and  the  business  needs  and  rights  of  some  of  the  largest 
Northern  States  were  unrepresented.  The  proportion  was  thirteen 
committees  for  the  South,  and  six  for  the  North,  although  it  had  more 
representatives  in  the  Senate  than  the  South.  This  was  to  enable 
the  South  to  establish  the  policy  of  the  country  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  it  was  a  "fact  pregnant  with  mischief."  "The  executive  and 
judicial  departments  are  now  at  the  foot  of  the  slave  power." 

1  The  limitations  of  space  forbid  even  a  summary  of  various  legislative  mea 
sures  which  Mr.  Hamlin  conducted,  or  interested  himself  in,  during  this  period. 
One,  however,  must  be  mentioned.  This  was  the  movement  to  provide  settlers 
in  the  West  with  land.  Mr.  Hamlin  always  favored  the  principle  involved.  The 
pro-slavery  party  opposed  it,  and  President  Buchanan  vetoed  a  homestead  bill. 
Mr.  Hamlin  opposed  one  bill  on  account  of  stock-jobbing  features,  but  always 
favored  the  principle  of  the  plan.  See  New  York  Tribune,  September  19,  1860. 


GOVERNOR  AND  SENATOR  325 

Mr.  Hamlin  could  not  enter  into  a  discussion  of  personal  details, 
but  it  is  worth  while  recording  that  Mason  and  Slidell,  the  subsequent 
Confederate  ambassadors  to  England,  were  at  the  head  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  while  Seward  was  at  the  foot.  Jefferson 
Davis,  the  coming  president  of  the  Confederacy,  was  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  and  he  was  flanked  by  other  worthies 
who  sympathized  with  him,  one  being  Iverson,  of  Georgia,  who  was 
one  of  his  major-generals  ;  Henry  Wilson  and  Preston  King  were  at 
the  foot  of  this  body.  Stephen  R.  Mallory,  secretary  of  the  Con 
federate  navy,  was  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  ; 
John  P.  Hale  was  at  the  tail  end.  James  A.  Bayard,  of  Delaware, 
was  at  the  head  of  the  Judiciary  Committee,  with  Pugh,  of  Ohio,  a 
man  of  the  same  kind,  and  Toombs  and  others  supporting  him,  while 
Collamer  and  Trumbull,  the  ablest  constitutional  lawyers  in  the  Sen 
ate,  were  at  the  foot.  Clement  C.  Clay,  Jr.,  of  Alabama,  the  whimsi 
cal  statesman  who  used  to  obstruct  the  business  of  the  Committee 
on  Commerce,  was  now  elected  chairman,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  degraded 
to  the  last  place.  The  Northern  interests  that  were  ignored  cannot 
be  briefly  summarized.  A  few  may  be  specified.  The  great  North 
west,  with  its  immense  lake  and  river  system,  as  Mr.  Hamlin  pointed 
out,  had  no  representative  on  the  Committee  on  Commerce.  The 
Committee  on  Patents  was  largely  dominated  by  the  South,  though, 
as  Mr.  Hamlin  said,  fourth  fifths,  if  not  nine  tenths  of  American 
inventive  genius  and  enterprise  came  from  the  North.  But  this  pal 
pable  outrage  was  carried  out  by  a  strict  party  vote. 

This  was  plainly  a  step  the  slave  party  took  to  get  the  Senate  com 
pletely  in  its  clutches  in  order  that  it  might  legislate  the  peculiar 
institution  into  Kansas  as  soon  as  possible.  The  necessary  prelimi 
nary  measures  had  already  been  taken  by  the  pro-slavery  allies  in  the 
territory.  The  legislature  the  Border  Ruffians  had  set  up  by  force 
and  fraud  called  a  convention  at  Lecompton,  which  drew  up  a  con 
stitution  with  a  trap  in  it.  The  people  were  not  permitted  to  vote  for 
or  against  this  constitution,  but  their  action  was  restricted  to  voting 
whether  they  would  accept  the  constitution  with  or  without  slavery. 
The  trap  was  that  if  they  voted  against  the  slavery  clause,  there  was 
a  provision,  on  which  they  were  not  allowed  to  vote,  that  prohibited 
the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  Kansas  until  1 864.  Naturally  the  Free- 
Soilers  refused  to  take  notice  of  this  act  by  the  fraudulent  legisla 
ture  ;  action  on  their  part  would  have  given  an  apparent  sanction  to 
the  existence  of  that  bogus  body.  They  did  not  vote,  but  the  Border 
Ruffians  did,  and  in  some  instances  thousands  more  ballots  were 
returned  than  there  were  inhabitants.  Though  this  fraud  was  as 
plain  as  daylight,  the  complaisant  Buchanan  defended  the  Lecompton 
constitution,  and  in  his  message  to  Congress  charged  the  people  of 


326  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Kansas  who  had  refused  to  vote  on  it  with  being  in  rebellion  !  Mr. 
Hamlin  had  taken  the  right  measure  of  this  man. 

Of  what  avail  now  was  Mr.  Buchanan's  assertion  that  "  the  slavery 
troubles  were  over  "  ?  He  was  mistrusted  equally  with  his  party 
that  had  prated  of  the  "finality  "  of  the  compromise  measures  of  1850, 
and  yet  had  broken  down  the  Missouri  Compromise.  Benton,  the 
last  of  the  Jackson  Romans,  who  had  voted  for  Buchanan,  now  re 
pudiated  him,  and  with  almost  his  dying  breath  sustained  the  Repub 
licans  in  their  opposition  to  the  President.1  Even  Douglas  revolted, 
and  the  doctrine  of  squatter  sovereignty  was  but  a  mere  ghost  in 
the  theatre  of  political  action.  Thousands  of  Democrats  refused  to 
accept  this  monstrous  test  of  party  fealty,  and  joined  the  Republicans. 
Yet,  in  spite  of  this  protest  against  the  Lecompton  outrage,  the  reck 
less  slave  party  continued  in  its  mad  effort  to  force  the  Lecompton 
constitution  through  Congress.  The  speeches  of  the  pro-slavery 
leaders  flamed  with  disunion  sentiments.  At  this  juncture  Senator 
James  H.  Hammond  and  Mr.  Hamlin  engaged  in  a  notable  discus 
sion.  Mr.  Hammond  was  a  courteous  and  highly  educated  man,  who 
sincerely  believed  that  slavery  was  a  blessing,  and  his  speech  was 
convincing  proof  that  the  rulers  of  the  South,  the  slaveholders,  were 
now  coming  to  the  conviction  that  their  section  must  sooner  or  later 
separate  itself  from  the  North.  Mr.  Hammond  spoke  with  authority  ; 
he  was  himself  one  of  the  largest  slaveholders  in  the  country.  This 
is  the  historical  significance  of  the  speech,  though  at  the  time  it  gave 
the  author  the  name  of  "  Mudsill "  Hammond,  which  arose  from  a 
peculiar  use  he  made  of  this  word,  for  which  he  said  he  intended  to 
employ  "  manual  hireling  "  in  describing  the  free  laborer. 

Senator  Hammond  2  attempted  to  prove  that  the  South  had  a  civil 
ization  superior  to  that  of  the  North,  and  asserted  that  slavery  gave 
to  the  South  the  "best  frame  of  society  enjoyed  by  any  people  on 
the  face  of  the  earth."  Without  openly  advocating  separation,  he 
maintained  that  the  South  could  stand  alone,  because  it  could  present 
a  larger  army  of  "  men  on  horseback  with  guns  "  than  any  other  power, 
and  because  "  cotton  was  king."  If  cotton  was  not  furnished  for  three 
years,  "  England  would  topple  headlong  and  drag  all  the  civilized 
world,  except  the  South,  with  her."  To  justify  the  South 's  feelings 
in  favor  of  a  separation,  he  declared  that  the  North  had  broken  faith 
with  it,  while  the  South  had  remained  unchanged,  and  he  asked  what 
guarantee  did  the  South  have  that  the  North  would  not  "rob  the 
South  with  a  tariff,"  "  bankrupt  it  with  internal  improvements  and 

1  One  of  Benton's  last  political  acts  was  to  draw  up  resolutions  denouncing  the 
Dred  Scott  decision.     This  he  gave  to  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  with  instructions  to 
have  Mr.  Hamlin,  for  one,  push  them  in  the  Senate. 

2  Congressional  Globe,  March  4,  1858,  pp.  959-962. 


GOVERNOR  AND  SENATOR  327 

fishery  bounties,"  "  create  a  new  national  bank,"  and  "  concentrate 
the  finances  at  the  North."  But  the  wildest  assertion  Mr.  Ham 
mond  made  was  that  the  Northern  free  laborers  were  virtually  slaves, 
"  hired  for  the  day,  and  not  taken  care  of,  and  scantily  compensated." 
They  were  the  class  who  performed  the  drudgery  of  life,  "  the  very 
mudsills  of  society  and  political  government,  and  you  might  as  well 
undertake  to  build  a  house  in  the  air  as  to  build  one  or  the  other 
except  on  this  mudsill.  .  .  .  Your  slaves  are  white.  They  are  your 
equals  in  natural  endowments  of  intellect." 

Mr.  Hamlin's  reply  extended  over  the  larger  part  of  two  days,  on 
March  9  and  10.  It  was  not  a  studied  effort,  but  a  conscientious 
presentation  of  facts.  Yet  it  is  interesting  because  it  was  a  charac 
teristic  speech  in  several  respects,  besides  being  a  valuable  array  of 
statistics.  It  was  a  good  illustration  of  Senator  Hamlin's  peculiar 
ability  to  present  the  truth  by  grouping  facts  and  fiction  in  sharp 
contrast.  It  had  also  some  quaint  and  original  home-thrusts,  which 
gave  it  a  unique  flavor.  While  it  was  not  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  best 
forensic  efforts,  it  was  a  worthy  demonstration  of  his  large  and  prac 
tical  knowledge  of  the  business,  commercial,  industrial,  political,  and 
educational  interests  of  the  country.  Henry  Wilson,  who  was  in 
the  Senate,  and  a  listener,  wrote  :  "  With  patient  research  and  care 
ful  collation  of  facts,  Mr.  Hamlin  demonstrated  the  fallacies  of  Mr. 
Hammond's  argument  for  the  alleged  greater  prosperity  of  the  South 
ern  slave  States,  from  the  relative  amounts  of  Southern  and  Northern 
exports,  by  showing  from  facts  and  figures  that  in  all  the  elements  of 
substantial  prosperity,  the  free  States  were  far  in  advance  of  the 
slave  States,  and  that  the  advance  was  becoming  greater  and  more 
apparent  every  year."  l 

In  denouncing  the  Lecompton  constitution,  Senator  Hamlin  uttered 
this  interesting  prophecy  :  "  Who  that  believes  that  nations,  like 
individuals,  must  answer  to  a  Higher  Power  for  the  wrongs  they 
perpetrate,  —  who  that  believes  that  the  sins  committed  by  a  nation 
are  to  be  answered  for  as  the  sins  of  an  individual,  —  can  doubt  that 
if  the  present  course  of  things  be  persisted  in,  a  fearful  retribution 
must  follow  ?  "  Proceeding  to  his  theme,  Mr.  Hamlin  said  the  facts 
of  history  showed  that  the  faith  of  the  South  had  not  been  kept,  while 
"  no  single  instance  has  been  cited  in  which  the  North  has  violated 
its  constitutional  obligations."  But  it  was  the  South  that  had  changed 
and  broken  faith.  "  Who  were  the  authors  of  the  tariff  policy  ?  Read 
the  messages  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  James  Madison ;  the  language 
of  Mr.  Calhoun ;  ...  it  was  the  South  that  tendered  its  aid  to  the 
North  in  establishing  a  protective  policy.  .  .  .  The  North  should 
not  again  fasten  a  national  bank  on  the  South."  "That  policy,  too, 
1  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,  vol.  ii.  p.  550. 


328  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

came  from  the  distinguished  senator  from  South  Carolina  "  (Calhoun). 
"  When  the  Constitution  was  framed  it  was  expected  that  the  institu 
tion  of  slavery  would  fade  away."  "We  had  the  maxims  and  the 
teachings  of  Jefferson  and  all  the  wisest  and  best  statesmen  of  the 
South  against  slavery.  .  .  .  How  stands  the  South  to-day  ?  She 
has  repudiated  the  doctrines  of  her  fathers,  and  comes  here  asserting 
that  our  government  is  founded  on  the  principles  of  human  servitude. 
Who  have  kept  their  faith  ?  " 

The  Missouri  Compromise  was  conceived  by  the  South,  and  passed 
by  the  South  with  the  help  of  some  Northern  votes.  But  "  who  ab 
rogated  this  restriction  ?  .  .  .  After  the  South  had  secured  under  that 
compromise  all  the  advantage  that  could  accrue  to  her  and  her  pecul 
iar  institutions,  she  comes  into  this  hall,  and  she  asks,  she  demands, 
and  she  obtains  a  repeal  of  all  that  was  beneficial  to  the  North.  We 
are  told  by  the  senator  from  South  Carolina  that  we  can  rely  upon 
the  South,  that  her  plighted  faith  has  never  been  broken  !  "  But  it 
was  not  alone  in  a  party  aspect  that  the  South  violated  the  time- 
honored  compact.  "  Search  all  the  records  of  your  country,  examine 
all  the  messages  that  have  ever  been  presented  to  us,  and  not  one 
can  be  found  where  an  executive  has  undertaken  to  foreshadow  the 
opinions  of  the  judiciary,  until  you  come  to  the  inaugural  address  of 
the  present  President  of  the  United  States."  The  court  decided  that 
the  colored  man  had  no  rights  that  the  white  man  was  bound  to 
respect.  "  Modern  Democracy  claims  that  a  majority  of  free  white 
men  in  your  territories  have  no  rights  that  it  is  bound  to  respect. 
This  is  the  doctrine  of  progress,  as  my  friend  (Mr.  Durkee)  says. 
But  it  is  the  kind  of  progress  a  boy  made  going  to  school.  He 
arrived  late,  and  excused  himself  by  saying  that  every  step  he  took 
forward  he  slipped  back  two.  '  How  did  you  get  to  school  ? '  he  was 
asked.  '  Why,'  he  replied,  '  I  turned  around  and  went  backwards.'  ' 

The  North  had  more  beggary  than  the  South  and  took  less  care  of 
its  poor !  This  challenge  invited  another  contrast  between  the  free 
North  and  the  slave  South,  and  it  was  answered  out  of  the  mouths  of 
Southern  statisticians,  who  deplored  the  fact  that  slavery  enlisted  all 
the  capital  and  enterprise  of  the  South  at  a  consequence  of  killing 
her  manufacturing  possibilities  and  interests  and  creating  the  "  poor 
white  trash."  William  Gregg,  of  South  Carolina,  regretted  this  state 
of  affairs,  and  estimated  that  there  were  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
thousand  poor  whites  in  South  Carolina  who  were  "wholly  neglected, 
and  were  suffered  to  while  away  an  existence  in  a  state  but  one  step 
in  advance  of  the  Indian  of  the  forest."  Senator  Hammond  himself, 
in  a  speech  in  1850,  before  the  South  Carolina  Institute,  described  the 
poor  whites  of-  the  South  as  obtaining  a  "  precarious  subsistence  by 
occasional  jobs,  by  hunting,  by  fishing,  by  plundering  fields  or  folds, 


GOVERNOR  AND  SENATOR  329 

...  by  trading  with  slaves."  De  Bow,  of  Louisiana,  a  recognized 
authority  of  national  reputation,  advocated  the  establishment  of  man 
ufactures  in  the  South  "  to  raise  this  class  from  want  and  beggary 
and  too  frequently  moral  degradation,"  and  characterized  the  poor 
whites  as,  "  by  association,  a  reduction  of  the  white  servant  to  the 
level  of  their  colored  fellow-menials." 

The  Northern  laborers  manual  hirelings  and  virtually  slaves  !  "  Who 
are  the  manual  laborers  of  the  North  that  are  degraded  and  placed  by 
the  slaves  of  the  South  by  the  senator  of  South  Carolina  ?  Sir,  in  all 
classes  of  our  community  are  manual  laborers.  .  .  .  They  constitute, 
I  affirm,  a  majority  of  our  community  —  those  who  labor  for  compen 
sation.  I  do  not  know,  I  confess  I  cannot  understand,  that  distinction 
which  allows  a  man  to  make  a  contract  for  the  services  of  his  brain, 
but  denies  him  the  right  to  make  a  contract  for  the  services  of  his 
hands.  There  is  no  distinction  whatever  between  them.  We  draw 
none;  we  make  none.  .  .  .  Who  are  our  'hireling  manual  laborers  of 
the  North '  ?  Sir,  I  can  tell  the  senator  that  they  are  not  the  mud 
sills  of  our  community.  They  are  the  men  who  clear  away  our  forests. 
They  are  the  men  who  make  the  green  hillside  blossom.  They  are 
the  men  who  build  our  ships  and  who  navigate  them.  They  are  the 
men  who  build  our  towns  and  who  inhabit  them.  They  are  the  men 
who  constitute  the  great  mass  of  our  community.  Sir,  they  are  not 
only  the  pillars  that  support  our  government,  but  they  are  the  capi 
tals  that  adorn  the  very  pillars.  They  are  not  to  be  classed  with 
slaves !  .  .  .  They  do  our  legislation  at  home.  They  support  the 
State.  They  are  the  State.  They  are  men,  high-minded  men.  They 
read ;  they  watch  you  in  these  halls  every  day.  ...  I  affirm  that  the 
great  portion  of  our  laborers  at  the  North  own  their  homes,  and  .  .  . 
they  read  ;  they  are  intelligent.  .  .  .  They  are  the  pillars  of  the  State, 
the  State  itself,  and  the  very  ornaments  that  adorn  the  columns." 

The  assertion  that  the  South  was  more  productive  led  to  a  presen 
tation  of  official  figures  that  made  that  claim  ridiculous,  and  then 
Senator  Hamlin  closed  his  speech  with  an  earnest  appeal  to  the  Senate 
to  reject  the  Lecompton  constitution,  on  the  ground  that  it  had  been 
rejected  by  the  people  of  Kansas.  He  said  :  "  We  ought,  at  the  mere 
suggestion  of  wrong  to  these  people,  to  go  to  the  very  basis  and  ascer 
tain  whether  we  are  about  to  perpetrate  a  wrong,  and  force  upon  them 
a  government  which  is  not  their  own.  But,  sir,  instead  of  that  we 
are  here  day  after  day  with  petty  juggling  and  pettifogging,  claiming 
to  proceed  under  the  forms  of  the  law.  Forms  of  the  law !  God 
knows  that  there  is  nothing  but  form  in  it.  Forms  of  law !  Long 
ago  the  mother  country  undertook  to  oppress  the  colonies  by  forms  of 
law,  but  not  as  unjustly  as  we  have  ruled  the  people  of  Kansas ;  and 
she  persecuted  that  great  and  noble  patriot,  John  Hampden,  under  the 


330  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

forms  of  the  law  and  for  his  love  of  liberty.  ...  In  all  history,  save 
the  crucifixion  of  Christ,  there  is  no  act  that  will  stand  upon  the  record 
of  its  pages  of  equal  turpitude  with  this.  The  purpose  of  it  is  to 
extend  human  slavery."  • 

But  the  slave  power  would  not  listen  to  reason.  Though  Douglas, 
backed  by  thousands  of  Northern  Democrats,  had  broken  away  in  the 
Senate,  and  a  dozen  Democrats  in  the  House  had  defied  the  party 
whip,  yet  the  slave  party  could  not  see  the  writing  on  the  wall.  It 
drove  the  Lecompton  constitution  through  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of 
33  to  25,  but  was  beaten  in  the  House.  It  was  cunning  enough  now 
to  talk  once  more  of  compromise,  and  a  characteristic  compromise  was 
offered.  This  was  devised  by  William  H.  English,  of  Indiana.  In 
plain  words  it  was  a  vulgar  attempt  to  bribe  the  people  of  Kansas 
to  accept  a  pro-slavery  constitution.  The  English  bill  submitted 
the  Lecompton  constitution  to  a  popular  vote,  and  made  a  handsome 
grant  of  land  to  Kansas  if  her  people  adopted  the  Lecompton  fraud. 
If  they  did  not,  they  could  not  have  the  land,  and  Congress  would 
postpone  the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a  State.  This 
was  forced  through  Congress  —  so  low  had  that  body  fallen ;  but 
Kansas  would  not  give  up  the  battle  she  had  fought  so  valiantly  for 
the  rights  of  her  free  people,  and,  in  spite  of  the  Border  Ruffians, 
rejected  the  Lecompton  constitution  and  the  English  swindle  by  more 
than  10,000  votes.  And  now  Kansas  was  free  and  the  cause  of  Free 
Soil  strengthened.  On  the  other  hand,  the  disappointment  of  the  slave 
power  was  twofold.  It  had  fought  the  Mexican  war,  and  had  repealed 
the  Missouri  Compromise  in  vain.1  Sullen  and  angered,  it  waited  the 
movement  of  events. 

1  When  the  slave  party  deposed  Douglas  from  the  chairmanship  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Territories,  Senator  Hamlin  wrote  his  brother  Elijah  on  December  13, 
1858 :  "  I  think  the  party  leaders  mean  to  kill  him,  and  I  hope  they  will.  We  want 
nothing  to  do  with  him." 


QF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


CHAPTER   XXVII 

LINCOLN    AND    HAMLIN 

THE  logical  outcome  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  brilliant  victory  in  Maine  in 
the  campaign  of  1856  was  the  consideration  of  his  name  in  connection 
with  both  the  presidency  and  the  vice-presidency,  in  the  discussion  of 
the  available  candidates  that  preceded  the  Republican  convention  of 
1860,  and  his  nomination  for  Vice-President.  To  quote  Thomas  B. 
Reed,  "This  campaign  made  him  Vice-President,  and  might  have 
made  him  President."  While  it  was  the  undoubted  fact  that  Mr. 
Hamlin  did  not  desire  the  presidency  or  the  vice-presidency,  never 
theless  the  logic  of  events,  precedent,  and  party  custom  placed  him  in 
the  line  of  succession  for  either  of  these  offices,  and  he  was  swept 
into  the  vice-presidency,  though  against  his  wishes.  The  student  of 
American  political  history  need  not  be  told  that  the  governorship  of 
a  great  State  has  often  proved  to  be  the  stepping-stone  to  one  of  the 
two  highest  offices  in  the  land.  George  Clinton,  Daniel  D.  Tomp- 
kins,  and  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York,  owed  their  elevation  to  the 
vice-presidency  in  no  small  measure  to  their  election  to  the  governor 
ship  of  the  Empire  State.  Mr.  Polk's  spirited  contest  in  Tennessee, 
and  dramatic  victory  in  a  gubernatorial  campaign  in  that  State,  were 
factors  that  contributed  to  raise  him  to  the  presidency.  In  later 
years,  Hayes  and  Cleveland  were  indebted  for  their  advancement  to 
the  executive  chair  to  the  same  process  of  selection,  while  McKin- 
ley's  availability  was  strengthened  by  the  notable  popularity  he  re 
vealed  when  he  was  elected  and  reflected  governor  of  Ohio.  But 
these  illustrations  will  suffice  to  show  how  the  course  of  events  was 
responsible  for  Mr.  Hamlin's  nomination  for  Vice-President  in  1860. 

In  studying  the  political  situation  prior  to  the  Republican  presiden 
tial  convention  of  1860,  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  fact  that 
the  consideration  of  availability  was  the  chief  factor  in  shaping  its 
final  action.  General  Fremont  had  declined  to  allow  his  name  to  go 
before  the  convention,  and  this,  it  was  thought,  would  leave  a  clear 
field  for  Senator  Seward,  who  was  then  the  recognized  leader  of  the 
party.  But  although  Mr.  Seward  was  favored  by  a  majority  of  the 
party,  he  was  strongly  opposed  by  a  minority,  chiefly  because  it  was 
feared  that  he  could  not  be  elected  on  account  of  the  antagonism 
to  him  among  the  Know-Nothing  elements  that  were  supposed  to 


332  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN 

control  the  doubtful  States  of  Pennsylvania  and  Illinois.  Mr.  Hamlin 
shared  this  fear,  and  although  he  always  entertained  very  cordial  rela 
tions  with  the  distinguished  senator  from  New  York,  he  favored  the 
nomination  of  another  man.  At  the  sama  time,  many  of  the  Repub 
lican  politicians  and  newspapers  in  Maine,  Pennsylvania,  New  York, 
Ohio,  Wisconsin,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Missouri,  who  questioned  Mr. 
Seward's  availability,  began  seriously  to  consider  Mr.  Hamlin's  quali 
fications  for  the  presidency,  and  to  urge  him  to  become  a  candidate. 
But  this  was  against  his  wishes,  and  the  movement  did  not  fairly 
come  before  the  public,  although  the  presidential  makers  were  aware 
of  it,  and  some  newspapers  talked  of  it.  The  incident,  however,  is 
of  sufficient  interest  to  detail ;  it  probably  had  some  effect  on  the 
convention  of  1860. 

Few  men  ever  reached  the  presidency  without  causing  or  allowing 
their  friends  to  organize  a  movement  in  their  behalf.  Mr.  Hamlin's 
supporters  proposed  to  follow  the  usual  methods,  and  in  pursuance  of 
this  they  began  to  circulate  newspaper  articles  and  his  anti-slavery 
speeches  throughout  the  country.  It  was  the  opinion  of  shrewd 
political  observers  of  the  day  that  few  speeches  ever  had  more  influ 
ence  on  public  action  in  the  United  States,  in  the  shaping  of  political 
events  in  a  critical  period,  than  Mr.  Hamlin's  renunciation  of  the 
Democracy.  It  was  also  regarded  as  a  striking  exposition  of  the  char 
acter,  ability,  and  individuality  of  the  man.  It  was  disseminated 
broadcast  throughout  the  country  as  campaign  material,  both  in  1856 
and  1860;  and  it  reappeared  again  and  again  in  the  public  prints 
throughout  the  rest  of  his  life.  Another  interesting  argument  in  his 
behalf  was  an  article  that  appeared  in  the  "  St.  Louis  Globe-Demo 
crat  "  (then  the  "Missouri  Democrat"),  in  October,  1858,  which  was 
at  that  time  the  most  powerful  Republican  organ  in  the  Southwest. 
The  circumstances  of  the  publication  of  the  article  in  question  are  as 
follows  :  A  Republican  politician  of  considerable  activity,  who  was 
traveling  in  Maine  in  the  fall  of  1858,  visited  Hampden  to  see  Mr. 
Hamlin,  whom  he  had  known  at  Washington.  On  reaching  Hamp 
den,  he  was  struck  with  surprise  to  find  a  man  he  regarded  as  one  ef 
the  strongest  leaders  in  the  Senate  working  on  a  farm,  among  the 
regular  hands,  and  enjoying  himself  with  keen  zest.  He  was  so 
impressed  with  this  glimpse  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  in  his  home  life,  that  he 
wrote  an  interesting  account,  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  "  St. 
Louis  Globe-Democrat,"  although  it  was  not  intended  for  publication. 
He  described  Senator  Hamlin's  home  as  a  "plain  and  comfortable 
residence,"  and  his  land  as  a  "fine  little  farm  of  only  ten  acres  of 
tillage  land."  He  said  that  Mr.  Hamlin  told  him  that  he  "raised 
enough  produce  to  supply  his  table,"  and  that  "for  ten  years  he  had 
always  had  corn  left  over  to  sell  from  ten  to  twenty  bushels."  He 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  333 

gave  other  details  regarding  Senator  Hamlin's  home,  life,  which  alto 
gether  furnished  a  Coriolanus-like  picture.  The  "  St.  Louis  Globe- 
Democrat"  published  this  letter,  with  an  editorial  comment  that  was 
republished  at  the  time  by  journals  which  were  scanning  the  horizon 
for  the  appearance  of  an  available  candidate  against  Seward.  The 
editorial  was  as  follows  :  — 

"  One  of  the  first  men  of  this  nation  is  Senator  Hamlin,  of  Maine.  We 
do  not  mean  that  he  has  those  gifts  of  brilliancy  which  attract  upon  the 
instant,  nor  those  demonstrative  qualities  of  a  contentious  spirit  which 
make  men  the  idols  of  excited  crowds,  but  that  in  calmness  and  manliness, 
in  solidity  of  character,  in  truth  of  speech,  in  firmness  of  resolve,  he  has 
few  equals  among  distinguished  statesmen  of  to-day.  From  the  time  of 
Jackson  until  now  he  has  maintained  the  rigid  inflexibility  of  his  faith, 
careless  of  party  defections  and  neglectful  of  party  rewards,  yet  with  the 
courage  to  lead  on  in  critical  conjunction,  or  to  stand  aloof  and  alone  when 
factions  become  demoralized  with  victory.  Taught  earl)%  that  Democracy 
meant  freedom  and  not  slavery,  he  has  never  swerved  from  that  teaching ; 
but  in  all  his  relations  has  ever  allied  himself  with  the  radical  element  in 
politics  which  represents  both  control  by  the  people  and  liberty  to  the 
people. 

"  In  his  domestic  life  he  is  above  reproach  and  of  singular  simplicity  of 
habit,  going  from  the  senate  chamber  to  the  harvest  fields,  or  from  the  toils 
of  a  small  farm  to  the  cares  of  a  great  State,  with  the  ease,  dignity,  and 
cheerfulness  that  mark  the  man  devoted  to  duty  before  pleasure  and  con 
scious  of  acting  his  true  part  in  life.  Of  late  we  have  seen  going  the 
rounds  of  the  partisan  press  a  series  of  letters  from  Washington,  telling 
how  grandly  and  gorgeously  some  of  our  wealthy  representatives  have 
entertained  the  diplomatists  and  strangers  at  the  federal  capital,  and  deal 
ing  in  what  we  must  believe  to  be  very  exaggerated  accounts  of  their  muni 
ficence.  To  rival  the  White  House  in  splendor  is  now  the  highest  ambition 
of  many  there,  and  when  we  recall  the  plunder  of  the  public  treasury  in 
which  they  have  participated,  the  only  wonder  is  that  they  succeeded  so 
poorly.  It  is  in  contrast  with  such  —  with  the  Douglases,  the  Gwins,  the 
Brights,  who  ape  the  poor  pretensions  of  aristocratic  ways  —  that  we  wish 
to  present  a  picture  of  this  truly  Republican  senator  as  seen  in  his  own 
home." 

In  other  allusions  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  in  connection  with  the  presi 
dential  ticket  of  1860,  the  newspaper  press  that  was  favorable  to  him 
drew  attention  to  the  contrast  in  ability,  character,  and  experience  he 
presented  to  Presidents  Tyler,  Polk,  Fillmore,  Pierce,  and  Buchanan, 
and  to  Douglas,  Breckinridge,  and  other  men  the  Democracy  was 
discussing  as  presidential  possibilities.  But  this  will  suffice,  without 
going  further  into  details,  to  show  the  drift  of  sentiment  while  the 
canvass  was  in  process  of  discussion.  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  take  it 
seriously,  because  he  did  not  desire  either  the  presidency  or  the  vice- 


334  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

presidency.  When  members  of  his  family  learned  that  leaders  were 
writing  him,  urging  him  to  become  a  candidate  for  President,  he  sim 
ply  acknowledged  the  fact  and  added  that  he  made  no  replies.  He 
kept  no  records  of  the  men  who  wrote  him,  and  never  of  his  own 
accord  alluded  to  the  incident.  His  conduct,  on  the  whole,  would 
seem  incomprehensible  to  presidential  seekers,  and  possibly  repre 
hensible  in  view  of  the  opportunity  that  was  thus  presented  to  him. 
While  it  is  not  within  the  limits  of  speculation  to  calculate  the  effect 
Mr.  Hamlin  might  have  had  on  the  convention  as  a  candidate  with 
an  organized  movement  at  his  back,  it  is  of  interest  to  recall  the 
strength  the  various  minor  aspirants  revealed.  On  the  first  ballot, 
Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  received  50^-  votes  ;  Salmon  P. 
Chase,  of  Ohio,  49 ;  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  48  ;  William  L.  Day 
ton,  of  New  Jersey,  14;  John  McLean,  of  Ohio,  12  ;  and  Jacob  Col- 
lamer,  of  Vermont,  10.  New  England  had  no  candidate,  but  divided 
her  eighty  odd  votes  among  the  various  contestants.  It  had  been 
proposed  to  bring  Mr.  Hamlin  forward  as  the  New  England  candi 
date.  When  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  presidential  lightning  had 
unexpectedly  struck  such  men  as  Polk  and  Pierce,  it  will  be  seen 
that  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  were  not  without  substantial  grounds  for 
reasoning  that  he  might  concentrate  the  anti-Seward  elements  on 
himself.  But  he  preferred  another  man,  and  in  the  end  threw  his 
influence  to  Abraham  Lincoln.  This  was  one  cause  of  the  perfect 
friendship  that  always  existed  between  them. 

Six  months  before  the  Republican  National  Convention  met  at 
Chicago,  Mr.  Hamlin  became  convinced  that  the  talk  connecting  his 
name  with  the  presidency  was  more  than  a  complimentary  expression 
of  opinion,  and  that  unless  he  broke  his  silence  there  would  be  an 
organized  movement  to  place  him  before  the  convention.  The  initia 
tive  was  likely  to  be  taken  by  the  same  cohorts  who  fought  his  battles 
against  the  slave  power  in  Maine.  Their  desire  was  to  pledge  Maine 
to  Mr.  Hamlin  in  their  state  convention  when  delegates  at  large  were 
to  be  chosen  to  the  national  convention.  This  would  set  the  ball  roil 
ing,  and  carry  undecided  delegates  from  other  States  to  Mr.  Hamlin. 
But  in  placing  a  man  on  the  presidential  track,  as  the  politicians  say, 
it  is  first  necessary  to  have  his  consent,  although,  it  may  be  con 
ceded,  this  is  not  usually  difficult  to  obtain.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  the 
notable  exception,  and  he  again  proved  the  sincerity  of  his  declaration 
that  he  would  rather  be  senator  than  President,  by  stopping  all  pro 
ceedings  in  his  behalf  at  this  juncture.  Josiah  H.  Drummond,  who 
was  speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Maine  the  year 
before,  informed  Mr.  Hamlin  by  letter  that  his  consent  was  all  that 
was  wanting  to  place  him  before  the  national  convention  as  Maine's 
choice  for  President.  This  was  a  formal  declaration  that  Mr.  Hamlin 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  335 

could  not  ignore,  and  he  promptly  replied  from  Washington,  on 
December  16,  declining  to  encourage  the  movement  in  his  favor,  and 
outlining  his  ideas  of  the  situation. 

He  said  that  he  was  aware  of  the  fact  that  "  sundry  newspapers 
in  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Wisconsin  had  named  him"  for  the  presi 
dency,  and  also  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  "sundry  letters  from 
leading  men  in  these  States  and  New  York  to  the  same  effect."  But 
he  had  "no  aspirations  for  the  presidency,"  and  believed  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  Republican  party  to  make  success  its  watchword  and 
to  "  rise  above  personal  considerations."  He  added  that  if  Maine 
wanted  a  candidate  it  might  be  a  good  plan  to  present  Senator  Fes- 
senden,  and  he  "  would  have  a  delegation  from  Maine  who  would 
concur  in  it."  But  this  was  in  the  event  of  a  contingency  that  would 
give  the  nomination  to  a  man  who  was  not  a  candidate,  and  might 
"come  up  from  the  outside."  If  his  own  name  should  be  forced  on 
the  convention  he  would  naturally  desire  the  concurrence  of  his  own 
State.  But  he  had  "no  hope  or  desire  for  such  a  result." 

The  striking  passages  may  be  quoted  :  — 

"  Sevvard  is  our  prominent  man,  and  I  would,  indeed,  be  glad  to  see  him 
elected.  I  am  his  friend,  but  more  the  friend  of  the  cause.  I  do  not 
believe  it  will  be  wise  to  nominate  him.  We  can  elect  another,  while  we 
might  fail  with  him.  ...  I  have  a  settled  conviction  in  my  mind  that  the 
wisest  thing  we  can  do  will  be  to  nominate  Judge  Read,  of  Pennsylvania, 
for  President,  and  Bates,  of  St.  Louis,  for  Vice.  Read  is  an  able  man,  and 
was  an  old  Democrat.  [Bates  was  a  Whig.]  He  can  carry  Pennsylvania 
with  a  rush.  He  united  and  consolidated  the  Republicans  and  Americans 
in  that  State  last  year,  and  was  elected  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  by  a 
large  majority.  These  men  having  united  cordially  for  him  once  will  do 
so  easily  again.  These  are  my  present  views. 

"  My  advice  would  be  to  elect  a  delegation  from  Maine  of  our  best  men 
and  to  be  for  no  one,  but  be  ready  to  cooperate  in  what  is  best  when  they 
meet  in  convention." 

This  reference  to  John  Meredith  Read,  who  was  then  chief  justice 
of  Pennsylvania,  gives  an  insight  into  the  plans  that  men  in  the  inner 
councils  of  the  Republican  party  were  considering  at  this  stage  of 
the  presidential  canvass.  It  shows  how  largely  the  consideration  of 
availability  governed  their  deliberations  at  every  stage  of  the  nomi 
nating  campaign.  At  one  time  the  selection  of  Judge  Read  appeared 
to  be  one  of  the  possibilities,  and  although  his  name  was  not  formally 
presented  to  the  convention,  the  incident  is  of  sufficient  interest  to 
detail.  In  1856  Buchanan  carried  Pennsylvania  by  only  a  little  more 
than  fourteen  hundred  votes  over  Fremont,  and  it  was  claimed  that 
he  won  his  victory  through  his  double-face  attitude  on  the  Kansas 
question  and  the  frauds  of  his  party.  But  it  is  probable  that  that 


336  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

interesting  factor  in  American  politics  called  state  pride  saved  the 
day  for  Buchanan.  In  1857  David  Wilmot,  the  Republican  candidate 
for  governor,  was  badly  defeated,  probably  on  account  of  his  free-trade 
ideas,  and  the  party  was  greatly  discouraged.  In  1858  the  situation 
was  changed  by  Read's  election  to  the  chief  justiceship  by  more  than 
thirty  thousand  majority.  It  was  then  inevitable  that  Judge  Read, 
with  his  great  learning  as  a  jurist,  ample  experience  in  public  affairs, 
high  character,  and  attractive  personality,  should  be  considered  in  con 
nection  with  the  presidency.  Then,  again,  Judge  Read  was  peculiarly 
qualified  for  the  nomination  in  the  eyes  of  Messrs.  Hamlin,  Wilmot, 
and  others  of  the  ol'd  Democracy.  He  was  also  a  former  Jackson 
Democrat  and  an  anti-slavery  man.  President  Polk  nominated  him 
for  the  Supreme  Bench,  and  his  convictions  prevented  his  confirma 
tion,  —  which  was  a  testimonial  to  him. 

The  Read  movement  was  doomed  to  failure,  but  it  was  once  of 
promising  dimensions  and  had  the  support  of  many  strong  men. 
Those  who  are  familiar  with  the  peculiarities  of  American  politics 
know  how  a  wave  of  sentiment  moves  in  the  direction  of  a  man,  and 
then  suddenly  recedes,  leaving  him  on  the  shoal  of  defeat.  Simon 
Cameron  changed  the  current  that  was  sweeping  towards  Judge  Read. 
He  was  the  "  boss "  of  Pennsylvania  politics,  and  had  presidential 
aspirations  himself.  One  of  the  surviving  veterans  of  this  interesting 
contest  is  E.  Reed  Myer,  who  was  Wilmot' s  confidential  associate 
and  also  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  friend.  He  has  also  long  been  prom 
inent  in  the  Republican  party  of  his  State,  having  been  a  member  of 
both  branches  of  the  legislature,  speaker  of  the  House  in  1877-78, 
and  the  surveyor  of  the  port  of  Philadelphia  from  1860  to  1866,  when 
with  Mr.  Hamlin  and  others  he  resigned,  refusing  to  hold  office  under 
President  Johnson.  From  Towanda,  Mr.  Myer  wrote  l  that  Cameron 
claimed  that  he  could  carry  a  larger  Know-Nothing  vote  in  Pennsyl 
vania  than  Judge  Read,  since  he  had  affiliated  with  that  party.  '  Cam 
eron  had  the  power  and  carried  the  day,  though  Mr.  Myer  was  of  the 
opinion  that  the  support  he  received  was  not  sincere.  This  was  one 
reason  why  the  Pennsylvania  delegation  went  over  to  Lincoln  on  the 
second  ballot.  One  last  appeal  in  the  delegation  to  vote  for  Read 
was  made  by  George  T.  Thorn  and  other  leading  citizens  of  Philadel 
phia,  and  this  was  that  Senator  Hamlin  would  bring  the  support  of 
the  Eastern  States.  An  anomaly  was  the  fact  that  the  Read  plan 
finally  included  the  nomination  of  Lincoln  for  Vice- President. 

The  rise  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  interesting  personal  event 
of  this  political  period.  His  appearance  on  the  scene  of  action  was 
not  due  to  the  chance  of  fortune  or  to  the  acts  of  any  set  of  men.  He 
was  the  man  of  the  hour  because  he  fulfilled  the  peculiar  requirements 

1  To  the  author. 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  337 

of  the  emergency,  and  he  was  the  architect  of  his  own  fortunes.  His 
comparative  failure  in  Congress  served  only  to  strengthen  his  ambition 
and  desire  to  succeed.  He  was  conscious  of  his  superior  ability,  how 
ever  modest  he  may  have  been,  and  was  not  then  without  hope  of  a 
great  future,  though  his  ambitions  did  not  seem  to  reach  higher  than 
the  vice-presidency  when  he  began  to  rise  to  distinction  in  the  North 
west.  He  tried  to  shape  his  career  just  as  a  broad-gauged,  sagacious, 
and  shrewd  politician  would  and  should.  He  was  a  practical  politician 
in  the  best  sense  of  the  word,  and  he  owed  his  advancement  to  his 
familiarity  with  practical  politics  and  politicians.  He  became  chair 
man  of  the  Whig  party  in  Illinois,  and  when  the  Republican  party 
was  formed,  his  unique  personality,  perfect  honesty,  peculiar  ability, 
love  of  truth,  and  tender  sympathies  for  mankind  were  so  well  known 
that  almost  by  one  voice  he  was  called  to  the  head  of  the  new  organi 
zation  in  his  State.  All  that  was  wanting  to  bring  Mr.  Lincoln  before 
the  nation  was  the  opportunity  to  make  himself  heard,  and  this  came 
when  Douglas  was  a  candidate  for  reelection  to  the  Senate  in  1858. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  again  called  on  by  his  party  to  lead  in  this  emer 
gency,  and  the  debates  with  Douglas  that  followed  placed  him  before 
the  country,  and  indeed  the  world,  as  a  statesman  with  views  and 
purposes  which  were  in  touch  with  the  enlightened  spirit  of  the  age, 
and  a  singularly  felicitous  power  of  making  a  great  truth  clear  in  a 
few  words,  or  one  original  phrase,  to  the  average  mind.  No  public 
discussion  between  two  statesmen,  with  the  exception  of  the  debates 
between  Webster  and  Calhoun,  exerted  as  much  effect  on  the  Ameri 
can  people  as  the  forensic  contest  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas. 
There  is  indeed  a  parallel.  The  philosophical  estimate  that  might  be 
placed  on  the  real  value  of  Calhoun's  career  is  the  fact  that  it  was  he 
who  served  to  rouse  Webster  to  his  mightiest  efforts  in  expounding 
the  national  ideas  of  our  government.  In  the  same  way,  the  chief 
value  of  Douglas's  career  was  the  fact  that  he  served  to  stir  Lincoln 
to  his  utmost,  and  bring  out  from  him  his  best  thoughts.  Calhoun 
created  the  doctrine  of  nullification  out  of  which  came  the  idea  of 
secession.  Douglas  built  up  the  almost  equally  pernicious  doctrine  of 
squatter  sovereignty  which  helped  bring  on  the  war.  Webster's  re 
plies  to  Hayne  and  Calhoun  "  had  the  force  of  a  constitutional  amend 
ment."  In  his  replies  to  Douglas,  Lincoln  supplemented  Webster, 
and  while  Calhoun  and  Douglas,  like  "  Henry  of  France,  marched  up 
the  hill  and  down  again,"  the  works  of  Webster  and  Lincoln  are 
perpetuated  forever  because  they  are  imbedded  in  the  Constitution  of 
this  republic. 

While  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  immediately  talked  of  for  the  presi 
dency  outside  of  Illinois,  as  a  result  of  his  debates  with  Douglas  his 
words  fell  on  fallow  soil.  He  produced  a  deep  and  lasting  effect  on 


338  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  masses  of  the  North,  and  the  politicians  were  persistently  asked, 
"  Who  is  this  Lincoln  and  what  is  he  like  ?  "  His  speeches  not  only 
helped  clear  away  the  atmosphere  of  doubt  that  hung  over  the  move 
ment  of  political  events,  but  also  interested  the  public  in  his  person 
ality.  The  Northern  masses  intuitively  recognized  a  true  friend  in 
this  new  champion,  and  wanted  to  learn  *all  they  could  about  him. 
The  effect,  then,  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  debates  with  Senator  Douglas  was 
to  win  him  a  national  reputation,  and  place  him  before  his  party  as  a 
presidential  possibility.  Yet  among  the  Eastern  opponents  of  Mr. 
Seward  there  was  uncertainty  whether  Mr.  Lincoln  was  worthy  of  his 
reputation,  and  was  equal  to  the  great  responsibilities  of  the  presi 
dency.  His  prominence  caused  the  Democratic  pro-slavery  news 
papers  to  make  attacks  on  him.  One  favorite  trick  they  had  of  mis 
representing  Mr.  Lincoln  was  to  jeer  at  him  as  a  "peripatetic  lecturer  " 
and  "backwoods  humorist."  But  this  only  shows  the  force  of  his 
exposures  of  the  iniquities  of  the  pro-slavery  party.  After  the  defeat 
of  Judge  Read,  when  the  anti-Seward  men  were  looking  around  for  a 
new  man,  the  New  York  opponents  of  Mr.  Seward  decided  to  invite 
Mr.  Lincoln  to  address  them  in  New  York  city,  at  Cooper  Union, 
on  February  27,  1860,  to  judge  for  themselves  of  his  fitness  for  the 
presidency. 

This  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  supreme  opportunity,  and  he  rose  to  the 
emergency.  Horace  Greeley  testified  in  the  "Tribune"  that  "no 
man  has  spoken  to  a  larger  assemblage  of  the  intellectual  and  mental 
culture  of  our  city."  The  occasion  was  under  the  auspices  of  leading 
men  like  William  Cullen  Bryant,  ex-Governor  John  A.  King,  David 
Dudley  Field,  Cephas  Brainard,  James  W.  Nye,  James  A.  Briggs, 
Charles  C.  Nott,  Hiram  Barney,  —  whom  Mr.  Lincoln  appointed  col 
lector  of  the  port  of  New  York,  —  and  others  active  in  political  affairs. 
While  they  were  anxious  to  find  the  Moses  who  could  lead  them  at 
this  juncture,  their  attitude  was  necessarily  critical  and  searching  at 
first.  But  whatever  barriers  there  might  have  been  that  natural  pru 
dence,  caution,  and  conservatism  erected,  they  were  soon  overcome 
by  the  speaker  and  forgotten  in  the  glow  of  satisfaction  he  created. 
Although  slavery  was  a  well  worn  subject  in  all  its  aspects  to  the 
auditors,  they  soon  found  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  reinvesting  it  with  a 
new  interest,  and  that  he  was  treating  the  political  problem  with  the 
authority  of  a  statesman.  His  unique  personality,  too,  took  on  a  new 
appearance,  and  the  dignity  with  which  he  bore  himself,  the  ease  with 
which  he  delivered  his  argument,  unconsciously  dispelled  any  precon 
ceived  notions  the  auditors  might  have  acquired  through  the  carica 
tures  of  the  Democratic  press.  They  felt  that  they  were  in  contact 
with  a  great  and  searching  mind  and  a  strong  and  well  balanced  indi 
viduality.  The  argument  was  cold  and  solid  logic,  an  irrefutable  proof 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  339 

that  the  founders  of  the  government  both  favored  the  restriction  of 
slavery  and  opposed  its  extension.  Confidence  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  ability 
as  a  statesman  and  his  qualities  as  a  man  was  established.  His  vic 
tory  was  unique,  and  without  parallel  judged  by  its  results  :  it  won 
him  the  presidency  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Hamlin  followed  the  Lincoln  and  Douglas  debates  with  keen 
interest,  and  with  the  defeat  of  the  Read  movement  began  to  consider 
the  possibilities  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  connection  with  the  presidential 
nomination.  He  consulted  with  members  of  the  Illinois  congressional 
delegation  who  knew  Mr.  Lincoln  well,  —  particularly  Elihu  B.  Wash- 
burne  and  Senator  Douglas.  Mr.  Washburne's  opinions  always  had 
great  weight  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  his  views  of  Mr.  Lincoln  pleased 
him.  Senator  Douglas  never  failed  to  speak  fairly  and  frankly  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  to  those  of  his  personal  friends  among  the  Republican 
congressmen  who  asked  him  about  his  Illinois  rival.  To  Mr.  Hamlin 
and  others  he  said  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  an  honest,  able  man,  and  the 
one  whom  he  disliked  above  all  to  meet  in  debate.  It  was  the  better 
Douglas  who  spoke,  and  his  just  tribute  to  Mr.  Lincoln  could  not  but 
result  in  strengthening  the  good  impressions  the  latter  had  already 
made  on  the  leaders  of  his  party.  The  Cooper  Union  speech,  which 
was  the  convincing  argument  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  now  had  the 
effect  of  setting  Mr.  Hamlin  quietly  at  work  to  secure  delegates  for 
this  new  champion  from  the  giant  young  West. 

One  of  the  interesting  phases  of  the  political  situation  was  the  ex 
istence  of  a  little  jealousy  between  the  two  principal  elements  that 
composed  the  Republican  party.  Indeed,  it  was  hardly  to  be  expected 
that  after  men  had  fought  each  other  for  many  years  as  Whigs  and 
Democrats,  they  could  be  expected  to  sink  all  feelings  of  distrust  in  a 
political  association  of  only  four  years'  existence.  In  passing,  it  should 
be  added  by  way  of  parenthesis  that  not  a  few  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  old 
friends,  who  were  desirous  of  obtaining  a  continuation  of  his  support, 
would  remind  him,  even  many  years  after  the  formation  of  the  Repub 
lican  party,  that  they  had  "always  been  Andrew  Jackson. Democrats," 
while  their  opponents  had  "  always  been  Federalists  of  the  stiffest 
kind."  Ift  Maine  there  was  not  a  little  friction  of  this  kind,  and  great 
tact  had  to  be  exercised  in  reconciling  differences  that  arose  from 
this.  Senator  Fessenden  was  the  accepted  leader  of  the  former 
Whigs,  and  Senator  Hamlin  of  the  former  Democrats.  Any  move 
ment  against  Mr.  Seward  in  Maine  was  likely  to  arouse  the  animosi 
ties  and  jealousies  of  his  former  Whig  admirers.  Mr.  Hamlin  had 
therefore  to  proceed  with  great  caution. 

The  line  of  action  which  he  pursued  was  in  accordance  with  his 
ideas  regarding  the  rights  of  others  and  the  duty  of  the  occasion. 
He  did  not  wish  to  go  counter  to  the  wishes  of  his  party,  but  he  was 


340  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

so  strongly  convinced  of  Mr.  Seward's  weakness  that  he  could  not 
remain  silent.  He  would  not  resort  to  the  arbitrary  methods  of  the 
"  boss  "  to  defeat  the  Seward  men,  but  he  was  not  disposed  to  allow 
them  to  pledge  the  Maine  delegation  to  the  New  York  leader.  He 
conceived  a  policy  in  the  end  that  was  one  of  the  most  interesting 
and  characteristic  illustrations  we  have  of  fiis  knowledge  of  men  and 
politics,  as  will  appear  later.  In  the  beginning  he  quietly  defined  his 
position  to  his  intimate  friends,  and  allowed  it  to  be  known  to  Gov 
ernor  Seward.  This  is  mentioned  because  an  impression  once  prevailed 
that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  favorable  to  Seward.  There  was  no  warrant  for 
this.  There  was  no  feeling  between  Mr.  Seward  and  his  Maine  asso 
ciate  on  that  account,  and  their  intercourse  was  as  friendly  as  ever. 
Mr.  Hamlin  candidly  expressed  his  fears  that  Mr.  Seward  could  not 
carry  the  doubtful  States  which  controlled  the  result.  Thus  there 
was  no  unnecessary  antagonism  caused  among  the  Maine  Republicans 
when  they  prepared  to  choose  four  delegates  at  large  to  the  Chicago 
convention,  and  indicate  their  preference  for  President. 

This  was  left  to  the  representatives  of  the  party  in  the  legislature. 
In  this  body  Mr.  Hamlin  had  a  large  number  of  personal  friends  and 
followers,  who  were  guided  by  his  advice  in  all  matters  of  party  im 
portance.  Among  the  senators  were  Josiah  H.  Drummond,  of  Water- 
ville ;  Joseph  Barron,  of  Topsham ;  Henry  Kennedy,  of  Waldoboro ; 
Amos  B.  Simpson,  of  Sullivan  ;  John  Bridges,  of  Castine  ;  Joseph  M. 
Livermore,  of  Eastport ;  John  Thissell,  of  Corinth  ;  Jabez  True,  of 
Bangor ;  William  C.  Hammatt,  of  Howland,  and  Phineas  Tolman,  of 
Rockland.  In  the  House  were  William  H.  Rounds,  of  Danville  ;  John 
B.  Jones,  of  Lewiston  ;  Newell  A.  Foster,  of  Portland ;  Frederick 
Webber,  of  Castine  ;  Daniel  M.  Perkins,  of  Penobscot ;  James  R. 
Bachelder,of  Readfield ;  Everett  W.  Stetson,  of  Damariscotta ;  Timothy 
Williams,  of  Rockland  ;  James  W.  Clark,  of  Andover  ;  John  P.  Hub- 
bard,  of  Hiram  ;  Alvah  Black,  of  Paris  ;  E.  W.  Woodbury,  of  Sweden  ; 
Benjamin  Y.  Tuell,  of  Sumner  ;  George  K.  Jewett,  of  Bangor  ;  John 
B.  Nickels,  of  Corinth  ;  Samuel  H.  Chesley,  of  Chester  ;  Winthrop 
Chapman,  of  Exeter ;  Luther  N.  Jones,  of  Holden  ;  Amos  Pickard, 
of  Hampden  ;  Joseph  P.  Sinclair,  of  Levant ;  Benjamin  B.  Thomas, 
of  Newburgh ;  John  Benson,  of  Newport ;  Samuel  Wiswell,  of  Orring- 
ton  ;  Richard  M.  Woodman,  of  Old  Town  ;  Ira  D.  Fish,  of  Patten  ; 
Moses  W.  Brown,  of  Brownville ;  A.  K.  P.  Gray,  of  Dover ;  Charles 
Loring,  of  Guilford ;  T.  J.  Small,  of  Wellington  ;  Reuben  A.  Rich,  of 
Frankfort  ;  Joseph  W.  Thompson,  of  Stockton  ;  Raymond  S.  Rich, 
of  Thorndike ;  Stephen  Dyer,  of  Unity  ;  Samuel  C.  Hamilton,  of 
Biddeford ;  Ephraim  C.  Spinney,  of  Kittery,  and  others  who  were 
well  known  in  their  day. 

When  it  came  time  for  the  Republican  legislature  caucus  to  act, 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  341 

Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  and  others  shared  his  opinion,  and  the  caucus 
passed  a  resolution  declaring  that  it  was  best  not  to  instruct  the  dele 
gates,  but  to  allow  them  to  go  to  Chicago  and  vote  for  the  candidates 
who  in  their  judgment  could  be  elected.  This  was  offered  by  James 
G.  Elaine,  who  was  then  a  member  of  the  Maine  House,  and  was  rap 
idly  coming  to  the  front.  The  preference  of  the  caucus  was  unmis 
takably  for  Mr.  Seward,  because  it  chose  four  delegates  at  large  who 
were  known  to  be  in  his  favor.  But  Mr.  Hamlin  made  no  contest  on 
this  point.  He  believed  that  if  representative  men  were  sent  to 
Chicago,  they  would  speedily  see  for  themselves  that  the  logic  of  the 
situation  would  dictate  the  selection  of  a  man  other  than  Seward. 
The  adoption  of  the  resolution  was  a  moral  victory,  and  Mr.  Hamlin 
attached  importance  to  it.  The  Seward  men  believed  at  first  that 
New  England  would  generally  support  him  as  the  Eastern  candidate  ; 
but  the  action  of  the  Maine  Republicans,  in  refusing  to  instruct  their 
delegates  for  him,  was  evidence  that  the  New  York  senator  was  not  so 
strong  in  that  section  of  the  country  as  they  had  supposed  that  he 
was.  Those  who  are  versed  in  the  peculiarities  of  practical  politics 
know  how  a  little  straw  like  this  may  produce  important  results  that 
upset  the  best  laid  plans. 

The  action  of  the  legislative  caucus  had  the  effect  of  restraining 
the  Seward  men  throughout  Maine  from  pledging  delegates  to  their 
favorite  candidate  when  the  conventions  were  held  in  the  various 
congressional  districts,  and  the  general  disposition  was  to  allow  the 
delegates  to  act  according  to  their  judgment.  But  in  one  district, 
which  was  then  the  second  and  now  a  part  of  the  third,  the  Seward 
men  made  a  determined  effort  to  choose  one  of  their  number,  Colonel 
John  N.  Swazey,  a  leading  citizen  of  Bucksport  and  a  man  of  influ 
ence  in  his  party.  When  this  move  was  reported  to  Senator  Hamlin, 
he  exerted  himself  to  head  off  the  Seward  men.  He  instructed  his  son 
Charles,  who  was  beginning  the  practice  of  law  at  Orland,  to  concen 
trate  the  anti-Seward  strength  on  some  representative  Republican 
who  would  go  to  Chicago  unpledged.  Mr.  Hamlin  conferred  with 
leading  men  in  Hancock  County  who  were  his  father's  friends,  with 
the  result  that  Captain  John  West,  of  Franklin,  was  selected  as 
their  candidate.  He  had  leanings  towards  Lincoln,  and  he  was  cho 
sen  also  because  he  was  a  cool  and  reliable  politician,  and  would  be 
governed  wholly  by  practical  considerations  in  the  Chicago  conven 
tion.  There  was  a  sharp  fight,  and  Captain  West  was  elected  by  a 
small  majority. 

There  were  sixteen  delegates  elected  from  Maine,  and  although 
they  were  unpledged,  yet  if  Mr.  Hamlin  had  not  taken  further  action, 
it  is  probable  that  all  but  one  or  two  would  have  voted  for  Mr. 
Seward  in  obedience  to  the  strong  sentiment  in  his  favor  that  existed 


342  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

in  Maine.  Mr.  Hamlin  now  counted  on  his  personal  influence,  and 
also  on  the  sense  of  the  convention,  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  delegates 
to  Mr.  Seward's  weakness.  General  Samuel  F.  Hersey,  of  Bangor, 
and  Mark  F.  Wentworth,  of  Kittery,  were  two  delegates  who  had  long 
followed  Mr.  Hamlin  and  were  among  his  closest  friends.  He  em 
phasized  to  them  his  fears  that  Mr.  Seward  "could  not  be  elected,  and 
at  the  same  time  frankly  expressed  his  doubts  whether  Seward  was 
the  right  man  for  the  presidency  at  this  juncture,  even  if  he  could  be 
elected.  He  felt  that  the  presidency  required  peculiar  qualities,  and 
that  Mr.  Seward's  brilliant  ability  and  personal  characteristics  would 
win  him  a  loftier  eminence  in  the  Senate  than  in  the  White  House. 
This  was  not  derogatory  to  Mr.  Seward ;  it  was  in  accordance  with 
the  ideas  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Benton  discussed  in  regard  to  other 
candidates  for  the  presidency  in  1852.  General  Hersey  and  Mr. 
Wentworth  accepted  Mr.  Hamlin's  judgment,  and  now,  counting  Cap 
tain  West,  there  were  three  delegates  who  would  be  governed  by  the 
sense  of  the  convention.  The  question  then  arose  how  to  influence 
more,  and  that  is  another  story. 

When  the  Maine  delegation  started  for  Chicago,  General  Hersey 
and  other  members  called  on  Senator  Hamlin,  at  Washington,  to  con 
sult  further  with  him  about  their  course  in  the  convention.  While 
Mr.  Seward's  nomination  at  this  time  appeared  reasonably  certain, 
there  was  sufficient  doubt  in  the  minds  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  to 
make  it  advisable,  in  their  opinion,  to  groom  him  as  the  "dark  horse," 
as  the  politicians  say.  This  subject  came  up  once  more,  and  Mr. 
Hamlin  thought  to  end  it  forever  by  emphatically  forbidding  the  pre 
sentation  of  his  name  in  connection  with  either  place  on  the  ticket. 
He  went. farther,  on  seeing  that  his  friends  were  disappointed,  and 
exacted  from  them  a  promise  that  they  would  not  vote  for  him  in  case 
his  name  happened  to  be  brought  before  the  convention.  This,  he 
supposed,  precluded  all  possibility  of  his  nomination,  and  he  then 
turned  to  the  course  before  the  Maine  delegates.  He  gave  them 
some  characteristic  advice,  which  was  substantially  as  follows  :  — 

"Appoint  one  of  your  members  to  canvass  the  delegates  from  the 
three  doubtful  States  of  Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  and  Illinois.  Have 
him  obtain  from  them  in  writing  the  names  of  three  men  who  can 
carry  these  States." 

The  Republican  delegates  gathered  at  Chicago  on  May  16  under 
auspicious  conditions.  The  party  was  united  and  enthusiastic.  Party 
success  was  cordially  desired,  and  Victory  was  the  watchword.  Young 
America  predominated.  The  attendance  was  immense.  Chicago  was 
electric  with  excitement.  The  great  wigwam  was  an  arena  of  stir 
ring  scenes.  The  note  of  the  hour  was  confidence.  All  felt  that  the 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  343 

day  of  the  Republican  party  had  come.  The  final  harbinger  of  suc 
cess  was  the  radical  division  in  the  Democracy,  which  had  apparently 
resulted  from  the  struggle  between  the  followers  of  Douglas  and 
Breckinridge  to  nominate  their  respective  leaders  for  President  at  the 
Baltimore  convention.  The  secession  scheme  of  the  slave  power, 
which  was  the  bottom  cause  of  the  split,  had  not  yet  come  to  the 
surface.  The  quarrel,  therefore,  served  to  give  the  situation  a  rosy 
tint  to  the  ardent  Republicans,  and  to  enliven  the  contest  over  the 
ticket  to  be  nominated.  But  the  party  was  young  and  comparatively 
free  from  factional  jealousies.  Few  presidential  conventions  have 
been  conducted  with  more  cordiality  and  less  bitterness.  The  oppo 
nents  of  Seward,  with  but  few  exceptions,  freely  recognized  the  debt 
the  party  owed  to  him,  and  gave  testimonial  to  his  high  character 
and  splendid  ability.  But  they  feared  he  could  not  be  elected.  The 
business  of  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Seward  was  to  procure  his  defeat 
without  causing  party  strife.  This  was  done,  and  the  country  long 
ago  learned  that  the  credit  of  this  belonged  to  the  friends  of  Abra 
ham  Lincoln. 

The  story  of  the  convention  need  not  be  told  again  in  detail  or  the 
scene  painted  anew.  The  moral  and  intellectual  character  of  the 
assemblage  was  indicated  by  the  presence  of  many  men  who  after 
wards  attained  national  distinction  as  congressmen  or  governors,  and 
also  of  others  who  were  already  national  figures,  —  Joshua  R.  Giddings, 
John  A.  Andrew,  Horace  Greeley,  George  William  Curtis,  George  S. 
Boutwell,  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Thurlow  Weed,  William  M.  Evarts, 
Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  B.  Gratz  Brown,  Henry  S.  Lane,  Carl  Schurz, 
Edwin  D.  Morgan,  Preston  King,  David  K.  Cartter,  and  many  more. 
It  was  fitting  that  the  Wilmot  Proviso  should  be  the  first  plank  of  the 
party  that  was  now  to  go  out  to  its  first  national  success.  George 
Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  the  permanent  chairman,  had  a  happy 
faculty  of  keeping  a  great  crowd  in  good  spirits  and  humor  without 
sacrificing  dignity  or  losing  a  point.  The  platform  adopted,  the  con 
vention  prepared  to  ballot  for  candidates  for  President.  The  follow 
ing  names  were  presented  without  speeches  :  William  H.  Seward,  of 
New  York  ;  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois ;  Simon  Cameron,  of  Penn 
sylvania  ;  Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio ;  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri ; 
William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey ;  John  McLean,  of  Ohio ;  and 
Jacob  Collamer,  of  Vermont.  The  first  ballot  was  taken,  and  the 
result  awaited  with  great  excitement.  But  before  it  is  announced  a 
little  incident  behind  the  scenes  demands  attention. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  nomination  was  due  to  necessity;  it  was  not  accom 
plished  by  any  set  of  men.  He  was  the  one  man  on  whom  the  con 
vention  could  compromise  in  the  belief  that  he  could  carry  the 
doubtful  States.  The  delegates  realized  this  after  they  came  to  real- 


344  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

ize  the  situation.  They  found  it  out  in  various  ways.  The  undercur 
rent  of  sentiment  that  turned  in  the  direction  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the 
opening  days  of  the  convention  drew  into  it  many  hesitating  delegates 
who  thus  contributed  to  his  nomination.  This  incident  is  therefore 
related  merely  to  show  the  natural  drift  of  affairs,  not  to  claim  any 
undue  credit  for  Senator  Hamlin  for  bringing  delegates  over  to  Mr. 
Lincoln.  General  Hersey  and  Mr.  Wentworth  followed  his  advice, 
and  made  a  private  canvass  of  the  men  who  represented  the  three 
great  doubtful  States.  A  minority  of  the  delegates  thus  interrogated 
replied  in  their  own  handwriting  that  Mr.  Seward  could,  while  a  large 
number  contradicted  this  ;  but  the  majority  of  delegates  from  these 
States  declared  that  Lincoln  could  carry  them.  This  result  was  con 
vincing  to  three  more  delegates  from  Maine,  —  George  W.  Lawrence, 
of  Warren,  Leonard  Andrews,  of  Biddeford,  and  Rensselaer  Cram,  of 
Portland.  When  the  first  ballot  was  announced,  the  Seward  men 
were  surprised  and  probably  discouraged  to  learn  that  Maine,  who 
spoke  first,  gave  their  leader  only  ten  votes  instead  of  sixteen,  while 
the  Lincoln  men  were  elated  to  hear  that  the  Pine  Tree  State  threw 
six  votes  for  their  favorite.  This  was  but  a  straw,  but  it  was  one  of 
the  many  that  changed  the  course  of  events  at  Chicago  in  May,  1 860. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  nominated  on  the  third  ballot,  and  then  after  a 
brief  recess  the  convention  proceeded  to  choose  the  candidate  for 
Vice- President.  The  consideration  of  availability  also  governed  the 
convention  in  making  this  selection.  Mr.  Lincoln  being  a  Western 
man,  the  advisability  of  taking  an  Eastern  or  border  state  man  for 
his  colleague  was  obvious.  The  evidence  shows  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was 
in  the  minds  of  many  men  for  a  place  on  the  ticket,  and  that  the 
movement  in  his  favor  for  Vice-President  was  spontaneous  in  nature, 
and  was  developed  by  the  practical  element  in  the  convention.  Atten 
tion  was  called  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  long  service  in  Congress,  his  anti- 
slavery  career,  his  popularity  in  New  England,  his  leadership  in 
founding  the  Republican  party,  and  his  recognized  standing  as  a  par 
liamentarian,  which  peculiarly  fitted  him  to  preside  over  the  Senate. 
The  more  radical  wing  in  the  convention  desired  Cassius  M.  Clay, 
whose  splendid  battle  in  Kentucky  against  slavery  had  made  his  name 
a  household  word.  John  Hickman,  of  Pennsylvania,  a  former  anti- 
Nebraska  Democrat,  had  some  following.  There  was  also  some  talk 
about  Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  Andrew  H.  Reeder,  of 
Pennsylvania,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  and  others.  But 
the  tide  of  sentiment  turned  so  strongly  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  favor  that 
only  Clay  was  a  serious  competitor,  and  his  following  held  together 
for  but  one  ballot.  There  were,  however,  some  incidents  that  entered 
into  the  general  results,  and  should  be  presented. 

When  Senator  Hamlin's  friends  in  the  Maine  delegation  reached 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  345 

Chicago,  and  ascertained  that  there  was  a  strong  feeling  in  favor  of 
placing  him  on  the  ticket,  they  concluded  that  the  circumstances  of 
the  situation  absolved  them  from  their  pledges  to  Mr.  Hamlin.  They 
knew  him,  and  understood  that  he  meant  what  he  said,  but  the  emer 
gency  that  now  confronted  them  naturally  had  more  weight  with  them 
than  personal  considerations.  The  movement  for  Mr.  Hamlin  for 
Vice- President  was  spontaneous,  and  they  could  not  stop  it.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  was  a  strong  sentiment  for  Clay,  and  as  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  name  was  bound  to  go  before  the  convention,  his  personal  friends 
were  determined  that  he  should  not  suffer  the  mortification  of  a  defeat 
through  lack  of  organization.  With  this  object  in  view  General  Her- 
sey  and  other  friends  of  Mr.  Hamlin  canvassed  the  situation.  The 
action  that  turned  the  scale  in  his  favor  was  that  taken  by  the  New 
York  delegation.  This  included  Preston  King  and  other  associates 
and  personal  friends  of  Mr.  Hamlin  in  Congress,  who  were  among 
the  prime  movers  in  his  behalf.  The  fact  that  the  New  York  men 
with  but  few  exceptions  knew  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  opposition  to  Mr. 
Seward,  and  yet  favored  him  for  Vice-President,  is  another  proof  of 
the  unselfish  spirit  of  the  occasion.  David  K.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  pre 
sented  Mr.  Hamlin's  name,  and  on  the  first  ballot  he  received  194  to 
ioij  for  Clay,  58  for  Hickman,  51  for  Reeder,  38^  for  Banks,  and  a 
scattering  for  others.  On  the  second  he  received  367,  and  was 
nominated.1 

Senator  Hamlin  was  totally  unprepared  for  the  action  of  the  con 
vention,  and  his  nomination  was  perhaps  the  greatest  surprise  he 
received  during  his  political  career.  The  day  the  ticket  was  to  be 
named  he  wrote  a  letter  to  his  wife,  who  was  in  Bangor,  from  which 
it  appeared  that  his  thoughts  were  chiefly  on  domestic  affairs.  He 
referred  to  the  probable  course  of  the  convention  in  these  few  words  : 
"  To-day  I  presume  Seward  will  be  nominated  at  Chicago.  If  so  we 
must  make  the  best  of  it,  though  I  am  sure  a  much  wiser  nomination 
could  be  made."  This  was  the  prevailing  impression.  Horace 
Greeley,  who  was  opposed  to  Mr.  Seward,  telegraphed  the  "  Tribune  " 

1  The  vote  in  detail  was:  First  ballot.  Hamlin:  Maine  16,  New  Hampshire 
10,  Vermont  10,  Massachusetts  I,  Rhode  Island  8,  Connecticut  5,  New  York  35, 
New  Jersey  6,  Pennsylvania  11,  Maryland  8,  Delaware  2,  Ohio  46,  Indiana  8, 
Michigan  8,  Illinois  2,  Wisconsin  5,  Iowa  6,  Minnesota  6,  Oregon  i ;  total  194. 
Clay:  Connecticut  3,  New  York  9,  New  Jersey  i,  Pennsylvania  4^,  Indiana  2, 
Delaware  3,  Virginia  23,  Kentucky  23,  Maryland  18,"  Michigan  4,  Illinois  2,  Wis 
consin  5,  Minnesota  i,  Nebraska  i,  and  the  District  of  Columbia  2;  total  ioi£. 
Hickman:  Massachusetts  i,  Connecticut  2,  New  York  u,  Maryland  i,  Pennsyl 
vania  7,  Delaware  i,  Missouri  9,  Illinois  2,  California  8,'  Minnesota  i,  Oregon  3, 
Kansas  6,  and  Nebraska  5 ;  total  58.  On  the  second  ballot,  Massachusetts  with 
drew  Banks,  and  cast  26  for  Hamlin ;  Pennsylvania  withdrew  Reeder,  and  threw 
54  for  Hamlin,  and  New  York  70.  The  nomination  was  made  unanimous. 


346  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  night  before  that  Seward's  nomination  was  sure.  The  news  of 
Lincoln's  selection  was  therefore  all  the  more  gratifying  to  Mr. 
Hamlin  from  a  party  point  of  view,  —  for  he  personally  liked  Mr. 
Seward  very  much.  He  was  in  a  pleasant  frame  of  mind  over  the 
outlook,  and  prepared  to  enjoy  the  evening  at  a  pleasant  game  of 
cards  with  some  of  his  senatorial  companions  in  his  rooms  at  the 
Washington  House.  About  nine  o'clock  a  tumult  of  men  cheering 
and  rushing  into  the  hotel  was  heard.  Upstairs  they  poured,  and 
presently  they  were  in  the  entry,  pounding  at  Mr.  Hamlin's  door.  He 
arose  in  a  hurry,  not  suspecting  what  the  matter  was,  and  opened  the 
door.  There  stood  Colfax,  Chandler,  Wade,  Bingham,  Foot,  Wash- 
burne,  and  many  other  old  friends.  Up  went  their  hands  in  a  military 
salute :  — 

"Good-evening,  Mr.  Vice-President,"  was  the  chorus  Mr.  Hamlin 
heard. 

"  What  do  you  mean  ? "  he  asked  in  amazement. 

"You  have  been  nominated  for  Vice-President,"  was  the  reply. 

"But  I  don't  want  the  place,"  he  ejaculated. 

"Look  here,  Hamlin,"  interposed  Ben  \Vade,  as  he  thrust  himself 
forward,  "  if  you  decline,  the  Democrats  will  think  that  you  are  afraid 
to  run,  and  your  fear  will  be  taken  as  auguring  our  defeat." 

"  That  is  so,  that  is  so,"  chorused  the  others. 

"  WThat ! "  said  Mr.  Hamlin,  "they  might  think  I  was  afraid  to  run 
on  a  Republican  ticket  ?  " 

"Yes,  Hamlin,  just  that,"  replied  Wade. 

"Well,  now,  I  shall,  and  be  damned  to  them,"  Senator  Hamlin 
blurted  out,  excited  and  amused  over  this  turn  of  fortune. 

This  conversation  took  place  in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  read  it, 
and  when  it  was  over,  a  great  crowd  of  men,  who  had  not  heard  it, 
were  pressing  into  Mr.  Hamlin's  room,  eager  to  congratulate  him.  He 
entered  into  the  spirit  of  the  movement  so  cordially  that  his  friends 
were  all  enthusiasm,  and  the  fright  they  had  received  was  forgotten 
for  the  nonce,  to  be  recalled  later  as  an  amusing  illustration  of  the  old 
Carthaginian's  frankness  and  bluntness.  They  understood,  of  course, 
that  he  impulsively  expressed  his  disinclination  for  the  vice-presidency, 
but  that  he  was  too  faithful  a  man  to  evade  his  party's  call  and  shirk 
his  duty.  There  was  no  more  worriment  on  this  score,  and  that  was 
the  end  of  the  affair  and  all  there  was  to  it,  although  elaborated  ac 
counts  give  another  impression. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  news  had  circulated  around  the  city,  and  soon 
a  great  crowd  gathered  before  the  Washington  House,  clamorous  for  a 
sight  of  the  candidate.  Washington  was  a  Seward  city,  and  his  defeat 
depressed  the  Republicans  there.  Senator  Dawes,  who  was  present 
on  this  occasion  as  a  representative  from  Massachusetts,  wrote  of  the 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  347 

incident :  "  The  nomination  of  Mr.  Hamlin  for  Vice-President  came  to 
him  unsought  and  unexpected.  We  at  Washington  had  no  other 
thought  but  that  Mr.  Seward  would  head  the  ticket,  and  that  Mr. 
Lincoln,  or  some  other  Western  man,  would  be  selected  for  the  second 
place.  Our  hearts  were  broken  with  disappointment.  The  news  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  nomination  reached  Washington  in  the  afternoon,  that 
of  Mr.  Hamlin's  late  in  the  evening.  The  intermediate  time  was 
spent  in  nursing  our  anger.  But  when  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  announced,  a  stormy  multitude  stormed  his  hotel,  and  forced  him 
out  on  the  balcony.  The  night  was  gloomy,  and  the  crowd  was  more 
so.  But  his  first  sentence,  'What  is  one  man  in  this  crisis?'  lifted 
the  cloud  and  let  in  the  light.  Before  he  had  ceased  we  were  ready 
to  lay  aside  our  idol  and  pledge  our  loyalty  to  a  new  leader." 

Senator  Hamlin  wrote  his  wife  the  following  characteristic  letter:  — 

"  I  have  just  received  your  letter  of  the  i6th.  You  are  a  dear  wife  to 
write  me  so  often,  for  it  does  me  good,  when  I  am  here  alone,  to  hear  from 
you.  It  was  my  intention  to  have  written  you  quite  fully  to-day,  but  I  can 
not  do  it  as  I  have  much  on  my  hands,  and  you  must  excuse  me. 

"  Well,  dear,  I  presume  you  were  as  much  astonished  as  myself  at  my 
nomination  for  Vice-President.  I  was  amazed  at  it.  I  neither  expected  nor 
desired  it.  But  it  has  been  made,  and  as  a  man  faithful  to  the  cause,  it 
leaves  me  no  alternative  but  to  accept  it. 

"The  first  news  I  had  was  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  Friday  evening, 
when  I  heard  a  great  rush  of  men  in  the  passage  outside  my  room.  The 
door  was  suddenly  opened  and  the  room  filled  with  men,  Mr.  Colfax,  of  the 
House,  with  a  dispatch  in  his  hand,  announcing  the  result.  There  was  a 
wonderful  excitement  over  it  until  about  one  o'clock. 

"  Last  evening  our  house  was  brilliantly  illuminated,  and  I  made  a  very 
short  speech  to  the  crowd  that  gathered  to  serenade  me.  I  will  send  it  to 
you.  The  ladies  all  regretted  that  you  were  not  here.  So  did  I.  I  send 
you  several  papers,  so  that  you  may  see  what  is  said." 

The  action  of  the  Chicago  convention  was  a  great  surprise  to  the 
country,  but  was  well  received  by  the  Republican  party.  As  it  is 
the  special  province  of  this  volume  to  deal  with  Mr.  Hamlin's  career, 
it  is  proper  to  reproduce  some  of  the  comments  his  nomination  evoked 
from  the  press,  that  a  more  comprehensive  idea  may  be  gained  of  his 
standing  before  the  country  at  this  time.  One  comment  of  interest 
is  from  the  "  New  York  Evening  Post,"  which  was  one  of  the  original 
Republican  newspapers,  and  was  still  under  the  guidance  of  William 
Cullen  Bryant.  This  was  in  part  as  follows  :  — 

"  It  is  written  on  the  tablets  of  destiny  that  Lincoln  is  to  be  the  next 
President  of  the  United  States.  The  name  which  is  associated  with  that 
of  Lincoln  is  a  worthy  and  honored  one.  Mr.  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  has  long 
been  a  member  of  Congress,  —  first  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  then 


348  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

of  the  Senate,  and  in  both  capacities  has  represented  his  State  with  ability 
and  dignity.  His  name  has  never  been  connected  with  any  dishonorable 
measure,  and  the  record  of  his  public  life  is  one  that  will  bear  being  spread 
open  to  the  gaze  of  the  public  from  its  first  page  to  its  last.  His  parlia 
mentary  experience  will  make  him  a  prompt  and  skillful  moderator  of  the 
debates  of  the  Senate,  and  his  long  familiarity  .with  public  affairs  will  make 
him  a  wise  and  safe  adviser  in  the  Cabinet.  We  congratulate  the  country 
that  the  future  President  is  likely  to  have  a  coadjutor  of  so  high  a  charac 
ter  and  such  eminent  capacity." 

Brief  extracts  may  be  quoted  from  numerous  newspapers  published 
in  the  various  sections  of  the  country. 

The   "  New  York  Tribune  "  said  :  "  Mr.  Hamlin   is  a   man  of  dignified 

o 

presence,  of  solid  abilities,  of  unflinching  integrity,  and  great  executive 
talent.  .  .  .  The  name  of  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  is  a  fit  second  to 
that  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois."  The  "  Detroit  Daily  Advertiser :  " 
"The  nomination  of  Hannibal  Hamlin  is  eminently  fit  as  the  second,  or 
rather  comrade,  of  the  gallant  Lincoln.  He  would  have  honored  the  place 
to  which  Lincoln  himself  has  been  nominated."  The  "  Boston  Traveler  :  " 
"  Mr.  Hamlin  has  always  held  a  high  place  in  the  Senate,  and  probably 
there  is  no  man  in  the  country  who  has  a  better  acquaintance  with  its  great 
interests  or  who  has  labored  more  industriously  or  intelligently  for  their  ad 
vancements."  The  "  Worcester  Spy  :  "  "  The  candidate  for  Vice-President  is 
not  inferior  to  him  (Lincoln)  in  whatever  qualities  are  worthy  of  the  respect 
and  confidence  of  his  fellow-countrymen."  The  "  Utica  (N.  Y.)  Morning 
Herald  :  "  "  Senator  Hamlin  is  a  statesman  of  tried  worth  and  distin 
guished  eminence."  The  "  Syracuse  (N.  Y.)  Standard  :  "  "  His  official  and 
private  record  contains  no  spot  or  blemish."  The  "  Rochester  (N.  Y.) 
Democrat :  "  "  His  name  will  add  great  strength  to  the  ticket  in  New  Eng 
land."  The  "  Newark  (N.  J.)  Mercury  :  "  "  No  truer  representative  of  the 
fundamental  ideas  of  our  organization  can  be  found  anywhere.  .  .  .  His 
name  will  prove  a  tower  of  strength  in  the  contest  now  inaugurated."  The 
"  Bangor  (Me.)  Whig  and  Courier :  "  "  It  will  fill  the  hearts  of  the  people 
with  pride  and  pleasure  to  know  that  our  own  Hamlin,  whose  name  and 
fame  are  as  familiar  to  us  as  household  words,  is  nominated  for  Vice-Pre 
sident."1 

The  views  of  the  honorable  opposition  were  expressed  by  the  "  Bal 
timore  Patriot,"  a  leading  Bell  and  Everett  newspaper  of  Maryland,  in 
the  following  editorial :  — 

"  Mr.  Hamlin  was  always  a  Democrat  until  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  came  up,  when  he  denounced  it  as  an  offense  against  plighted 
faith,  and  in  open  Senate  dissolved  his  connection  with  the  Democratic 
party  and  went  over  to  the  Republicans.  As  a  legislator  his  record  shows 
him  to  be  the  author  of  more  laws  than  any  of  his  compeers  for  the  same 
length  of  time.  He  was  and  is  the  special  friend  of  commerce.  No  man  of 
1  These  are  specimen  extracts  taken  from  scores  that  were  published. 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  349 

any  party  questions  his  high  integrity  of  character,  and  his  sound  and  solid 
judgment  has  always  made  him  a  safe  lawgiver.  Had  Mr.  Fremont  been 
elected  in  the  contest  of  1856,  it  is  understood  that  Mr.  Hamlin  would 
have  been  his  secretary  of  the  treasury.  On  the  slavery  question  he  was 
always  what  the  Democrats  used  to  consider  sound  before  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise.  Of  the  rights  of  the  States  he  is  an  unqualified 
defender." 

The  estimates  that  some  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  colleagues  and  other  pub 
lic  men  placed  on  him  are  interesting.  Salmon  P.  Chase  said,  in  part, 
at  a  Republican  mass  meeting  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  on  May  22  :  "  Of 
the  nominee  for  Vice-President  I  can  say  that  he  is  truly  worthy  of  the 
confidence  reposed  in  him.  I  have  served  with  him  long  in  public  life, 
and  have  known  him  well.  He  has  been  a  lifelong  Democrat  —  not  of 
the  modern  type,  but  of  the  school  of  Jefferson  and  Franklin.  His 
Democracy  is  not  of  the  kind  which  consists  in  subserviency  to  the 
dictates  of  a  slaveholding  class,  and  whose  highest  manifestation  is 
the  alacrity  with  which  its  devotees  will  chase  a  runaway  nigger,  but 
that  Democracy  upon  which  our  institutions  are  based.  ...  I  can 
pronounce  no  higher  eulogium  on  him  than  to  say  that  he  is  worthy 
of  association  upon  the  same  ticket  with  Abraham  Lincoln."  Horace 
Greeley  said  at  a  Republican  ratification  in  New  York  city,  on  May 
22  :  "I  know  Mr.  Hamlin,  our  candidate  for  Vice-President.  He  is 
a  very  unassuming,  mild-mannered,  but  a  very  able  man.  .  .  .  Both  of 
these  men,  Lincoln  and  Hamlin,  have  polled  the  highest  vote  ever 
polled  in  their  two  several  States."  Charles  Sumner  spoke  at  the 
Republican  ratification  meeting  at  Cooper  Union,  July  11,  and  paid 
this  tribute :  "  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  whose  clear  head,  firm 
principles,  and  ample  experience  none  who  sat  with  him  in  the  Sen 
ate  can  contest."  On  May  29,  Ben  Wade  said  at  a  ratification  meet 
ing  in  Washington  :  "  No  superior  in  wisdom  and  integrity  to  Hanni 
bal  Hamlin  can  be  found." 

The  Maine  Republicans  had  expected  that  Mr.  Seward  would  be 
nominated,  and  were  disappointed  at  the  news  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
been  placed  at  the  head  of  the  ticket.  But  when  they  heard  that 
Senator  Hamlin  had  been  taken  for  Vice-President  there  was  great 
enthusiasm  all  over  the  State,  and  crowds  cheered  and  bonfires 
burned  late  into  the  next  morning.  The  following  letter  from  Elijah 
L.  Hamlin,  the  senator's  brother,  is  a  volume  in  itself.  It  told  how 
the  nominations  were  received  in  Bangor :  — 

"  DEAR  BROTHER,  —  On  Friday  afternoon,  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
for  President  was  announced  here.  About  four  o'clock,  one  hundred  guns 
were  fired,  and  in  the  evening  a  large  bonfire  was  made  in  West  Market 
Square.  The  band  of  music  was  on  hand,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  city 
and  adjacent  towns  filled  the  streets.  During  the  evening  a  dispatch 


350  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

was  received  from  Belfast,  stating  that  Banks  was  nominated  for  Vice-Pre- 
sident,  and  was  pretty  generally  believed.  The  whole  affair  passed  off  very 
well,  although  the  Republicans  were  generally  somewhat  disappointed  at 
the  result,  their  preference  being  for  Seward. 

"  About  twelve  o'clock  I  was  awakened  by  a  crowd  about  my  house 
shouting  your  nomination  for  Vice-President.  s  Augustus  l  and  I  had  to  get 
up,  and  upon  opening  the  door,  the  outsiders  rushed  into  the  house  with 
loud  cheers.  After  partaking  of  some  refreshments,  Augustus  found  a 
swivel  and  some  powder,  and  a  salute  was  fired  in  honor  of  the  nomination. 

"There  was  a  call  for  some  wadding  for  the  gun.  John  Wingate  tore 
off  a  piece  of  his  pantaloons  for  wadding  and  continued  to  furnish  wadding 
in  the  same  way,  and  when  the  firing  was  over  he  had  nothing  left  of  his 
pantaloons  but  the  waistbands.  When  the  firing  commenced  in  the  after 
noon,  Wingate  was  fishing  on  your  old  grounds  beyond  Ecldington.  Upon 
hearing  the  first  gun,  he  says,  he  gave  such  a  jump  and  shout  for  the  Re 
publican  nomination  that  he  broke  his  watch  crystal  all  to  smash,  and  he 
produced  the  watch  to  show  it.  He  immediately  started  for  home,  having 
some  ways  to  come  on  foot,  and  in  his  hurry  he  damaged  his  pantaloons 
badly.  He  came  into  the  city  about  twelve  o'clock,  at  about  the  same  time 
of  the  news  of  your  nomination,  and  he  said  he  would  make  a  burnt  offer 
ing  of  his  pantaloons,  and  so  had  them  fired  off  in  wadding  the  gun.  Win- 
gate's  performance  has  made  a  good  deal  of  fun,  and  he  says  he  is  ready 
to  be  fired  off  himself  if  he  could  only  kill  the  Democratic  party. 

"  Two  drums  were  obtained,  and  the  crowd  then  went  to  the  mayor's, 
Hollis  Bowman,  then  to  Wingate's,  the  street  commissioner,  and  so  on  to 
other  places  until  near  sunrise.  The  nomination  was  everywhere  enthusi 
astically  received,  and  in  some  cases,  persons  came  out  just  as  they  came 
out  of  bed.  The  Democrats  complain  that  they  had  no  sleep  the  last  part 
of  the  night,  there  was  such  an  infernal  uproar  in  the  streets. 

"  There  is  to  be  a  demonstration  made  in  Hampden  this  afternoon,  and 
I  and  others  intend  going  down. 

"  The  nomination  takes  well.  The  Democrats  are  sulky.  Some  have 
been  heard  to  say  that  it  will  be  of  no  use  to  oppose  the  ticket. 

"  I  would  congratulate  you  on  the  nomination,  for  whether  elected  or 
not,  it  is  highly  complimentary  to  you  and  our  State." 

Another  characteristic  and  interesting  note  was  from  the  senator's 
sister,  Mrs.  Vesta  Holmes,  of  Calais,  Maine.  She  wrote  in  part  :- 

"  I  have  been  thinking  that  it  would  be  highly  proper  for  me  to  write 
you  a  line  upon  this  uncommonly  interesting  occasion,  but  whether  it  should 
be  one  of  congratulation  or  condolence,  it  is  not  easy  to  decide.  Do  you 
remember  old  Pat  Carey,  who  used  to  live  in  Paris,  when  we  were  children, 
and  the  story  he  used  to  tell  of  having  his  fortune  told  when  he  was  a 
young  man  ?  —  that  in  his  old  age  he  was  to  ride  in  his  carriage,  on  the 
doors  of  which  was  to  be  the  motto,  '  Who  'd  have  thought  it '  ?  Now  it 
seems  to  me  if  you  should  ever  arrive  at  the  honor  of  being  Vice- President 
1  His  son,  Dr.  Augustus  C.  Hamlin. 


LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  351 

the  same  motto  might  not  be  inappropriate.  When  I  first  heard  of  the 
nomination  I  could  not  believe  it,  it  took  me  so  by  surprise.  But  when  I 
heard  bells  ringing,  guns  firing,  and  men  shouting,  I  took  it  for  a  fact.  It 
is  common  to  hear  people  complain  of  the  ingratitude  of  the  world  for 
services  rendered,  but  it  will  hardly  apply  to  you,  fcr  what  Shakespeare 
says  about  there  being  '  a  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men  '  seems  to  be  fulfilled 
in  you.  You  shall  have  my  best  wishes  for  your  success,  and  a  vote  if  I 
had  one." 

On  May  30  Mr.  Hamlin  made  public  his  letter  of  acceptance,  which 
was  as  follows  :  — 

"GENTLEMEN,  —  Your  official  communication  of  the  i8th  inst,  informing 
me  that  the  representatives  of  the  Republican  party  of  the  United  States, 
assembled  at  Chicago  on  that  day,  had  by  unanimous  vote  selected  me  as 
their  candidate  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  has 
been  received,  together  with  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the  convention  as 
its  declaration  of  principles.  These  resolutions  enunciate  clearly  and  forci 
bly  the  principles  which  unite  us,  and  the  objects  proposed  to  be  accom 
plished.  They  address  themselves  to  all,  and  there  is  neither  necessity  nor 
propriety  in  entering  upon  a  discussion  of  any  of  them.  They  have  the 
approval  of  my  judgment,  and  in  any  action  of  mine  will  be  faithfully  and 
cordially  sustained.  I  am  profoundly  grateful  to  those  with  whom  it  is  my 
pride  to  cooperate  for  the  nomination  so  unexpectedly  conferred.  And  I 
desire  to  tender  through  you  to  the  members  of  the  convention  my  sincere 
thanks  for  the  confidence  thus  reposed  in  me.  Should  the  nomination 
which  I  now  accept  be  ratified  by  the  people,  and  the  duties  devolved  on 
me  of  presiding  over  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  it  will  be  my  earnest 
endeavor  faithfully  to  discharge  them  with  a  just  regard  for  the  rights 
of  all. 

"  It  is  to  be  observed  in  connection  with  the  doings  of  the  Republican 
convention,  that  the  paramount  object  with  us  is  to  preserve  the  normal 
conditions  of  our  territorial  domains  as  homes  for  freemen.  The  able  advo 
cate  and  defender  of  Republican  principles  whom  you  have  named  for  the 
highest  place  that  can  gratify  the  ambition  of  man  comes  from  a  State 
which  has  been  made  what  it  is  by  the  special  action  in  that  respect  by  the 
wise  and  good  men  who  founded  our  institutions.  The  rights  of  free  labor 
have  been  there  vindicated  and  maintained.  The  thrift  and  enterprise 
which  so  distinguish  Illinois,  one  of  the  most  flourishing  States  of  the 
glorious  West,  we  would  see  secured  to  all  the  territories  of  the  Union,  and 
restore  peace  and  harmony  to  the  whole  country  by  bringing  back  the 
government  to  what  it  was  under  the  wise  and  patriotic  men  who  created 
it.  If  the  Republicans  shall  succeed  in  that  object,  as  they  hope  to,  they 
will  be  held  in  grateful  remembrance  by  the  busy  and  teeming  millions  of 
the  future  ages.  I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

"  H.  HAMLIN. 
"  To  the  Hox.  GEORGE  ASHMUX, 

"  President  of  the  Convention,  and  others  of  the  Committee." 


CHAPTER   XXVIII 

ELECTION    OF    LINCOLN    AND    HAMLIN 
f — 

THERE  were  four  tickets  in  the  presidential  campaign  of  1860,  and 
it  is  a  significant  circumstance  that  they  represented  all  shades  of 
convictions  and  attitudes  on  the  slavery  issue  save  abolition.  This 
is  to  be  borne  in  mind,  in  order  to  appreciate  the  extreme  partisan 
ship  of  the  slaveholding  oligarchy  in  trying  to  justify  secession  by 
claiming  that  the  North  waged  war  upon  the  institution  of  slavery. 
Lincoln  and  Hamlin  were  nominated  on  a  platform  that  declared 
only  against  the  extension  of  slavery  into  Northern  soil,  and  which 
also  recognized  the  rights  of  the  individual  States  to  manage  their 
domestic  affairs,  —  slavery  being  one  in  the  South.  Breckinridge 
and  Lane,  who  represented  the  Southern  Democracy,  declared  that 
slavery  was  a  national  institution,  and  that  no  power  could  prevent  a 
slaveholder  from  taking  his  "property"  wherever  he  pleased.  The 
Northern  Democracy,  led  by  Douglas  and  Johnson,  professed  to  be 
lieve  that  only  the  Supreme  Court  could  decide  whether  slavery  might 
exist  in  the  territories,  and  therefore  was  the  compromise  party.  The 
so-called  Unionists  presented  Bell  and  Everett  as  their  candidates, 
and,  dodging  the  issue  of  slavery,  pointed  to  the  Constitution  as  their 
guide. 

The  official  attitude  of  the  Republican  party  was  constitutional, 
republican,  generous,  frank,  and  consistent.  That  of  the  Democracy 
was  unconstitutional,  unrepublican,  arrogant,  and  inconsistent.  The 
position  of  the  Unionists  gained  them  the  somewhat  irreverent  title 
of  the  Respectable  Old  Gentlemen's  Party.  The  Republicans,  how 
ever,  were  assailed  as  an  unconstitutional,  sectional,  and  unnational 
party.  But  was  it  unconstitutional  for  them  to  insist  that  all  the 
States  should  have  the  right  to  regulate  their  own  domestic  affairs  ? 
Was  this  a  sectional,  an  unrepublican  policy  ?  The  Republicans  sim 
ply  insisted  that  the  South  should  be  allowed  to  regulate  the  affairs 
of  slavery  within  its  borders  under  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution ; 
at  the  same  time  it  demanded  equal  right  for  the  Northern  States  to 
exclude  slavery  from  their  soil  under  the  provision  of  the  Constitu 
tion  that  gave  them  the  same  right  to  manage  their  own  affairs.  But, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  pro-slavery  Democracy,  representing  a  minority 
people,  insisted  that  they  had  a  right  to  force  a  thing  on  a  majority 


ELECTION   OF   LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  353 

people  who  did  not  want  it.  Was  this  in  accordance  with  the  con 
stitutional  principle  that  the  majority  shall  rule?  The  Republicans 
maintained  that  the  United  States  "was  a  nation,"  and  that  Congress 
could  enforce  the  laws  and  must  respect  the  rights  of  the  States. 
The  pro-slavery  Democracy  said  that  the  United  States  "were  a  con 
federacy,"  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  legislate  on  slavery  in  the 
territories,  and  that  the  State  had  no  right  to  do  so.  Which  was  the 
Republican,  National,  and  State  Rights  party  in  the  true  sense  of 
these  terms  ? 

The  conduct  of  the  Republican  party  throughout  the  campaign  was 
consistent  with  its  principles  and  pledges.  It  encouraged  free  speech 
and  a  fair  ballot.  Men  who  were  already  plotting  against  the  life  of 
the  government  spoke  throughout  the  North,  and  were  courteously 
received.  The  Breckinridge  party  was  organized  in  every  Northern 
State,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  disorganize  it.  Was  there  any 
thing  of  an  unconstitutional  or  sectional  nature  about  this  ?  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Republican  party  did  not  present  an  electoral  ticket 
in  the  slaveholding  States,  only  because  its  adherents  there  were 
threatened  with  violence  if  they  should  support  the  party.  Worse 
than  that,  the  lives  of  some  Union  men  were  taken  to  intimidate 
others.  Incredible  as  it  may  seem  now,  there  were  slavery  leaders 
who  boasted  of  this  in  public.  Proof  is  abundant.  Only  one  inci 
dent  may  be  cited.  Thomas  L.  Clingman  said,  in  the  United  States 
Senate  at  this  period,  "  The  senator  from  Texas  told  me  the  other 
day  that  a  good  many  of  those  debaters  (Republicans)  were  hanging 
up  by  the  trees  in  that  country."  But  this  contrast  between  the 
parties  of  freedom  and  slavery  has  been  carried  far  enough  to  show 
that  the  latter  was  the  offender  in  the  very  things  it  charged  against 
the  former.  Yet  the  strongest  indictment  against  the  Southern  Demo-v'  - 
cracy  is  the  fact  that  it  broke  up  its  own  party  and  originated  .this 
campaign  of  misrepresentation  and  abuse,  to  facilitate  the  secession 
movement  that  was  now  on  foot  at  the  South. 

The  Republicans  entered  on  the  campaign  in  the  belief  that  Lin 
coln  and  Hamlin  would  be  elected,  and  that  the  South  would  acquiesce. 
But  before  long  the  intense  feeling  at  the  South,  which  at  first  ex 
pressed  itself  in  dividing  the  Democracy,  took  a  more  sinister  mean 
ing  than  a  party  factional  quarrel,  and  a  conviction  grew  at  the  North 
that  the  South  did  not  intend  to  accept  Mr.  Lincoln's  election.  With 
slavery  storming  at  the  gates  of  the  North  since  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  and  now  threatening  to  deny  Mr.  Lincoln  as 
President,  the  feeling  grew  at  the  North  that  the  final  test  had  better 
come  for  supremacy  between  the  two  sections.  The  South  hitherto, 
although  the  minority  section  of  the  country,  had  named  every  Presi 
dent,  controlled  the  Supreme  Court  and  Congress,  and  in  the  main 


354  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

had  dictated  the  policy  of  the  government.  The  slaves  had  increased 
to  four  millions,  and  their  salable  value  was  alone  estimated  at  two 
thousand  millions  of  dollars.  But  they  represented  more  than  money  ; 
they  were  the  basis  of  Southern  political  power,  social  prestige,  and 
institutions.  The  Northern  masses  now  saw  the  practical  danger  as 
well  as  the  moral  nature  of  the  problem  that  confronted  them.  If 
slavery  should  be  established  among  them,  they  would  be  reduced  to 
the  grade  of  serfs  and  the  civilization  of  their  country  changed.  So 
slavery  was  no  longer  a  phantom  of  the  politicians,  but  an  ugly, 
threatening  intruder  that  was  now  before  them.  It  was  to  be  stopped, 
and  so  the  Northern  masses  began  to  flock  to  the  standard  of  the 
Republican  party. 

The  frightful  storm  of  misrepresentation  and  abuse  that  was  poured 
out  on  the  Republican  party  and  its  standard-bearers  by  the  secession 
leaders  was  what  convinced  the  Northern  people  that  there  was  a 
grave  danger  in  the  future.  In  no  presidential  campaign  have  a  party 
and  its  nominees  been  so  atrociously  maligned  and  misrepresented 
as  in  that  of  1860.  The  Republicans  were  denounced  as  "Black 
Republicans,"  " nigger  worshipers,"  "fanatics,"  and  "abolitionists." 
Lincoln  and  Hamlin  were  reviled  in  terms  that  seem  incredible.  One 
was  called  the  "  man  ape  "  and  a  "  Southern  renegade  ;"  the  other,  a 
"nigger"  or  "mulatto,"  and  a  "Democratic  traitor."  This,  too,  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  the  honorable  political  opponents  of  each  man 
had  testified  to  his  character,  ability,  and  antecedents.  But  it  was  a 
part  of  a  scheme  to  "fire  the  Southern  heart,"  in  order  to  prepare 
the  Southern  people  for  the  secession  movement  that  was  to  be 
started  after  the  election.  This  is  an  unpleasant  subject,  and  might 
be  overlooked  out  of  charity  to  the  mistaken  people  who  were  led  to 
believe  these  lies  by  unscrupulous  conspirators,  who  took  this  course 
to  deceive  them  into  the  gigantic  mistake  of  the  age.  But  there  were 
circumstances  connected  with  the  defamation  of  Mr.  Hamlin  that 
make  it  necessary  to  fix  the  responsibility.  R.  Barnwell  Rhett,  of 
South  Carolina,  was  the  author  of  this  miserable  business.  The  fol 
lowing  extract  from  a  speech  he  made  at  Charleston,  on  July  9,  1 860, 
is  an  instructive  example  of  the  means  employed  to  "  fire  the  hearts 
of  the  South  :  "  - 

"  If  the  Black  Republicans,"  said  Rhett,  "  succeed  in  electing  Lincoln 
and  Hamlin,  who  openly  advocate  that  slavery  be  abolished  throughout  the 
whole  world,  then  we  have  to  look  to  ourselves.  Hamlin  is  what  we  call  a 
mulatto.  He  has  black  blood  in  him,  and  let  me  tell  you  that  it  is  his  nomi 
nation  that  has  a  remarkable  peculiarity.  The  Northern  people  take  that 
man  in  consequence  of  his  peculiarity.  I  see  it  stated  in  the  papers 
that  he  is  a  mulatto.  I  can  only  say  that  some  state  it  as  a  reason  why  that 
man  is  taken  up,  in  consequence  of  the  spite  and  malignity  manifested 


ELECTION  OF  LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  355 

towards  us.  But  they  design  to  place  over  the  South  a  man  who  has  negro 
blood  in  his  veins.  They  put  a  renegade  Southron  on  one  side  for  Presi 
dent,  and  they  put  a  man  of  colored  blood  on  the  other  side  of  the  ticket 
for  Vice-President,  of  the  United  States.  This  was  a  sectional  convention. 
They  nominated  men  upon  a  sectional  principle,  with  not  a  single  Southern 
State  represented  among  them.  They  proposed  a  platform  of  principles 
utterly  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  by  which 
their  rules  should  be  governed." 

Mr.  Hamlin's  swarthy  complexion  furnished  the  pretext  for  coming 
this  miserable  falsehood,  and  Rhett's  responsibility  in  standing  as  spon 
sor  for  the  lie  made  him  more  culpable  than  the  ignorant  inventor. 
He  had  sat  in  the  House  and  the  Senate  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  could 
see  at  a  glance  that  there  was  nothing  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  physiognomy 
that  betrayed  the  presence  of  African  blood.  He  had  seen  the  cor 
dial  personal  relations  that  had  long  existed  between  Mr.  Hamlin  and 
Davis,  Cobb,  Hunter,  and  many  other  Southerners  of  high  social 
status.  He  had  also  seen  many  a  man  in  Congress  who  was  as  dark 
as  Mr.  Hamlin  and  whose  ancestry  no  one  had  dreamed  of  ques 
tioning.  An  amusing  incident  is  peculiarly  apropos.  Mr.  Hamlin 
and  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  bore  a  striking  resemblance  to 
each  other,  and  Mr.  Hunter  was  fully  as  swarthy  as  Mr.  Hamlin. 
They  were  often  taken  for  each  other.  On  one  occasion  a  ludicrous 
blunder  was  made.  A  pro-slavery  scheme  was  before  the  Senate. 
Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  happen  to  be  in  his  seat.  Mr.  Hunter,  who  was 
present,  voted  for  it.  A  correspondent  for  a  Northern  newspaper 
thought  that  it  was  Mr.  Hamlin  who  voted,  and  telegraphed  his  newspa 
per  that  "  Hannibal  Hamlin  had  supported  a  rank  pro-slavery  scheme." 
This  sudden  conversion  of  Mr.  Hamlin  into  a  pro-slavery  man  and 
Mr.  Hunter  into  an  anti-slavery  man  created  roars  of  laughter  in  the 
Senate  the  next  day,  and  the  two  were  facetiously  called  the  Senato 
rial  Dromios  by  some  of  their  mischievous  colleagues.  But  no  one 
called  Mr.  Hunter  a  "mulatto."  He  was  a  Democrat  and  a  seces 
sionist.  When  Mr.  Hamlin  was  a  Democrat  he  was  known  favorably 
among  the  Southern  wing  of  his  party  as  the  "  Old  Carthaginian  of 
Maine."  But  now  that  he  was  a  Republican,  he  was  transformed, 
through  eyes  colored  by  passion  and  prejudice,  into  a  veritable 
African. 

Rhett's  speeches  unfortunately  had  their  effect  on  the  Southern 
masses.  They  were  spread  broadcast  throughout  that  section  of  the 
country  by  a  raging  press  and  infuriated  stump  orators,  who  were 
moving  spirits  in  the  conspiracy  to  take  the  South  out  of  the  Union. 
The  slander  was  believed  by  thousands,  although  it  was  repeatedly 
exposed,  and  was  not  countenanced  by  Jefferson  Davis,  Hunter,  Cobb, 
and  other  secession  leaders,  who  knew  its  falsity  and  would  not  identify 


356  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

themselves  with  such  abominable  tactics.  It  is  easy  to  see  how  the 
thought  that  a  "  nigger  "  or  a  "  mulatto  "  would  be  the  next  Vice-Pre 
sident  could  operate  to  enrage  a  people  who  were  already  in  an  excited 
frame  of  mind  over  the  constant  and  inflammatory  recitals  of  alleged 
wrongs  done  the  South.  The  incident  must  therefore  have  its  due 
weight  acknowledged  in  balancing  up  the  things  that  precipitated  a 
terribly  deceived  people  into  a  bloody  war.  It  also  exposes  the  nature 
of  some  of  the  men  who  were  active  in  setting  events  moving  to  bring 
on  secession.  Rhett  was  of  the  baser  kind  of  men,  and  the  kind  of 
man  to  do  this  kind  of  dirty  things.  Although  he  professed  to  pride 
himself  on  his  "  aristocratic  lineage/'  his  name,  and  connection  with 
South  Carolina,  yet  his  right  name  was  Smith,  and  he  was  born  in 
North  Carolina.  It  was  his  boast  that  he  was  the  "  Father  of  the 
Confederacy,"  yet  when  the  leaders  of  that  affair  were  measured  by 
the  crisis,  Rhett  found  himself  a  prophet  without  honor  in  his  country, 
and  slunk  into  comparative  obscurity. 

The  official  tone  of  the  Republican  campaign,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  moderate,  considering  the  circumstances.  Mr.  Lincoln's  admir 
able  bearing  and  prudent  utterances  are  familiar  history,  and  need 
not  be  reviewed.  Mr.  Hamlin's  course  is  now  of  peculiar  interest.  He 
made  several  speeches,  and  also  took  a  very  active,  although  incon 
spicuous,  part  in  the  Maine  campaign,  which  was  the  opening  gun  in 
the  great  battle.  His  first  speech  was  made  at  Washington,  on  May 
30,  before  the  Republican  Association  of  that  city,  and  was  the  offi 
cial  opening  of  the  campaign  at  the  national  capital.  Mr.  Hamlin 
said,  — 

"  Concurring  fully  with  you  in  the  great  principles  which  have  united  us 
in  political  association,  I  am  pleased  to  meet  you  on  this  occasion,  and  I 
unite  my  voice  with  you  most  cordially  in  a  tribute  to  a  common  cause.  You 
have  assembled  to  congratulate  each  other  upon  the  doings  of  our  recent 
convention  at  Chicago.  Of  that  position  which  has  been  assigned  to  me, 
you  will  allow  me  to  say  that,  while  I  feel  profoundly  grateful  for  the  honor 
it  confers,  and  am  duly  sensible  of  the  obligation  it  imposes,  it  was  neither 
sought,  expected,  nor  even  desired.  But  as  it  has  come  unsolicited,  it 
leaves  me  no  alternative  but  to  accept  the  responsibilities  which  attach  to  it, 
with  an  earnest  hope  that  a  cause  more  important  than  any  man  will  receive 
no  detriment  at  my  hands. 

"  But  you  have  come  to  pay  a  tribute  to  our  standard-bearer,  who  has 
been  taken  from  the  great  West,  where  the  star  of  empire  is  culminating,  — 
a  man  of  comprehensive  and  vigorous  intellect,  and  fully  equal  to  the  po 
sition  assigned  him.  The  architect  of  his  own  fortunes,  he  comes  to  us 
emphatically  a  representative  man  •  not  only  a  representative  man  and  an 
able  and  earnest  exponent  of  Republican  principles,  but  also  as  identified 
with  the  laboring  and  industrial  classes.  Having  from  early  life  to  the 
maturity  of  manhood  devoted  himself  to  physical  labor,  he  can,  as  he  does, 


ELECTION   OF  LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  357 

but  feel  a  keener  sense  of  the  rights  of  labor.  He  stands  before  the  coun 
try,  too,  with  a  high  moral  character  upon  which  even  a  suspicion  was  never 
breathed,  and  with  a  political  integrity  above  reproach.  The  objects  de 
sired  by  the  Republicans  in  the  pending  election,  and  the  obligations  im 
posed  on  our  candidate,  are  to  bring  back  the  government  to  the  principles 
and  practices  of  its  fathers  and  founders,  and  to  administer  it  in  the  light 
of  their  wisdom  and  example ;  to  aid  our  commerce,  to  send  it  out  upon 
distant  seas,  and  to  prepare  for  it  havens  in  its  distress  and  on  its  return  ;  to 
infuse  new  life  and  energy  into  all  the  productive  and  industrial  pursuits  of 
the  whole  country.  We  must  not  forget  that  the  prosperity  of  every  country 
must  repose  upon  productive  industry.  Labor  it  is,  and  labor  alone,  that 
builds  and  navigates  our  ships,  delves  in  our  mines,  makes  music  in  our 
workshops,  clears  away  the  forest,  and  makes  the  hillside  blossom  as  the 
rose.  It  maintains  our  government  and  upholds  the  world  in  its  prosper 
ity  and  advancement.  Surely,  then,  it  should  challenge  and  demand  the 
rights  of  the  government  it  thus  sustains. 

"  To  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  with  the  full  and  just  rights  of 
the  States  secured,  —  the  States  themselves  not  interfering  with  the  princi 
ples  of  liberty  and  humanity  in  the  territories,  —  and  to  save  our  original 
territorial  domain  for  the  homesteads  of  the  free  —  there  are  the  great 
principles  for  which  we  have  united  to  sustain  and  advance.  That  done  our 
government  will  remain  a  blessing  to  all,  and  our  country  a  refuge  in  which 
the  man  of  every  creed  and  clime  may  enjoy  the  securities  and  privileges 
of  institutions  of  freedom  regulated  only  by  law." 

In  June  Mr.  Hamlin  returned  to  Maine,  where  he  had  a  royal  wel 
come,  and  found  the  State  in  a  blaze  of  Republican  enthusiasm.  The 
Republicans  began  the  campaign  well  by  nominating  Israel  Wash- 
burn,  Jr.,  for  governor.  He  was  unquestionably  the  best  man  to  lead 
the  party.  While  he  did  not  enjoy  the  larger  fame  that  fell  to  the 
lot  of  his  more  distinguished  brother,  Elihu,  he  was  nevertheless  one 
of  the  strongest  of  the  anti-slavery  leaders  of  his  time,  and  in  the 
qualities  of  honesty,  sincerity,  courage,  and  public  spirit  he  was  a 
great  man.  He  had  served  several  terms  in  the  House,  where  he  took 
a  high  rank  and  obtained  a  national  reputation.  It  is  to  Governor 
Washburn's  credit,  that  right  after  the  Missouri  Compromise  was 
repealed  he  promptly  invited  the  anti-slavery  members  of  Congress  to 
his  house,  and  suggested  that  a  new  political  organization  should  be 
formed  under  the  title  of  the  Republican  party.  The  invaluable  ser 
vices  Washburn  rendered  to  Maine  and  the  Union,  when  he  was  the 
chief  magistrate  of  the  Pine  Tree  State,  entitle  him  to  rank  with  John 
A.  Andrew  and  Oliver  P.  Morton,  as  one  of  the  great  war  governors  of 
the  North.  But  other  nominations  in  this  contest  were  not  so  favor 
able  to  success,  and  as  he  was  not  to  be  misled  by  appearances,  Mr. 
Hamlin  resolved  to  familiarize  himself  with  the  situation,  and  see  that 
the  party  was  not  taken  off  its  guard,  or  deceived  by  over-confidence. 


358  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Mr.  Hamlin  accordingly  visited  several  sections  of  the  State,  and 
at  the  same  time  made  a  few  speeches  which  demand  a  little  atten 
tion.  In  some  remarks  he  made  at  Portland  on  June  26,  he  empha 
sized  the  importance  of  a  good  homestead  law,  the  necessity  of  an 
adequate  tariff,  and  the  inconsistency  of  the  slavery  party  on  the 
Kansas  question.  But  the  most  interesting*  occasion  in  this  tour  of 
inspection  was  a  celebration  at  Mr.  Hamlin's  old  home,  Paris  Hill, 
on  July  10.  The  friends  of  his  boyhood,  and  the  people  of  Oxford 
County  in  general,  took  a  natural  pride  in  his  success.  To  quote  a 
contemporaneous  writer,  "  There  were  five  thousand  people  present, 
and  as  they  poured  up  the  hills  it  seemed  as  if  the  votaries  of  freedom 
were  ascending  the  mountains  of  the  Switzerland  of  New  England  to 
pledge  themselves  anew  in  the  course  of  liberty."  Mr.  Hamlin  ad 
dressed  the  audience  on  the  green  in  front  of  his  father's  old  home, 
standing  under  the  noble  elms  that  he,  as  a  boy,  had  planted  many 
years  before.  Mr.  Washburn,  Elijah  L.  Hamlin,  Anson  Burlingame, 
ex-Congressman  Charles  J.  Gilman,  R.  K.  Goodenow,  a  former  boy 
hood  friend  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  had  served  with  him  in  Congress, 
and  General  John  J.  Perry,  another  Oxford  County  friend,  who  had 
likewise  gone  with  him  to  Washington,  were  the  principal  speakers. 
It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Stewart  L.  Woodford,  later  United  States 
minister  to  Spain,  on  this  occasion  made  one  of  his  first  speeches  in 
Maine. 

Mr.  Hamlin  evidently  intended  to  speak  chiefly  of  personal  things. 
He  alluded  to  the  familiar  scene  before  him  that  was  hallowed  with 
the  recollections  of  his  early  days,  and  pointing  to  the  glorious  moun 
tains,  he  began  :  — 

"  Liberty  dwells  among  the  hills  and  valleys  of  all  countries,  and 
true  hearts  are  nurtured  in  such  regions." 

At  this  point  an  envious  and  bitter  Hunker  broke  out :  — 

"  If  you  are  true  why  did  you  change  ?  " 

Mr.  Hamlin  turned  on  him,  and  retorted  :  — 

"  I  learned  my  Democracy  at  the  feet  of  the  Sage  of  Monticello,  where 
I  learned  that  personal  rights  should  be  protected  before  those  of  property, 
and  where  I  was  taught  that  the  Almighty  had  no  attitude  that  could  take 
sides  with  the  slaveholder.  He  taught,  too,  that  which  every  man  who  has 
a  soul  in  him  knows  to  be  true,  that  forcing  one  man  to  be  the  slave  of 
another  is  wrong  in  principle,  —  wrong  in  the  United  States,  wrong  every 
where.  I  have  always  been  true  to  these  principles,  and  I  challenge  any 
man  to  show  to  the  contrary.  I  think  I  know  the  difference  between  party 
principle  and  party  name,  and  from  a  sense  of  duty  and  right  I  go  for 
principle.  I  cannot  abandon  principle  if  I  would,  and  I  would  not  if  I 
could.  Every  man  has  the  principle  of  liberty  in  him  if  it  is  not  killed  out 
by  prejudice.  That  man  before  me  cannot  go  to  his  home  to-night,  lay  his 


ELECTION   OF  LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  359 

head  upon  his  pillow,  and  reflect  carefully  on  the  right  and  wrong  of  the 
great  questions  of  freedom  and  slavery,  without  feeling  that  there  is  a  mon 
itor  here  within,  telling  him  that  principle  is  before  prejudice,  and  that  he 
should  follow  right  and  principle  instead  of  party  and  prejudice." 

Another  incident  of  personal  interest  and  of  an  amusing  nature  was 
told  around  the  State  in  the  early  stages  of  the  campaign.  An  eccen 
tric  individual  declared  his  intention  of  voting  against  Mr.  Hamlin, 
though  he  had  known  him  for  years,  and  regarded  him  as  a  satisfac 
tory  senator.  "  I  ain't  going  to  vote  for  Hannibal  Hamlin,"  he  said, 
"because  he  and  I  went  in  swimming  together  when  we  wuz  boys." 
He  seemed  to  have  the  idea  that  a  man  who  in  his  youth  indulged  in 
this  essentially  common  pastime,  thereby  degraded  himself  and  ren 
dered  himself  unfit  for  the  exalted  office  of  Vice- President. 

Mr.  Hamlin  soon  became  dissatisfied  with  the  management  of  the 
campaign  in  Maine,  and  apprehensive  of  a  smaller  Republican  majority 
than  the  party  ought  to  command.  To  use  a  familiar  expression,  he 
found  that  the  Republicans  were  "  doing  all  the  shouting,"  while  the 
Democrats  were  "  doing  all  the  work."  The  latter,  of  course,  had  no 
expectations  of  carrying  the  State ;  they  did  hope,  however,  that  they 
might  take  advantage  of  the  over-confident  feeling  that  existed  among 
the  Republicans  and  reduce  Washburn's  majority  below  the  expected 
figure.  For  this  reason  Douglas  was  induced  to  make  some  speeches 
in  Maine,  and  his  presence  seemed  to  arouse  a  considerable  show  of 
enthusiasm  among  his  supporters  in  the  State.  Mr.  Hamlin  promptly 
called  the  managers  of  his  party  together,  and  in  plain  and  emphatic 
speech  showed  them  the  necessity  of  making  a  closer  and  better  sys 
tematized  campaign.  He  also  wrote  some  letters  to  national  leaders, 
arousing  them  to  the  importance  of  lending  their  help  to  the  cam 
paign,  to  set  it  in  vigorous  motion.  The  Republicans  then  came  down 
to  hard  work  and  fought  with  their  eyes  open.  The  result  was  the 
party  acquitted  itself  with  credit  and  was  not  caught  off  its  guard  as 
it  was  in  the  Garfield  campaign  twenty  years  later. 

The  picturesque  feature  of  the  campaign  was  the  participation  of 
the  Wide  Awakes,  a  uniformed  army  of  Republicans  who  were  num 
bered  by  tens  of  thousands,  and  were  indeed  a  marching  and  singing 
host  of  great  importance  to  the  Republican  cause.  They  imparted  a 
breezy  enthusiasm  to  the  Republican  masses,  and  their  banners,  de 
vices,  and  songs  struck  a  great  popular  chord.  On  their  torches  they 
carried  American  flags,  which  bore  the  pictures  and  names  of  Lincoln 
and  Hamlin.  Other  devices  included  curious  anagrams,  to  show  that 
the  names  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  were  forever  associated.  Thus  :  — 

Abra/Hamlin/coln 

or 

Ham-Lin 
Lin-coin 


360  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

The  songs  are  interesting  reminiscences  of  these  stirring  times,  and 
several  are  presented.  The  following  verses  were  sung  by  a  Lincoln 
and  Hamlin  Glee  Club,  at  a  ratification  meeting  in  Cooper  Union,  at 
New  York  city,  on  June  7.  They  were  more  prophetic  than  they 
seemed. 

T  ^ 

The  war  armies  are  beating, 
Prepare  for  the  fight ; 
The  people  are  gathering 
In  strength  and  in  might. 
Fling  out  your  broad  banner 
Against  the  blue  sky, 
With  Lincoln  and  Hamlin 
We  '11  conquer  or  die. 


The  clarion  is  sounding 
From  inland  to  shore, 
Your  sword  and  your  lances 
Must  slumber  no  more ; 
The  slave-driving  millions, 
See  how  they  fly  ! 
With  Lincoln  and  Hamlin 
We  '11  conquer  or  die. 

3- 

March  forth  to  the  battle, 
All  fearless  and  calm  ; 
The  strength  of  your  spirit 
Throw  into  your  arm ; 
With  ballots  for  bullets, 
Let  this  be  your  cry, 
"  With  Lincoln  and  Hamlin 
We  '11  conquer  or  die." 

"Lincoln  and  Hamlin!     God  bless  them,"  was  the  title  of  another 
popular  song,  sung  to  the  tune  "  Columbia,  the  Gem  of  the  Ocean," 

and  was  as  follows  :  — 

i. 

There  's  a  sound  like  the  surges  of  ocean, 
Or  winds  sweeping  forest  and  lea ; 
It  comes  from  a  nation  in  motion  — 
From  the  millions  who  Ve  sworn  to  be  free ! 
There  are  thoughts,  beyond  words,  which  impress  them, 
As  they  shout  with  enraptured  applause, 
"  Here  's  to  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  !     God  bless  them ! 
And  bless,  too,  our  country  and  cause  !  " 

CHORUS. 

And  bless,  too,  our  country  and  cause ! 
And  bless,  too,  our  country  and  cause  ! 
Here 's  to  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  !     God  bless  them  ! 
And  bless,  too,  our  country  and  cause ! 


ELECTION   OF   LINCOLN   AND    HAMLIN  361 

2. 

Through  the  portals  of  death  speak  the  sires, 

Aroused  from  their  haven  of  rest, 

To  kindle  the  slumbering  fires, 

Till  they  glow  in  each  patriot's  breast ! 

They  stretch  out  their  arms  to  caress  them ,  — 

Their  children,  who  honor  their  laws,  — 

And  cry,  "  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  !     God  bless  them  ! 

And  bless,  too,  our  country  and  cause  !  " 

CHORUS  :  And  bless,  too,  our  country  and  cause,  etc. 

3- 

The  future  speaks  out  with  its  voices, 
And  joins  with  the  rest  of  all  time, 
As  it  smiles  with  delight  and  rejoices 
At  a  scene  more  than  grand  — that 's  sublime  ! 
And  vain  is  the  hope  to  suppress  them, 
Or  to  stifle  the  shouts  of  applause, 
Which  cry,  "  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  !     God  bless  them  ! 
And  bless,  too,  our  country  and  cause  !  " 

CHORUS  :  And  bless,  too,  our  country  and  cause,  etc. 

"  God  and  the  Right ! "  is  the  name  of  this  song :  — 

i. 

Hark  !  hark  !  over  mountain,  through  forest  and  vale, 
Borne  along  on  the  wings  of  the  swift-rushing  gale, 
Comes  the  loud  battle-cry  of  men  in  their  might, 
The  watchword  of  freedom,  —  "  God  and  the  right !  " 
Raise  your  banners  high, 
Shout  forth  the  battle-cry, 
"  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  —  God  and  the  right !  " 

2. 

From  Atlantic's  blue  waves  to  the  far  peaceful  ocean, 
The  gathering  hosts  of  the  free  are  in  motion, 
Marching  steadily  onward  to  join  in  the  fight  — 
The  glorious  contest  for  God  and  the  right ! 

Proudly  their  pennants  fly, 

Loud  rings  their  battle-cry, 
."  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  —  God  and  the  right !  " 

3- 

From  the  field  and  the  workshop  the  brave  sons  of  toil, 
With  one  common  object,  —  Free  men  and  free  soil,  — 
With  firm,  steady  hand,  and  with  eye  beaming  bright, 
Press  onward  to  battle  for  God  and  the  right ! 
Onward  the  victory, 
List  to  their  battle-cry, 
"  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  —  God  and  the  right !  " 

4- 

Hark !  through  the  night  the  long  tocsin  is  sounding, 
With  bright,  joyous  hope  each  bosom  is  bounding ; 


362  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Soon  on  us  will  dawn  the  millennial  light, 
The  glorious  reign  of  God  and  the  right ! 
Shout  then  for  liberty, 
Join  in  the  battle-cry, 
"  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  —  God  and  the  right !  " 

Some  stray  verses  may  be  given.  Here  4s  one  from  a  song  sung 
at  a  great  gathering  at  Erie,  Pa.,  on  September  12,  under  the  title  of 
"The  Rising  Tide:"- 

They  come,  they  come,  a  mighty  throng, 
From  mountain  and  valley,  with  joyous  song; 
They  sing  of  the  fathers,  who  made  us  free, 
Of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  and  Liberty. 

Here  is  a  verse  from  a  poem  by  Mrs.  L.  L.  Deming,  entitled,  "Give 
us  Abe,  and  Hamlin,  too  : "  — 

Oh,  hear  ye  not  the  wild  huzzas 

That  come  from  every  State, 
For  honest  Uncle  Abraham 

The  people's  candidate  ? 
He  is  our  choice,  our  nominee, 

A  self-made  man  and  true ; 
We  '11  show  the  Democrats  this  fall 

What  honest  Abe  can  do. 

CHORUS. 

Then  give  us  Abe,  and  Hamlin,  too, 

To  guide  our  gallant  ship ; 
With  stalwart  boys  to  man  the  decks, 

We  '11  have  a  merry  trip. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  interest  in  the  Wide  Awakes  was  manifested  in  a 
characteristic  manner,  which  threw  more  light  on  his  perfect  belief 
in  democracy.  He  not  only  helped  organize  Wide  Awake  companies, 
but  he  also  marched  with  them  several  times  in  Bangor  and  Portland, 
and  once  in  Boston.  This  led  the  ignorant,  unscrupulous,  and  super 
cilious  to  view  him  in  the  light  of  a  demagogue.  But  they  were 
mostly  men  who  at  banquets  eulogized  Jefferson  and  Jackson,  and 
lauded  the  principle  of  democratic  fraternization  among  the  people, 
without  observing  their  own  precepts.  Mr.  Hamlin  practiced  what 
he  preached,  and  with  amusing  inconsistency  they  called  him  a  dema 
gogue.  But  it  should  be  added  that,  in  after  years,  Mr.  Hamlin's 
sincerity  was  almost  universally  recognized.  When  he  was  out  of  pub 
lic  life  and  could  have  had  no  possible  ulterior  motive,  he  continued 
to  march  with  the  old  soldiers  and  the  rank  and  file  of  his  party,  as  he 
had  when  an  unknown  lawyer  in  Hampden.  He  came  from  a  long 
line  of  ancestors  who  had  fought  in  both  the  mother  country  and  his 
own  land  for  the  rights  of  democracy.  The  truth  is,  Mr.  Hamlin's 


ELECTION   OF  LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  363 

nature  led  him  to  mingle  as  freely  with  the  plain  people  as  a  pastor 
does  with  his  flock.  He  despised  men  who  thought  so  little  of  the 
fundamental  principles  of  their  country  as  to  prate  about  them  and 
not  practice  them. 

While  Mr.  Hamlin  was  occupied  with  the  fight  in  Maine,  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  thoughts  turned  eastward.  The  two  had  never  met,  although 
they  had  seen  each  other  in  Congress.  On  July  18  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote 
the  following  characteristic  letter  to  his  party  associate  :  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  July  18,  1860. 
HON.  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN  : 

My  dear  Sir,  —  It  appears  to  me  that  you  and  I  ought  to  be 
acquainted,  and  accordingly  I  write  this  as  a  sort  of  introduction  of 
myself  to  you.  You  first  entered  the  Senate  during  the  single  term 
I  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  I  have  no  recol 
lection  that  we  were  introduced.  I  shall  be  pleased  to  receive  a  line 
from  you. 

The  prospect  of  Republican  success  now  appears  very  flattering,  so 
far  as  I  can  perceive.  Do  you  see  anything  to  the  contrary  ? 

Yours  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 


On  September  4  Mr.  Lincoln  again  wrote  :  — 


HON.  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN  : 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  am  annoyed  some  by  a  letter  from  a  friend  in 
Chicago  in  which  the  following  passage  occurs  :  "  Hamlin  has  written 
Colfax  that  two  members  of  Congress  will,  he  fears,  be  lost  in  Maine, 
—  the  first  and  sixth  districts;  and  that  Washburn's  majority  for 
governor  will  not  exceed  six  thousand." 

I  had  heard  something  like  this  six  weeks  ago,  but  had  been  an 
swered  since  that  it  was  not  so.  Your  secretary  of  state,  —  Mr. 
Smith,  I  think,  —  whom  you  introduced  to  me  by  letter,  gave  this 
assurance ;  more  recently,  Mr.  Fessenden,  our  candidate  for  Congress 
in  one  of  those  districts,  wrote  a  relative  here  that  his  election  was 
sure  by  at  least  5000,  and  that  Washburn's  majority  would  be  from 
14,000  to  17,000;  and  still  later  Mr.  Fogg,  of  New  Hampshire,  now 
at  New  York  serving  on  a  national  committee,  wrote  me  that  we 
were  having  a  desperate  fight  in  Maine  which  would  end  in  a  splendid 
victory  for  us. 

Such  a  result  as  you  seem  to  have  predicted  in  Maine,  in  your  let 
ter  to  Colfax,  would,  I  fear,  put  us  on  the  down-hill  track,  lose  us  the 
state  elections  in  Pennsylvania  and  Indiana,  and  probably  ruin  us  on 
the  main  turn  in  November.  You  must  not  allow  it. 

Yours  very  truly,  A.   LINCOLN. 


364  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

But  the  trouble  in  Maine  had  been  practically  settled  before  Mr. 
Lincoln  received  his  last  advices,  and  the  campaign  was  moving  on  to 
the  finish  with  an  ever-gathering  force.  Yet  the  circumstances  justi 
fied  Mr.  Hamlin  "speaking  out  in  meeting,"  as  it  were,  and  an  analysis 
of  the  vote  in  this  election,  together  with  a,  comparison  of  Republican 
majorities  in  previous  and  succeeding  cam*paigns,  will  show  that  the 
Republican  party  did  not  get  down  to  solid  work  any  too  soon.  Mr. 
Hamlin  would  have  liked  to  have  Washburn  elected  by  a  plurality  as 
decisive  as  that  which  he  received  in  1856,  —  25,000.  But  a  natural 
reaction  followed  this  great  victory,  and  in  the  three  successive  state 
campaigns  Lot  M.  Morrill  was  chosen  governor  by  pluralities  ranging 
from  11,000  to  17,000.  Mr.  Hamlin  maintained  that  if  Mr.  Wash- 
burn's  plurality  over  his  competitor  fell  below  17,000  it  would  be  a 
moral  defeat  for  the  Republicans.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Mr.  Wash- 
burn  received  a  few  hundred  votes  more  than  this.  All  the  Repub 
lican  candidates  for  Congress  were  also  elected,  though  several  by 
smaller  majorities.  Fessenden,  who  expected  5000  majority,  had 
1200;  John  N.  Wood,  in  the  first  district,  had  1400.  That  district/ 
by  the  way,  was  never  regarded  as  surely  Republican  until  the  force 
ful  personality  of  Thomas  B.  Reed  made  it  a  safe  and  secure  Repub 
lican  stronghold.  Even  in  the  middle  of  the  war  it  was  represented 
one  term  in  Congress  by  a  Democrat. 

The  uncertainty  felt  about  the  size  of  the  Republican  majority  in 
Maine,  as  well  as  the  success  of  the  congressional  ticket,  is  apparent 
from  the  comments  made  in  the  leading  Republican  newspapers. 
The  "  New  York  Tribune  "  said  in  part :  — 

"  Hail,  Maine !  Maine  did  a  noble  day's  work  yesterday.  We  had 
feared  that  the  fierce  clamor  of  the  adversary  concerning  Elder  Peck's  de 
falcation  and  other  local  issues,  and  the  desperate  exertions  of  the  allied 
pro-slavery  factions,  would  result  in  the  loss  of  at  least  one  of  the  Republi 
can  congressmen  in  the  three  close  districts  two  years  ago,  and  that  the 
Republican  majority  for  governor — 12,000,  last  year,  when  little  effort 
was  made  and  but  a  light  vote  polled  —  might  be  somewhat  diminished. 
But  we  underestimated  the  strength,  not  the  energy,  of  the  compatriots  of 
Hannibal  Hamlin." 

The  "  Boston  Journal  "  said  in  part :  — 

"  The  Democracy  have  largely  built  their  hopes  upon  Maine.  There 
they  were  united.  There  Douglas  had  laid  out  the  work  and  set  the  ball  in 
motion.  .  .  .  Again  the  Republicans  started  the  campaign  rather  apathet 
ically.  Their  congressional  nominees  were  nearly  all  new  men,  and  other 
circumstances  induced  at  first  some  misgivings  as  to  the  result." 

"  The  news  from  Maine  "  had  an  inspiring  effect  throughout  the 
country,  and  depressed  the  Douglas  Democracy.  Mr.  Hamlin  now 


ELECTION   OF  LINCOLN   AND   HAMLIN  365 

felt  confident  of  national  success  for  his  party,  though  he  believed  that 
the  victory  should  have  been  more  decisive.  It  is  within  the  bounds 
of  propriety  for  the  historian  to  remind  the  reader  that  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  not  allowed  by  party  custom  to  take  the  stump  and  make  a  cir 
cuit  of  the  State.  It  was  his  presence  at  the  meetings  in  the  memo 
rable  fight  of  1856  that  added  the  final  thousands  of  votes  to  his  great 
victory  that  year.  Thus  a  convincing  measure  was  furnished  of  the 
strength  of  his  personality  with  the  masses  of  Maine.  He  was  never 
beaten  or  disappointed  but  once  in  an  appeal  to  them,  and  that  was 
when  he  first  ran  for  Congress  in  1840.  But  under  the  circum 
stances  Maine  did  well,  and  helped  swell  the  tide  of  Republicanism 
that  was  rising  at  the  North.  The  other  fall  state  elections  also  show 
how  the  current  was  moving,  and  on  November  6  the  ballots  of  the 
freemen  of  the  North  executed  their  will,  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Hannibal  Hamlin  were  elected  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  respectively,  and  the  momentous  presidential  cam 
paign  of  1860  passed  into  history,  though  it  is  a  chapter  preceding  a 
greater  contest. 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

MR.    LINCOLN    AND    MR.    HAMLIN    MEET 

THE  plot  to  withdraw  the  Southern  States  from  the  Union  and 
merge  them  with  Mexico  and  a  part  of  South  America  into  a  vast 
slave  empire,  began  to  come  rapidly  to  a  head  with  the  announcement 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  election  to  the  presidency.  The  leaders  in  this 
gigantic  scheme  favored  Republican  success  in  the  belief  that  it  would 
help  them  "fire  the  heart  of  the  Southern  people."  The  news  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  election  was  therefore  received  with  fierce  exultation 
by  the  leaders  of  the  slave  power  and  its  creatures.  They  now  had 
their  long-desired  pretext  for  secession,  —  they  claimed  that  Lincoln 
would  be  an  unconstitutional  President,  because  he  had  been  elected 
by  a  minority  party.  But  this  was  transparent  sophistry.  According 
to  this  reasoning,  James  Buchanan,  the  last  tool  of  the  slave  power 
to  occupy  the  executive  chair,  was  an  unconstitutional  President,  to 
mention  no  other  Presidents  who  were  chosen  by  a  minority  vote. 
But  only  a  pretext  was  sought,  and  it  verified  the  prophecy  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  that  the  tariff  having  failed  as  a  pretext  to  break  up  the 
Union,  human  slavery  would  be  the  next.  South  Carolina,  the  foun 
tain-head  of  the  doctrines  of  nullification  and  secession  and  extreme 
ideas  of  state  rights,  was  the  moving  spirit.  The  day  after  Lincoln 
had  been  chosen  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation,  the  legislature, 
politicians,  and  newspapers  of  the  Palmetto  State  began  concerted 
action  to  take  South  Carolina  out  of  the  Union,  and  lead  the  way  for 
Southern  secession. 

The  news  from  Charleston  had  a  disquieting  effect  on  the  North, 
although  the  feeling  soon  gained  ground  that  it  was  mere  Southern 
buncombe,  and  would  end  in  talk.     Just  at  this  juncture,  Senator 
Hamlin  received  the  following  letter  from  President-elect  Lincoln  :  — 
(Confidential.)  SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  November  8,  1860. 

HON.  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN  : 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  am  anxious  for  a  personal  interview  with  you  at 
as  early  a  day  as  possible.  Can  you,  without  much  inconvenience, 
meet  me  at  Chicago  ?  If  you  can,  please  name  as  early  a  day  as  you 
conveniently  can,  and  telegraph  me,  unless  there  be  sufficient  time 
before  the  day  named  to  communicate  by  mail. 

Yours  very  truly,  A.   LINCOLN. 


MR.  LINCOLN   AND   MR.    HAMLIN   MEET  367 

Mr.  Hamlin  received  this  letter  while  at  his  home  in  Hampden. 
He  had  been  more  disturbed  over  the  ferment  in  South  Carolina  than 
he  cared  to  admit.  He  told  his  wife  and  a  few  close  friends  that  he 
feared  a  serious  conflict  was  impending.  He  did  not  predict  war  in 
so  many  words,  but  he  did  say  to  his  wife  :  — 

"  I  know  now  that  the  Southern  talk  in  Congress  meant  something. 
If  they  intend  war,  we  will  show  them  that  we  shall  fight.  We  have 
been  silent  long  enough." 

Thus  it  was  with  feelings  of  great  anxiety  that  Mr.  Hamlin  met 
Mr.  Lincoln  on  November  22.  When  he  was  shown  into  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  room  at  the  Tremont  House,  he  found  the  President-elect  alone, 
waiting  for  him.  He  noticed  then  the  traces  of  anxiety  that  were 
afterwards  familiar  on  the  kindly  face  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  There  was  a 
slightly  wearied  air  about  him,  as  if  he  had  been  wrestling  with  some 
momentous  problem.  He  arose,  and  walking  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  said  in 
an  abrupt  way,  though  with  a  pleasant  tone  of  voice  :  — 

"  Have  we  ever  been  introduced  to  each  other,  Mr.  Hamlin  ? " 

"  No,  sir ;  I  think  not,"  replied  the  Vice-President-elect. 

"That  is  also  my  impression,"  said  Lincoln;  "but  I  remember  dis 
tinctly,  while  I  was  in  Congress,  to  have  heard  you  make  a  speech  in 
the  Senate.  I  was  very  much  struck  with  that  speech,  senator  — 
particularly  struck  with  it  —  and  for  the -reason  that  it  was  filled 
'chock  up '  with  the  very  best  kind  of  anti-slavery  doctrine." 

"Well,  now,"  replied  Hamlin,  laughing,  "that  is  very  singular;  for 
my  one  and  first  recollection  of  yourself  is  of  having  heard  you 
make  a  speech  in  the  House,  —  a  speech  that  was  so  full  of  good 
humor  and  sharp  points  that  I,  together  with  other  of  your  auditors, 
was  convulsed  with  laughter.1  And  I  see  that  you  and  I  remain  in 
accord  in  our  anti-slavery  principles." 

Mr.  Lincoln  intended  to  consult  with  Mr.  Hamlin  about  his  Cabinet, 
but  before  they  had  made  material  progress,  the  news  was  bruited 
about  that  the  President  and  Vice-President  elect  were  together  at 
the  Tremont  House,  and  a  great  throng  of  visitors  was  the  result.  An 
impromptu  reception  followed.  The  next  day  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr. 
Hamlin  made  their  escape  to  Lake  View,  where  at  the  private  house 
of  Judge  Ebenezer  Peck,  a  friend  of  Lincoln,  they  held  their  inter 
view.  Mr.  Lincoln,  while  apparently  anxious  to  get  to  business,  bore 
all  these  interruptions  with  great  patience  and  kindness.  After  they 
were  comfortably  settled  at  Lake  View,  Mr.  Lincoln's  genial  nature 
expanded,  and  he  said  in  his  kindly,  sincere  way :  — 

"  Mr.  Hamlin,  I  desire  to  say  to  you  that  I  shall  accept,  and  shall 
always  be  willing  to  accept,  in  the  very  best  spirit,  any  advice  that 
you,  the  Vice-President,  may  give  me." 

1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans. 


368  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

This  was  all  the  more  pleasing  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  not  only  because  it 
was  totally  unexpected,  but  also  because  it  gave  him  his  first  personal 
insight  into  the  heart  and  character  of  his  great  party  associate.  It 
was  unprecedented,  and  in  the  unfolding  of  this  many-sided  man, 
the  incident  impressed  Mr.  Hamlin,  when  seeking  the  keynote  to 
Mr.  Lincoln's  acts  which  at  first  puzzled  hhn.  An  act  so  cordial  and 
sincere  could  not  fail  to  bring  an  equally  cordial  and  sincere  reply 
from  one  of  a  responsive  nature,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  replied  :  — 

"  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  desire  to  say  to  you  that  although  the  relations  be 
tween  the  Vice-Presidents  and  the  Presidents  have  not  been  friendly 
as  a  rule,  with  the  exception  of  Van  Buren  and  Jackson,  I  pledge  my 
self  to  be  your  friend  and  to  render  you  the  best  advice  and  assistance 
in  my  humble  power." 

Other  writers  have  pointed  out  the  similarity  of  traits  and  antece 
dents  between  these  two  men,  and  it  is  only  necessary  to  say  that  the 
interview  begun  thus  auspiciously  was  conducted  and  terminated  very 
agreeably.  Mr.  Lincoln's  attitude  was  most  friendly,  but  while  he 
never  hesitated  to  express  himself  in  quaint  phrases,  or  crack  a  joke, 
Mr.  Hamlin  was  impressed  with  his  air  of  innate  dignity  and  strength. 
Mr.  Lincoln  would  evidently  welcome  frank  advice,  and  with  kindly 
tact,  that  was  almost  democracy  itself,  make  his  visitor  at  home,  yet  he 
would  be  the  author  of  his  acts,  the  master  of  the  situation,  and  be 
controlled  by  his  own  judgment.  This  was  speedily  confirmed  in  Mr. 
Hamlin's  mind  when  he  approached  the  subject  of  the  crisis  in  South 
Carolina.  As  this  was  the  first  meeting  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  party 
colleague,  he  did  not  take  Mr.  Hamlin  as  fully  into  his  confidence  on 
this  subject  as  he  did  later.  He  did  not  say  anything  that  would 
commit  him  to  a  policy,  and  dismissed  the  incident  in  a  general  way, 
to  turn  to  the  business  on  which  he  had  summoned  Mr.  Hamlin,  —  the 
Cabinet. 

He  developed  to  Mr.  Hamlin  his  now  well-known  plan  of  forming  a 
Cabinet  to  weld  the  followers  of  Seward,  Chase,  Cameron,  and  Bates 
—  his  rivals  for  the  nomination  —  into  a  compact  body  by  taking 
these  leaders  into  his  official  household.  He  told  Mr.  Hamlin  in  so 
many  words  that  he  believed  that  the  exigencies  of  the  situation 
required  him  to  do  this,  and  then  he  discussed  the  various  men  who 
were  being  talked  about,  or  were  being  pressed  for  positions  in  the 
Cabinet.  Seward,  Sumner,  and  Dayton  were  the  most  prominent 
men  who  were  spoken  of  for  secretary  of  state,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  at 
once  indicated  his  belief  that  circumstances  dictated  the  selection  of 
Seward.  He  asked  Mr.  Hamlin  his  opinion.  It  must  be  frankly  said 
that  Mr.  Hamlin  would  not  have  approved  Mr.  Lincoln's  choice  had 
he  believed  that  the  President-elect  was  free  to  act  as  he  might  per 
sonally  desire  in  this  instance.  He  still  thought  that  Seward's  proper 


MR.   LINCOLN   AND   MR.   HAMLIN   MEET  369 

place  was  the  Senate,  and  he  did  not  think  that  Seward  would  make 
a  successful  and  safe  secretary  of  state  unless  he  was  held  in  check 
by  a  man  of  better  judgment,  more  cautious  nature,  and  less  mer 
curial  disposition.  Mr.  Hamlin  looked  at  the  proposition  to  take 
Seward  from  Mr.  Lincoln's  point  of  view,  and  as  he  had  already  heard 
and  seen  enough  of  the  President-elect  to  satisfy  him  that  he  was 
preeminently  a  strong  and  discreet  man,  he  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  right,  and  would  better  make  Seward  his  sec 
retary  of  state.  He  accordingly  approved  Mr.  Lincoln's  choice  under 
the  circumstances,  and  complimented  him  on  his  gracious  act  in  thus 
recognizing  his  most  distinguished  rival. 

Mr.  Lincoln  also  brought  up  the  names  of  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Simon 
Cameron,  and  James  Guthrie  in  connection  with  the  Treasury  De 
partment.  It  is  evident  that  Lincoln  from  the  first  favored  Chase, 
provided  that  he  would  accept,  of  which  there  once  seemed  to  be 
some  doubt.  Mr.  Hamlin  strongly  approved  of  Chase  for  secretary 
of  the  treasury,  and  gave  Lincoln  his  testimony  as  to  the  ability, 
character,  and  experience  of  Mr.  Chase.  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  indicate 
that  he  had  come  to  any  decision,  and  in  a  general  way  mentioned 
Edward  Bates  for  attorney-general,  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Caleb  B.  Smith  and  Schuyler  Colfax,  both  of  Indiana,  Montgomery  Blair 
and  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  Charles  Francis  Adams  and 
Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  John  A.  Gilmer  and  Kenneth 
Raynor,  of  North  Carolina,  Emerson  Etheridge,  of  Tennessee,  and 
Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut,  for  the  remaining  positions.  While 
discussing  these  and  other  men,  Mr.  Lincoln  emphasized  his  desire  to 
recognize  the  former  Whigs  and  Democrats,  in  making  up  his  Cabinet, 
as  fairly  as  possible.  His  motto  was  "  Justice  to  all,"  and  it  was  on 
this  principle  that  he  distributed  his  favors  and  patronage. 

The  interview  now  came  to  a  special  commission  which  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  decided  to  intrust  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  that  was  the  selection  of 
the  New  England  member  of  the  Cabinet.  He  said :  ."  You  shall 
have  the  right,  Mr.  Hamlin,  to  name  the  New  England  member  of 
the  Cabinet."1  This  also  was  unexpected,  and  therefore  all  the 
more  pleasing  to  Mr.  Hamlin.  It  was  also  a  departure  and  was,  more 
over,  a  signal  proof  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  wish  to  enumerate  Mr.  Hamlin 
among  his  personal  friends  and  trusted  counselors. 

Mr.  Lincoln  gave  Mr.  Hamlin  a  list  of  names  of  men  who  had  been 
suggested  to  him  in  connection  with  the  Navy  Department,  but  he  did 
not  say  or  indicate  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  to  restrict  his  choice  to  this  list. 
The  fact  that  the  men  mentioned  were  all  prominent,  and  had  been 
urged  on  the  President-elect  by  influential  Republicans,  was  sufficient 

1  See  Autobiography  of  Thurlow  Weed,  p.  614,  for  Lincoln's  own  account  of 
this  offer  to  Mr.  Hamlin. 


370  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

to  cause  both  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Hamlin  to  consider  them  without 
regard  to  personal  preference.  The  most  conspicuous  thus  mentioned 
were  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  and  Gideon  Welles. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  as  good  as  his  word,  and  in  discussing  the  various 
candidates  did  not  try  to  influence  Mr.  Hamlin  in  coming  to  a  deci 
sion.  He  did  express  his  frank  opinion  of  several,  and  did  say  of 
Banks  that  he  was  able,  well  known,  and  might  make  a  capable  execu 
tive,  but  he  added :  "  It  is  for  you  to  decide,  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  I  mean 
that  you  shall  name  the  New  England  man  in  the  Cabinet."  Mr. 
Hamlin  met  the  situation  with  equal  frankness,  and  dissented  from 
Mr.  Lincoln's  estimate  of  Banks.  He  objected  to  the  latter  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  a  "trimmer  in  politics,"  and  would  not  be  satis 
factory  to  New  England,  although  a  man  of  ability  and  high  personal 
character.  Banks  had  one  peculiarity,  that  of  "  coming  out  for  a 
party  "  in  a  theatrical  way,  as  the  politicians  say,  which  laid  the  sound 
ness  of  his  political  convictions  open  to  suspicion.  Mr.  Hamlin's 
objections  took  Banks  out  of  the  list,  and  left  Adams  and  Welles  to 
be  considered  at  leisure. 

The  interview  closed  with  the  understanding  that  Mr.  Hamlin 
should  investigate  the  fitness  and  support  of  Welles  or  Adams  for  the 
Navy  Department,  and  also  that  he  should  undertake  a  delicate  com 
mission  with  reference  to  Mr.  Seward.  One  thing  made  plain  to  Mr. 
Hamlin's  mind  was  that  while  Mr.  Lincoln  believed  it  would  be  a 
popular  act  on  his  part  to  tender  Mr.  Seward  the  portfolio  of  the 
State  Department,  it  was  not  certain  whether  he  would  accept  it. 
Mr.  Lincoln  obviously  wished  to  avoid  the  mortification  of  a  declina 
tion,  and  he  desired  Mr.  Hamlin  to  sound  the  New  York  senator  to 
make  sure  that  the  offer  would  be  accepted. 

Before  Mr.  Hamlin  left  Chicago  he  met  Mrs.  Lincoln.  No  mis 
tress  of  the  White  House  suffered  as  Mrs.  Lincoln  did.  Her  husband 
was  stricken  down  before  her  eyes,  one  of  her  children  was  taken  from 
her  there,  and  she  herself  did  not  escape  the  venom  of  those  who 
hated  the  President.  No  wonder  she  left  Washington  sadly  changed. 
But  now  she  was  at  the  height  of  her  ambition.  Strange  it  was  that 
she  should  have  said  in  her  girlhood  that  she  would  marry  only  a  man 
who  was  to  be  President,  and  should  have  made  her  choice  between 
Lincoln  and  Douglas,  when  both  were  rising  young  men. 

Mr.  Hamlin  left  Chicago  the  latter  part  of  November,  and  went 
to  Washington  to  attend  the  now  memorable  session  of  Congress 
that  opened  in  December,  1860.  The  scenes  that  accompanied  the 
secession  movement,  now  rapidly  developing,  were  stirring ;  but  while 
it  was  morally  certain  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  mind  that  there  was  serious 
trouble  ahead,  the  plans  of  the  disunionists  had  not  yet  been  suffi 
ciently  disclosed  to  show  him  what  the  danger  in  store  was.  As 


MR.   LINCOLN   AND   MR.   HAMLIN   MEET  371 

he  was  on  confidential  terms  with  the  incoming  administration,  and 
known  to  be  in  consultation  with  the  President-elect,  it  was  necessary 
for  him  to  maintain  a  non-committal  attitude,  and  therefore  there  is 
no  word  of  his  to  be  found  in  the  "Congressional  Record,"  at  this 
stage  of  the  crisis,  that  indicates  his  opinions.  His  most  important 
occupation  at  this  time  was  to  assist  Mr.  Lincoln  in  perfecting  the 
Cabinet,  and  he  was  in  consultation  with  the  President-elect  until  he 
came  to  Washington  the  following  March  to  be  inaugurated.  One 
of  the  first  things  Mr.  Hamlin  did  in  connection  with  the  Cabinet 
was  to  sound  Mr.  Seward.  The  New  York  leader  was  careful  to  avoid 
committing  himself,  and  his  cautious  replies  did  not  at  first  convince 
Mr.  Hamlin  that  Mr.  Seward  would  accept  the  secretaryship  of  state. 
Mr.  Hamlin  accordingly  wrote  Mr.  Lincoln  as  follows  in  regard  to 
Seward  and  other  aspirants  to  the  Cabinet  :  — 

WASHINGTON,  December  4,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  King  in  rela 
tion  to  the  position  and  desire  of  Governor  Seward,  and  Mr.  King 
prefers  that  I  should  confer  directly  with  the  governor.  On  the  whole 
is  that  not  the  appropriate  method  ?  It  seems  to  me  so.  That  will, 
of  course,  indicate  to  Governor  S.  that  he  would  be  gratified  in  his 
wishes,  and  will  be  equivalent  to  a  tender  of  a  place  in  your  Cabinet 
should  he  desire  it.  Shall  I  confer  with  the  governor  directly,  and 
ask  him  what  are  his  wishes  and  desires  ? 

My  impression  is  he  will  not  desire  a  place  in  your  Cabinet,  but  he 
may.  I  am  now  quite  certain  that  Mr.  Welles' s  position  is  just  what  I 
stated  to  you.  But  I  will  in  a  few  days  give  you  certain  information. 

I  am  satisfied  Guthrie  would  not  give  his  patronage  in  such  a  way 
as  our  friends  would  have  a  right  to  demand.  If  the  patronage  of  the 
Treasury  Department  could  not  be  given  freely  to  our  friends  in  the 
free  States,  it  would  be  fatal. 

I  think  the  opinion  of  nearly  all  our  friends  here  is  decided  that 
the  Cabinet  must  be  of  a  positive  character. 

I  found  Senator  Wade  decidedly  of  the  opinion  that  Cartter  and 
not  Schenck  should  be  taken  from  Ohio.  I  think  he  will  ascertain 
the  sense  of  the  Ohio  delegates. 

Should  not  one  man  South,  of  Democratic  antecedents,  be  in  your 
Cabinet  ?  I  think  so.  Yours  sincerely, 

H.  HAMLIN. 
HON.  A.  LINCOLN,  President-elect. 

Mr.  Lincoln  replied  as  follows,  virtually  placing  the  matter  in  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Senator  Trumbull :  — 


372  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  December  8,  1860. 
HON.  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN  : 

My  dear  Sir,  —  Yours  of  the  4th  was  duly  received.  The  inclosed 
to  Governor  Seward  covers  two  notes  to  him,  copies  of  which  you 
find  open  for  your  inspection.  Consult  with  Judge  Trumbull,  and  if 
you  and  he  see  no  reason  to  the  contrary,  "deliver  the  letter  to  Gov 
ernor  Seward  at  once.  If  you  see  reason  to  the  contrary,  write  me 
at  once. 

I  have  an  intimation  that  Governor  Banks  would  yet  accept  a  place 
in  the  Cabinet.  Please  ascertain  and  write  me  how  this  is. 

Yours  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

The  letters  to  Mr.  Seward  contained  this  tender  of  the  first  place  in 
the  Cabinet,  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  reasons  for  so  doing.  Mr.  Hamlin  and 
Senator  Trumbull  agreed  that  the  former  should  make  Mr.  Lincoln's 
offer  known  to  Mr.  Seward  at  once.  But  there  is  a  preliminary  detail 
to  explain.  Although  the  sentiment  of  the  party  favored  Mr.  Sew- 
ard's  appointment,  he  was  vigorously  opposed  by  prominent  men, 
one  being  William  Cullen  Bryant.  As  Mr.  Lincoln  made  no  sign  at 
first  regarding  his  cabinet  plans,  Mr.  Seward  and  his  friends  became 
anxious,  and  Thurlow  Weed,  at  that  time  a  great  power  in  the  Re 
publican  party,  journeyed  to  Springfield  to  urge  Seward's  appoint 
ment  as  secretary  of  state.  But  masterful  and  adroit  as  Weed  was 
in  presenting  an  argument  and  in  catechising,  he  could  not  draw  out 
anything  favorable  from  the  wary  President-elect,  and  returned  to 
New  York  in  a  depressed  spirit.  Mr.  Seward,  not  unnaturally  per 
haps,  took  his  cue  from  his  friend  Weed,  and  professed  a  disinclina 
tion  to  enter  the  Cabinet.  This,  then,  was  the  situation  when  Mr. 
Hamlin  received  Mr.  Lincoln's  authoritative  .announcement.  He 
accordingly  asked  Seward  whether  he  had  changed  his  mind  about 
taking  the  secretaryship  of  state. 

"  No,  no,"  was  again  Mr.  Seward's  reply.  "  If  that  is  what  you 
have  come  to  talk  to  me  about,  Hamlin,  we  might  as  well  stop  here. 
I  don't  want  the  place,  and  if  I  did,  I  have  reason  to  know  that  I 
could  not  get  it  ;  therefore  let  us  have  no  more  talk  about  it." 

"Very  well,"  replied  Hamlin,  "I  will  say  nothing  more  about  it; 
but  before  you  express  yourself  to  others  as  plainly  as  you  have  done 
to  me,  let  me  present  you  with  this  letter  from  Mr.  Lincoln." 

So  saying,  he  handed  Mr.  Seward  Lincoln's  letter,  offering  that 
gentleman  the  post  of  secretary  of  state  in  the  future  Cabinet. 
Pale  with  excitement,  Mr.  Seward  opened  and  read  the  commu 
nication.  Then,  turning  to  Hamlin,  and  grasping  his  hand,  he  said 
simply :  — 

"  This  is  remarkable,  Mr.  Hamlin ;  I  will  consider  the  matter,  and, 


MR.   LINCOLN   AND   MR.    HAMLIN   MEET  373 

in  accordance  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  request,  give  him  my  decision  at  the 
earliest  practicable  moment."  l 

Mr.  Hamlin  reported  to  Mr.  Lincoln  as  follows :  — 

WASHINGTON,  December  24,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  Your  favor  of  the  8th  with  inclosures  was  duly 
received. 

On  consultation  with  Judge  T.,  we  could  see  no  reason  why  the 
letter  should  not  be  delivered,  and  I  therefore  delivered  the  same, 
and  yesterday  returned  you  an  answer. 

I  am  not  able  to  tell  you  what  will  be  the  final  determination, 
though  the  gentleman  has  said  decidedly  that  he  would  decline  all 
places.  But,  as  I  wrote  you  before,  he  may  reconsider  his  opinions. 
I  enjoined  entire  confidence,  and  he  said  it  should  be  observed. 

I  have  been  informed  that  the  family  of  Governor  B.  has  gone 
West,  but  do  not  know  how  it  is.  My  decided  impression  is  that 
Welles  or  Adams  would  be  a  better  appointment  than  his  for  New 
England.  .  .  . 

Badger,  the  man  holding  to  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress, 
is  bitter  against  us. 

Had  not  the  Secretary  of  War  ought  to  be  a  Southern  man  and  a 
man  of  pluck  ?  I  am  of  that  opinion,  while  the  North  should  have 
the  navy. 

I  regard  Etheridge  as  one  of  the  best  and  truest  men  we  have. 

I  think  there  is  much  force  in  the  suggestion  that  there  should  be 
one  man  from  the  South  with  Democratic  antecedents. 

I  will  not  speculate  on  public  matters.  I  am  inclined  to  believe 
that  your  standpoint  will  enable  you  to  judge  better  than  I  can  here 
in  the  vortex  of  feverish  excitement.  I  see  no  other  course  but  to 
stand  by  our  positions,  and  meet  events  with  the  firmness  of  men 
who  know  they  are  right.  In  haste,  yours  sincerely, 

H.  HAMLIN. 

HON.  A.  LINCOLN,  President-elect. 

Mr.  Hamlin  continued  in  his  belief  that  a  Southern  man  should  be 
taken  into  the  Cabinet,  and  in  the  end  supported  Montgomery  Blair. 
He  said  little  about  this,  however,  but  he  corresponded  further  with 
Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  subject  in  favor  of  Blair.  The  following  extract 
from  a  letter  written  by  F.  B.  Blair,  Sr.,  to  his  son  Frank,  throws 
a  little  light  on  the  incident :  — 

SILVER  SPRING,  27  December,  1860. 

MY  DEAR  FRANK,  —  ...  Trumbull  showed  me  a  letter  from   Lincoln 
to  Hamlin,  in  which  the  latter  says  he  means  to  tender  Mon't  [Montgomery 
1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans. 


J 

374  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Blair]  a  place  in  his  Cabinet,  but  will  not  commit  himself.  This  is  a  proper 
reservation.  I  mentioned  it  to  your  brother,  who  said  he  would  be  sorry 
to  take  a  place  if  any  circumstances  should  occur  to  change  the  favorable 
disposition  now  entertained. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  reports  to  Mr.  Lincoln  wer£  necessarily  guarded  and 
almost  literal.  Mr.  Seward's  manner  when  he  received  the  tender 
of  the  state  portfolio  betrayed  his  eagerness,  and  in  three  days  he 
accepted  the  offer.1 

The  New  England  member  of  the  Cabinet  was  not  so  easily  and 
quickly  chosen.  The  selection  of  this  man  was  contingent  upon  the 
antecedents  of  the  other  members.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  explained  this 
to  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  the  latter,  without  coming  to  an  immediate  deci 
sion,  had  canvassed  quietly  the  availability  of  several  candidates  in 
order  to  settle  on  a  man  as  soon  as  Mr.  Lincoln  could  tell  him  how  he 
was  succeeding  in  balancing  up  his  Cabinet.  On  December  24  Mr. 
Lincoln  cleared  the  way  by  writing  the  following  letter  :  — 

I  need  a  man  of  Democratic  antecedents  from  New  England.  I 
cannot  get  a  fair  share  of  that  element  in  without.  This  stands  in 
the  way  of  Mr.  Adams.  I  think  of  Governor  Banks,  Mr.  Welles, 
and  Mr.  Tuck.  Which  of  them  do  the  New  England  delegation  pre 
fer  ?  Or  shall  I  decide  for  myself  ?  Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

Mr.  Lincoln  knew  both  Mr.  Tuck  and  Mr.  Welles,  having  served  a 
term  in  Congress  with  the  former,  and  having  met  the  latter  in  Con 
necticut.  But  in  specifying  these  candidates,  it  is  evident  from  Mr. 
Lincoln's  conversation  with  Mr.  Hamlin  that  he  did  not  intend  to 
restrict  a  choice  to  them.  They  were  prominent  men,  and  had  pow 
erful  friends  to  plead  their  claims.  Mr.  Tuck  had  ably  represented 
New  Hampshire  in  Congress  for  several  terms,  was  well  known  and 
highly  respected  by  the  anti-slavery  people.  Mr.  Welles  had  attained 
some  prominence  as  an  editor,  legislator,  and  reformer  in  Connecticut. 
While  Mr.  Hamlin  was  free  to  recommend  another  man,  he  neverthe 
less  felt  under  moral  obligations  to  select  one  of  the  men  Mr.  Lincoln 
considered  available.  The  President-elect  had  extended  him  the 
unprecedented  courtesy  of  asking  him  to  name  the  New  England 
representative  in  the  Cabinet,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  thought  that  the  least 
he  could  do  was  to  decide  on  one  of  the  men  Mr.  Lincoln  mentioned. 
Mr.  Hamlin  knew  Mr.  Tuck  well,  and  highly  esteemed  him  ;  in  fact, 
they  were  lifelong  friends,  and  he  did  not  know  Mr.  Welles  except 
by  repute.  He  desired  to  bring  to  the  Cabinet  the  one  who  would 
best  serve  the  President  and  the  party. 

1  For  another  account  given  by  Mr.  Hamlin,  see  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans, 
pp.  153,  154. 


MR.   LINCOLN   AND   MR.    HAMLIN   MEET  375 

Mr.  Welles  derived  strong  support  from  his  brethren  of  the  New 
England  press.  It  is  not  among  the  unusual  things  of  this  life  for 
the  able  newspaper  editor  to  say  complimentary  things  about  a  con 
temporary  ;  nor  is  it  unusual  to  reprint  remarks  that  are  reciprocal  in 
terms.  It  sometimes  happens,  also,  that  when  a  newspaper  movement 
is  started  in  the  interest  of  an  editor  it  becomes  an  avalanche  of  com 
pliments.  This  was  the  case  with  Mr.  Welles,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  con 
sulted  several  of  the  leading  editors,  as  well  as  the  politicians  of  New 
England.  One  of  the  former  was  George  G.  Fogg,  editor  of  the 
"  New  Hampshire  Democrat,"  and  a  power  in  the  Republican  party 
of  New  England  at  this  time.  He  was  for  years  a  member  of  the 
Republican  National  Committee,  subsequently  minister  to  Switzerland 
by  Mr.  Lincoln's  appointment,  and  afterwards  a  member  of  the  Sen 
ate  for  a  short  time.  He  vouched  for  Welles,  and  was  satisfied  that 
he  deserved  the  support  he  received  from  the  press.  Another  editor 
favorable  to  the  Connecticut  man  was  J.  D.  Baldwin,  of  the  "  Worces 
ter  Spy."  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Hamlin  dated  February  22,  1861,  he 
urged  Welles's  appointment,  on  the  ground  that  the  Republican  party 
of  Connecticut  was  dominated  by  men  of  Whig 'antecedents,  and  that 
unless  the  old  Jacksonian  wing,  which  was  led  by  Welles,  was  now 
recognized,  there  was  danger  of  the  Democracy  carrying  the  State. 
This  view  possibly  had  an  effect  on  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  thus  Andrew 
Jackson  was  brought  into  Republican  politics. 

The  limitations  of  space  and  the  relative  importance  of  the  subject 
forbid  the  introduction  of  further  evidence  to  show  that  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  intrusted  with  the  selection  of  the  New  England  member  of  the 
Cabinet.  There  was  once  a  controversy  about  this,  and  the  facts  have 
been  set  forth  to  settle  it  in  the  interests  of  history.  Mr.  Hamlin 
afterwards  believed  and  frankly  admitted  that  he  made  a  mistake  in 
recommending  Mr.  Welles  for  the  Cabinet.  He  did  not  shirk  his 
responsibility  and  try  to  place  it  on  Mr.  Lincoln's  shoulders.  He 
shared  the  responsibility  with  the  men  who  professed  to  know  about 
Welles's  competency,  and  vouched  for  it.  But  Mr.  Hamlin's  subse 
quent  relations  with  Mr.  Welles  do  not  enter  into  this  subject  now, 
and  it  may  be  dismissed  for  the  present  by  saying  that  Mr,  Hamlin 
finally  decided  on  Welles,  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  after  receiving  from  the 
latter  his  opinions  on  various  important  issues,  appointed  him  secre 
tary  of  the  navy.  It  should  be  added,  though,  that  Welles  was  never 
his  personal  choice,  and  an  incident  which  happened  after  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  inauguration  shows  this,  and  will  be  related  in  its  proper  place. 
Had  circumstances  permitted,  Mr.  Hamlin  would  probably  have 
favored  Charles  Francis  Adams,  whom  he  well  knew.  But  whatever 
regrets  he  may  have  had  on  this  score,  they  were  in  a  measure 
assuaged  by  the  masterly  services  Adams  rendered  as  the  minister 
to  Great  Britain  during  the  war. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

FORMATION  OF  THE  CONFEDERACY 

WHEN  Congress  convened  in  December,  1860,  secession  appeared 
to  be  still  trembling  in  the  balance,  although  Lincoln  had  been  elected 
the  month  before.  President  Buchanan's  message  in  denying  the 
government  the  power  to  prevent  secession  turned  the  scale,  although 
it  is  now  clear  that  the  secession  movement  had  been  the  growth  of 
years,  and  was  the  result  of  conflict  between  two  antagonistic  civiliza 
tions.  The  actual  outbreak  of  hostilities  began  when  the  reckless 
leaders  of  the  slave  power  attempted  to  force  slavery  into  Kansas.  In 
the  interval,  they  persuaded  the  Southern  people  that  the  only  hope 
they  had  of  preserving  their  institution  was  to  extend  it  southward. 
They  were  convinced  that  Lincoln's  inauguration  would  lead  to  legis 
lation  against  slavery  and  the  adoption  of  tariff  laws  inimical  to  the 
interests  of  the  South.  The  majority  were  honestly  of  the  opinion 
that  they  would  have  to  leave  the  Union  to  maintain  their  independ 
ence.  Thus,  however  erroneous  their  grievances  were,  they  were 
none  the  less  real  to  the  great  mass  of  the  Southern  people.  They 
were,  therefore,  ready  to  establish  another  government  when  their 
leaders  gave  the  sign. 

This  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  President  Buchanan  officially 
admitted  that  in  his  opinion  the  government  had  no  power  to  protect 
its  own  life.  No  worse  blunder  could  have  been  made.  This  admis 
sion  from  the  President  was  virtually  an  incitement  to  the  secessionists 
to  act.  Naturally  it  was  received  as  a  confession  that  the  North 
would  not  seriously  resist  secession.  The  hotheads  of  South  Caro 
lina  who  were  in  the  lead  had  been  threatening  to  pass  an  ordinance 
of  secession.  Now  they  seized  their  opportunity,  and  the  die  was  cast. 
But  although  the  action  of  South  Carolina  struck  a  popular  chord  in 
the  cotton  States,  there  was  an  embarrassing  halt  in  other  Southern 
States.  There  were  many  Southern  people  who  did  not  believe  that 
the  grievances  presented  by  the  slave  power  warranted  the  rupture  of 
the  Union.  But  headstrong  leaders  who  lusted  for  power,  and  were 
fanatical  in  their  hatred  of  the  North,  now  began  that  shameful  course 
of  dragooning  hesitating  States  and  men  into  revolt  which  is  the 
blackest  page  in  the  history  of  the  slave  power. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  feelings  at  this  time  were  those  of  a  man  who  feared 


FORMATION   OF  THE   CONFEDERACY  377 

a  mad  act,  and,  though  prepared  for  it,  was  shocked  when  it  came. 
The  proofs  of  the  slaveholders'  conspiracy,  and  the  complicity  of  the 
administration,  as  they  were  revealed  from  day  to  day,  filled  him  with 
burning  indignation  against  the  men  who  were  responsible  and  with 
heartfelt  pity  for  those  who  were  their  victims.  Thus,  while  he  could 
not  forgive  some  men  for  the  course  they  pursued  at  this  juncture, 
no  one  ever  heard  him  say  an  unkind  word  about  the  men  who  were 
misled  by  others.  More  than  one  sincere  Confederate  soldier,  who 
afterwards  sat  in  Congress  with  him,  can  bear  testimony  to  the  cor 
diality  of  the  intercourse  Mr.  Hamlin  maintained  with  men  of  this 
kind.  It  was  his  nature  to  forgive  rather  than  to  cherish  resentments. 
He  rejoiced  at  all  signs  of  reconciliation  which  he  saw  during  the  lat 
ter  part  of  his  life,  and  he  would  have  equally  rejoiced  at  the  patriot 
ism  that  the  South  displayed  in  the  war  with  Spain ;  but  while  his 
kind  heart  impelled  him  to  say  little  about  the  human  instruments  of 
the  civil  war,  his  own  regard  compelled  him  to  speak  plainly  when 
certain  men  were  the  subject  of  controversy.  He  held  Northern 
"  dough-faces  "  such  as  Pierce  and  Buchanan  almost  equally  culpable 
with  Southern  leaders  such  as  Jefferson  Davis,  Howell  Cobb,  R.  M. 
T.  Hunter,  John  B.  Floyd,  Jacob  Thompson,  Barnwell  Rhett,  and 
others. 

Lawrence  M.  Keitt,  a  fire-eater  from  South  Carolina,  exclaimed  in  a 
speech  at  Washington,  "The  President  is  pledged  to  secession  and 
will  be  held  to  it !  "  There  were  two  interpretations  placed  on  this  : 
one,  that  Buchanan  had  given  the  arch-conspirators  a  written  pledge 
that  he  would  not  interfere  with  secession  if  they  would  nominate  him 
for  President ;  the  other,  that  this  statement  by  Keitt  was  the  vapor 
ing  of  a  desperate  man,  who  was  blustering  to  overwhelm  the  oppo 
nents  of  secession.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  asked  his  opinion  of  Buchanan, 
and  his  reply  was,  "What  did  he  do  to  prevent  the  Southern  States 
from  leaving  the  Union?"  He  knew  Buchanan.  He  took  his  mea 
sure  long  before  Mr.  Buchanan  became  President.  In  1856  he  de 
scribed  Buchanan  as  follows  :  "  The  present  dynasty  of  the  slave 
power  has  put  in  nomination  a  man  suitable  for  its  purposes  —  James 
Buchanan."  He  never  had  occasion  to  change  this  opinion.  But  he 
did  not  base  his  estimate  of  Buchanan  on  suspicion ;  he  arraigned  him 
on  his  record,  and  his  mature  analysis  of  Buchanan's  acts  as  President 
is  presented  substantially  as  he  gave  it  to  his  son  Charles,  in  several 
conversations  on  this  subject.1 

1  In  Mr.  Hamlin's  belief,  Buchanan  obtained  his  nomination  for  President  by 
pledging  himself  in  writing  to  the  leaders  of  the  slave  power  that  he  would  not 
oppose  secession..  Mr.  Hamlin  said  that  this  might  never  be  proved,  and  yet  he 
could  not  account  for  Buchanan's  conduct  otherwise.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
Confederate  government  destroyed  many  papers  incriminating  Northern  men. 


378  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Mr.  Hamlin  could  not  understand  how  a  man  of  Buchanan's  long 
public  experience  could  issue  such  a  message  at  this  crisis  and  under 
circumstances  so  peculiar  unless  he  had  been  tied  hand  and  foot. 
Mr.  Buchanan  had  served  in  Congress,  as  secretary  of  state,  minister 
to  Great  Britain,  and  as  President.  Surely  he  had  intelligence  enough 
to  know  that  to  assert  that  the  government-  had  no  power  to  prevent 
secession  was  to  encourage  the  conspirators.  If  Mr.  Buchanan  be 
lieved  what  he  said,  where  did  he  find  authority  to  send  troops  to 
Kansas  to  force  slavery  on  a  free  people  ?  But  he  had  said  then  that 
the  people  of  Kansas  were  in  a  state  of  insurrection,  and  that  the  law 
must  be  enforced.  Now  he  asserted  that  while  secession  was  wrong, 
and  therefore  an  injury  to  the  government,  he  could  take  no  steps 
to  stop  it.  If  he  were  a  loyal  Unionist,  why  did  he  accept  the  advice 
of  Jefferson  Davis  and  other  disunionists  in  preparing  his  message  ? 
If  he  had  been  free  to  act,  why  did  he  permit  avowed  secessionists 
to  remain  in  the  Cabinet,  send  government  arms  southward,  and 
scatter  the  navy  to  the  four  quarters  of  the  globe  ?  If  he  professed 
to  be  a  Union  Democrat,  why  did  he  not  follow  the  precedent  of 
Andrew  Jackson  in  quelling  the  nullification  and  secession  movement 
in  South  Carolina  ? 

When  now  the  message  was  out,  Mr.  Buchanan  proceeded  to  live 
up  to  his  views  of  the  Constitution.  The  actual  crisis  came  when  the 
South  Carolina  conspirators  demanded  that  Forts  Moultrie  and  Sum- 
ter  should  be  surrendered  to  their  "  nation."  But  the  President  could 
not  rise  to  the  emergency,  although  his  oath  as  commander-in-chief 
rendered  it  obligatory  on  him  to  protect  the  government  property. 
He  did  refuse  to  yield  up  the  forts,  but  by  his  refusal  to  garrison  them 
properly  he  made  it  easy  for  the  insurrectionists  to  capture  them. 
Moreover,  by  declining  to  send  troops  to  the  forts,  he  made  it  an  in 
centive  for  the  conspirators  to  attack  them.  He  pleaded  that  he  did 
not  have  enough  forces  at  hand  to  guard  the  forts,  yet  General  Scott, 
the  commander  of  the  army,  had  insisted  to  the  contrary,  and  had 

Probably  a  few  were  kept  in  existence,  and  it  was  too  early  to  publish  them  when 
this  record  was  written.  The  reader  is  referred  to  a  suggestive  statement  made  in 
the  Southern  Historical  Society  Papers,  vol.  xi.  1883,  p.  575,  in  a  review  of  the 
Life  of  James  Buchanan,  by  George  Ticknor  Curtis.  This  squarely  controverts 
the  claim  set  up  by  Mr.  Curtis,  that  Buchanan  did  not  sympathize  with  the  seces 
sionists,  and  says :  "  When  we  come  to  review  that  part  of  the  book,  we  shall  find 
it  an  easy  task  to  show  that  Mr.  Buchanan  (along  with  Northern  Democrats  gen 
erally)  fully  believed  in  the  right  of  a  State  to  secede,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  say 
(we  shall  publish  an  autograph  letter  from  him  to  that  effect)  that  unless  the  South 
ern  States  had  full  guarantees  that  their  rights  would  be  protected  in  the  Union 
'they  would  be  fully  justifiable  in  seceding.'  "  But  this  letter  was  not  presented 
in  any  subsequent  issue  of  the  Southern  Historical  Society  Papers  up  to  the  time 
of  publishing  this  record,  and  inquiry  by  the  author  failed  to  procure  a  copy  of 
the  letter. 


FORMATION   OF   THE   CONFEDERACY  379 

urged  this  course  with  all  his  ardent  patriotism.  Moreover,  Mr. 
Buchanan  refused  this  against  the  protest  of  the  Secretary  of  State, 
General  Cass,  who  then  went  to  the  extreme  length  of  resigning  his 
seat  in  the  Cabinet.  General  Cass  had  taken  a  political  view  of 
slavery,  but  he  could  not  and  would  not  take  an  uncertain  view  of  his 
duty  to  his  country.  His  act  in  retiring  from  Mr.  Buchanan's  official 
household  was  a  patriotic  crown  to  his  long  life,  and  at  this  juncture 
it  was  second  in  importance  in  inspiring  the  Northern  Democracy 
with  patriotism  only  to  the  prompt  and  chivalrous  support  Stephen 
A.  Douglas  rendered  the  Lincoln  administration  at  its  most  critical 
stage. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  anxiety  and  indignation  are  plainly  expressed  in  the 
following  hastily  written  but  interesting  letter  to  his  wife  on  De 
cember  15,  1860  :  — 

"  This  morning  it  is  said  that  Cass  has  resigned  his  office  of  secretary 
of  state  on  the  ground  that  the  President  will  not  reinforce  the  forts  at 
Charleston.  The  principal  one  is  Fort  Moultrie,  and  it  has  but  about  sixty 
men.  Major  Anderson,  of  Kentucky,  is  in  command,  and  his  wife  has 
called  on  the  President  and  asked  him  to  send  more  men.  She  says  her 
husband  is  a  brave  man  (and  so  all  say),  and  will  defend  the  fort  as  long 
as  he  has  a  man.  That  they  are  so  few  is  exposing  them  to  murder  by  the 
rabble  ;  it  is  not  an  equal  contest.  //  will  be  murder  and  nothing  else.  This 
weakness  in  numbers  is  little  else  than  an  invitation  to  attack.  It  is  also 
said  that  General  Scott  urges  the  propriety  of  sending  men  at  once.  Still 
the  President  will  not  do  it,  and  for  my  life  I  cannot  see  why  the  President 
is  not  just  as  guilty  as  the  men  in  South  Carolina.  Under  this  state  of 
things  General  Cass  has  resigned.  While  he  has  always  heretofore  yielded 
to  the  South,  I  honor  him  for  what  he  has  done.  I  hope  he  will  have  the 
courage  to  come  out  in  a  clear  statement  of  the  case  to  the  public,  but  I 
fear  he  will  not.  I  presume  we  shall  know  in  a  few  days  what  he  will  do. 
But  what  he  has  already  done  will  thrill  the  public,  and  lead  them  to  look 
with  amazement  on  the  position  which  the  President  occupies.  Cass  will  re 
move  much  of  the  odium  from  his  name,  while  the  President  will  go  hence 
with  the  curses  and  execrations  of  millions  upon  his  head,  'unwept,  unhon- 
ored,  and  unsung.'  I  trust  this  may  bring  men  in  the  South  back  to  reason 
and  reflection,  and  produce  a  better  state  of  things.  I  hope  so  at  least." 

All  hopes  were  in  vain.  President  Buchanan  persisted  in  his  inac 
tive,  vacillating,  and  obstinate  course.  He  refused  to  heed  the  voice 
of  the  North,  the  advice  of  his  loyal  counselors,  and  the  prayers  of 
Mrs.  Anderson,  and  reinforce  the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor.  He 
said  that  it  could  not  be  done,  and  this  frail  woman  shamed  him  her 
self  by  bringing  to  her  devoted  husband  the  reinforcement  of  her  own 
loving  and  inspiring  person.  He  received  the  "Commissioners"  of 
the  "  Sovereign  Nation  "  of  South  Carolina,  and  met  their  arguments 
with  wringing  hands  and  tears.  He  allowed  the  traitors  in  the  Cabinet 


380  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

to  remain,  drawing  government  money  and  plotting  against  its  life 
until  even  the  fragment  of  self-respect  they  had  left,  or  the  fear  of 
discovery  of  their  peculations  and  financial  dishonesty,  compelled  them 
to  get  out.  But  they  had  accomplished  their  design,  and  while  trai 
torously  holding  their  offices  under  the  government,  they  had  helped 
let  loose  a  flood  of  calumny,  prejudice,  misrepresentation,  and  falsehood 
that  swept  thousands  and  thousands  of  innocent  people  from  their 
anchorage.  The  tide  of  secession  was  past  human  control  when  Mr. 
Buchanan  called  Jeremiah.  Black,  a  changed  and  wiser  man,  to  the 
head  of  the  Cabinet,  and  gave  him  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Joseph  Holt, 
John  A.  Dix,  and  Horatio  King  for  his  loyal  associates.  The  mischief 
was  done.  But  whether  it  was  within  human  power  to  nip  secession 
in  the  bud,  Mr.  Buchanan  cannot  escape  censure  for  failing  to  purge 
his  official  household  and  the  atmosphere  of  the  White  House  from 
the  continued  presence  of  avowed  disunionists  when  their  conduct 
aroused  the  suspicions  of  people  of  less  intelligence  and  experience 
than  he  possessed.  His  record  as  presented  by  his  most  ardent 
defenders  is  that  of  a  shifty,  timid,  convictionless  man,  and  his  course 
of  inaction  is  now  seen  in  the  light  of  a  confession  of  inability  and 
incompetency,  and  an  utter  failure. 

Now  that  South  Carolina  had  yielded  to  the  fever  of  secession  with 
out  the  government  lifting  a  finger  to  arrest  disease  in  its  body  poli 
tic,  it  was  only  a  question  of  time  when  other  States  would  be  seized. 
The  slave  power  had  the  requisite  machinery  in  its  hands,  and  it  pro 
ceeded  to  batter  down  the  Union  sentiment  that  still  existed  in  the 
South,  and  which  would  have  remained  a  bulwark  against  disunion 
had  there  been  fair  play.  The  passions  of  thousands  and  thousands 
of  innocent  men  were  inflamed  by  venomous  charges  that  the  North 
now  contemplated  the  subjugation  of  the  South,  and  that  the  Lincoln 
administration  would  wage  a  war  of  extermination  on  slavery  and 
violate  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  of  the  South.  In  vain 
trusted  Southern  men  like  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Kenneth  Ray- 
nor,  John  Minor  Botts,  and  others  pleaded  for  the  Union ;  in  vain 
Stephens  himself  asked  what  single  right  of  a  Southern  State  had 
been  transgressed  by  the  North.  The  tide  of  prejudice,  hatred,  and 
ignorance  was  rising.  Opposition  was  drowned  out.  In  not  one 
Southern  State  that  joined  the  revolt  was  the  proposition  of  secession 
submitted  to  a  fair  popular  vote.  Cotton  was  king,  and  the  slave 
aristocracy  was  in  the  saddle  for  its  last  ride. 

When  now  States  began  to  secede  from  the  Union,  Mr.  Hamlin 
gave  up  what  faint  hopes  he  might  have  had  left  of  prompt  measures 
by  the  President.  He  thought  it  best  to  resign  his  seat  in  the  Sen-x 
ate  on  January  17,  because  it  was  thought  that  his  acts  might  be  in 
terpreted  as  foreshadowing  the  policy  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  also  because 


FORMATION   OF  THE   CONFEDERACY  381 

it  was  believed  that  his  successor,  who  was  to  be  Mr.  Morrill,  should 
be  inducted  into  office  as  soon  as  possible.  He  did  not  witness,  there 
fore,  the  portentous  withdrawals  of  the  majority  of  Southern  senators 
nor  hear  their  charges  of  Northern  aggression.  He  had  answered 
some  charges,  and  showed  that  the  protective  tariff  was  of  Southern 
origin.  He  had  heard  "  Bob  "  Toombs  admit  on  the  floor  of  the  Sen 
ate  that  Maine's  Bill  of  Rights  was  fair  and  constitutional.  He  had 
proved  that  the  fisheries  bounty  fostered  the  national  navy.  He 
had  also  demonstrated  that  the  slave  power  was  the  aggressor.  He 
had  sat  in  the  Senate  and  heard  Webster  pulverize  the  apostle  of 
secession.  He  had  found  the  secessionists  unable  to  gainsay  the 
written  records  of  the  fathers  of  the  Union  which  they  had  framed  to 
be  perpetual.  The  grievances  of  the  South  were  the  pretext  of  the 
slave  power.  Mr.  Hamlin' s  desire  for  prompt  measures  was  now 
strengthened,  and  he  decided  to  advise  Mr.  Lincoln  to  that  course,  as 
the  sequel  will  show. 

The  responsibility  of  the  slave  power  for  bringing  on  the  war  of 
the  rebellion  against  the  government  is  now  as  clear  as  daylight ;  but 
the  responsibility  of  the  individual  leaders  in  starting  the  secession 
movement  is  not  so  easily  determined.  The  sentiments  of  Rhett, 
Toombs,  Wigfall,  Clingman,  Benjamin,  Slidell,  Yancey,  and  other 
fire-eaters  were  known  to  all  and  admitted  to  be  consistent  ;  but  the 
complicity  of  Jefferson  Davis  and  others  who  afterwards  came  to  the 
front  was  not  so  clear.  The  North  was  surprised,  in  fact,  to  find 
Davis  among  the  conspirators,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  was  both  shocked 
and  grieved.  He  had  believed  that  Jefferson  Davis's  sense  of  honor, 
his  judgment,  and  his  obligations  to  the  government  would  prevent 
him  from  joining  the  mad,  blind  rush  out  of  the  Union  fomented  by  a 
wicked  organization  that  worked  only  for  its  selfish  interests.  Mr. 
Hamlin  and  others  of  the  stalwart  Republican  type  had  privately  — 
and  Zachariah  Chandler  openly  —  warned  Davis,  Hunter,  and  others 
of  the  responsible  Southern  senators  that  the  North  would  fight,  and 
Mr.  Hamlin  could  not  see  how  Davis  and  men  of  his  position  could 
be  so  foolish,  or  so  infatuated  as  to  pursue  a  course  that  would  in  his 
opinion  inevitably  lead  to  civil  war.  It  is  true  that  Jefferson  Davis 
had  always  held  to  the  doctrine  of  state  sovereignty,  but  it  is  also  to  be 
remembered  that  he  made  loyal  speeches  at  Dexter,  Augusta,  Belfast, 
and  Portland,  Maine,  in  the  summer  of  1858.  But  a  year  later  he 
saw  the  drift  of  events,  and  told  the  people  of  Mississippi  that  the  elec 
tion  of  a  Republican  President  would  justify  secession.  His  haughty 
nature,  quixotic  conception  of  his  duty  to  his  government,  and  over 
leaping  ambition  led  him  to  take  the  step  that  ruined  him.  But  pity 
for  the  man  cannot  blind  history  to  the  fact  that  Jefferson  Davis  was 
a  traitor. 


382  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

The  first  effect  of  the  secession  movement  on  the  North  was  to 
demoralize  the  Republican  party,  and  some  of  its  leaders  at  Washing 
ton  lost  their  heads.  There  was  still  a  fatuous  belief  in  the  "  glue  of 
compromise,"  and  still  faith  in  the  sonorous  deliverances  of  confer 
ences.  The  performances  that  followed  the  withdrawal  of  Southern 
States  from  the  Union  are  not  a  part  of  the*creditable  record  of  the 
Republican  party.  The  South  was  entreated  to  return  to  the  Union, 
and  offers  were  made  that  were  humiliating.  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts,  proposed,  for  example,  that  the  Constitution  should 
be  amended  to  make  slavery  perpetual,  though  it  is  right  to  say  that 
he  afterwards  receded  from  this  extraordinary  position.  There  were 
offers  from  other  Republican  congressmen  to  give  the  South  more 
than  it  had  asked.  The  doctrine  of  squatter  sovereignty  was  in 
dorsed.  A  peace  congress  was  held  at  Washington  which  was  pre 
sided  over  by  John  Tyler,  a  former  President,  but  now  a  traitor  at 
heart,  and  subsequently  a  member  of  the  rebel  Congress.  Compro 
mises  were  produced  that  were  as  effective  as  the  paper  on  which 
they  were  written.  The  attitude  of  some  Republican  leaders  was 
like  that  of  an  indulgent  parent  now  begging  a  rebellious  child  to  do 
the  very  things  for  which  he  had  originally  chastised  it.  No  wonder 
Douglas  strutted  and  claimed  vindication  ;  no  wonder  the  old  Whigs 
said  Webster's  seventh  of  March  speech  was  justified. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  humiliated  and  disgusted  at  this  behavior  of  his 
Republican  colleagues  In  his  mind  it  could  only  strengthen  the  be 
lief  among  the  conspirators  that  the  North  would  not  fight,  and,  worst 
of  all,  it  would  amount  to  a  confession  in  the  eyes  of  the  Southern 
masses  that  the  North  was  the  aggressor.  The  refusal  of  the  South 
ern  leaders  to  accept  the  degrading  terms  of  surrender  offered  was  a 
confession  of  their  insincerity  in  charging  the  North  with  being  the 
aggressor,  but  that  did  not  excuse  the  weakness  of  the  responsible 
Republicans.  Mr.  Hamlin  thought  that  with  States  already  out  of 
the  Union  and  urging  others  to  join  in  the  revolt,  the  inevitable  crisis 
had  at  last  arrived,  and  that  it  was  time  to  prevent  the  remaining 
Southern  States  from  entering  it  by  taking  prompt  measures  to  sup 
press  the  rebellion  against  the  government.  What  was  the  use  of 
trying  to  harness  two  dissimilar  civilizations  together  longer  with  laws 
that  were  galling  to  each  ?  When  the  slave  power  had  exceeded  its 
rights,  willfully  outraged  the  free  people  of  the  North,  and  was  now 
trying  to  disrupt  the  Union,  why  not  take  it  by  the  strong  hand  of 
the  law  and  restrict  the  institution  under  limitations  that  would  ren 
der  it  impossible  for  the  thing  to  spread  ?  He  did  not  yet  advocate 
extermination,  nor  did  he  until  the  slaveholders'  rebellion  began,  when 
their  own  act  justified  emancipation. 

The  measures  that  particularly  excited  Mr.  Hamlin's  displeasure, 


FORMATION   OF   THE   CONFEDERACY  383 

and  of  which  he  made  a  record,  were  the  Crittenden  compromises. 
They  were  offered  by  John  J.  Crittenden,  whose  devotion  to  the 
Union  was  no  small  factor  in  preventing  Kentucky  from  joining  the 
Confederacy.  But  his  compromises  provided  for  the  perpetual  estab 
lishment  of  slavery  south  of  36°  30',  and  thus,  it  was  charged,  would 
have  encouraged  the  slaveholders  to  grab  more  land  from  Mexico, 
seize  Cuba,  and  perhaps  land  in  South  America.  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote 
Senator  Fessenden  as  follows,  on  January  23,  1861  :  - 

"  What  of  the  movements  at  Washington  ?  Is  there  to  be  a  miserable 
and  humiliating  compromise  by  which  we  as  Republicans  are  to  be  dis 
graced  ?  I  trust  not,  and  yet  I  have  my  fears  as  I  look  at  things  from  my 
standpoint. 

"  It  seems  to  me  that  Crittenden  is  doing  more  mischief  than  all  the  fire- 
eaters  in  the  land.  Has  he  an  idea  that  his  scheme  can  be  carried  out  by 
guaranteeing  slavery  in  all  the  continent  south  of  36°  30',  for  it  amounts 
to  that  ?  When  it  comes  to  that,  it  will  be  time  for  us  to  try  secession." 

Fessenden,  who  was  likewise  disgusted,  hastened  to  relieve  Mr. 
Hamlin's  anxiety  by  assuring  him  that  the  Crittenden  compromises 
were  doomed  to  defeat,  and  would  get  few  Republican  votes. 

The  futility  of  compromise  was  made  more  obvious  in  Mr.  Hamlin's 
eyes  a  few  days  later,  when  the  Southern  Confederacy  was  formed 
and  Jefferson  Davis  inaugurated  president.  This  was  the  beginning 
of  the  end,  and  he  decided  to  join  Mr.  Lincoln  as  soon  as  circum 
stances  would  permit.  The  approach  of  inauguration  day  gave  Mr. 
Hamlin  his  opportunity,  and  he  planned  to  meet  the  President-elect 
at  New  York  city,  on  his  eastward  journey  to  Washington.  Mr. 
Hamlin's  experience  on  his  way  to  New  York  is  another  record  of 
patriotic  demonstrations  and  an  additional  proof  of  the  loyalty  of  the 
masses.  The  tributes  he  received  were  spontaneous ;  his  speeches 
were  impromptu.  On  February  u  Mr.  Hamlin  and  his  wife  left 
Hampden,  and,  escorted  by  numerous  friends  and  neighbors  in  sleighs, 
proceeded  to  the  city  line  of  Bangor,  five  miles  from  his  home. 
There  they  found  an  immense  crowd  awaiting  their  arrival  to  con 
duct  them  to  the  railroad  station.  There  was  a  line  of  sleighs  over 
a  mile  long.  At  the  head  was  a  sleigh  containing  Mayor  Isaiah  Stet 
son,  Elijah  L.  Hamlin,  ex-Governor  Edward  Kent,  Hollis  Bowman, 
George  W.  Pickering,  and  other  former  chief  magistrates  of  Bangor. 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  took  their  seats  in  this  conveyance  and  were 
taken  to  the  station,  where  thousands  of  people  had  gathered  to  cheer 
off  the  Vice-President-elect. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  farewell  speech  was  as  follows  :  — 

"  Neighbors  and  fellow-citizens,  —  While  it  would  have  better  com 
ported  with  my  own  feelings  to  have  quietly  departed  from  my  home,  I  am 


384  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

profoundly  impressed  by  this  demonstration  of  your  kindness  and  respect. 
The  emotions  which  stir  within  me  have  no  adequate  language  for  expres 
sion.  I  can  but  tender  you  the  honest  thanks  of  a  grateful  heart.  For 
nearly  a  third  of  a  century  I  have  resided  in  your  midst,  and  my  highest 
ambition  has  been  to  secure  your  confidence  and  good-will,  and  to-day  I 
am  cheered  in  the  belief  that  I  have  not  been  wholly  unsuccessful.  To  me 
this  confidence  and  friendship  of  my  neighbors,  and  of  citizens  with  whom 
I  have  associated,  has  a  higher  value  than  any  political  position  that  men 
can  give. 

"  I  go  to  the  discharge  of  official  duties  which  have  been  conferred  on 
me  by  a  generous  people.  Relying  upon  a  Divine  Providence,  I  trust  that 
the  confidence  shall  never  be  betrayed.  A  man  may  cheerfully  lay  his  life 
upon  the  altar  of  his  country,  but  he  who  surrenders  his  integrity  loses 
self-respect  and  the  respect  of  others.  I  know  full  well  that  dark  clouds 
are  lowering  around  the  political  horizon,  and  that  madness  rules  the  hour. 
But  I  am  hopeful  still.  Our  people  are  not  only  loyal  to  the  government, 
but  they  are  fraternal  to  all  its  citizens ;  and  when  its  practice  shall  be 
demonstrated  that  the  constitutional  rights  of  all  the  States  will  be  re 
spected  and  maintained  by  following  the  paths  illumined  by  Washington, 
Jefferson,  and  Madison,  may  we  not  reasonably  hope  and  expect  that  quiet 
will  be  restored,  and  the  whole  country  will  still  advance  in  a  career  which 
will  elevate  man  in  a  social,  moral,  and  intellectual  condition  ? 

"  Whatever  may  betide  me  as  a  man,  or  in  my  official  position,  I  will 
endeavor  through  all  to  stand  faithfully  by  my  duty  and  the  right,  and  I 
shall  hold  even  my  life  at  the  service  of  my  country.  Looking  to  Him  in 
whose  hands  are  the  destinies  of  all  nations  as  well  as  individuals,  and 
who  has  been  our  safety  and  our  shield  in  the  past,  and  with  a  firm  and 
unshaken  reliance  upon  His  care  and  protection,  let  us  look  hopefully  to 
the  future.  If  there  are  any  storms  about  us  like  those  in  the  physical 
world,  they  will  leave  a  purer  sky  and  clearer  atmosphere  when  they  have 
passed  away." 

The  next  important  demonstration  occurred  at  Worcester,  Mass., 
where  the  railroad  station  was  jammed  with  an  enthusiastic  crowd 
awaiting  a  sight  of  the  Vice-President-elect.  William  Cross,  on  be 
half  of  the  people  gathered,  asked  Mr.  Hamlin  to  speak,  and  as  the 
shouts  were  incessant  he  came  to  the  platform  of  the  rear  car  and 
said  :  — 

"  Men  of  Massachusetts,  —  Your  generous  tones  speak  truly  for 
the  heart  of  this  ancient  commonwealth.  You  who  are  gathered  here 
are  the  best  representatives  of  the  blessings  of  intelligent  and  protec 
tive  free  labor,  and  the  sentiments  of  your  hearts  are  worthy  of  the 
fame  of  the  old  Bay  State.  I  know  you  are  sometimes  charged  with 
being  too  fanatical,  and  I  fear  your  complaint  is  chronic.  [Cheers  and 
laughter.]  It  comes  from  old  '76,  and  I  have  no  apologies  to  offer 
for  you.  [Cries  of  "  Good,  good  !"]  I  sympathize  with  it  too  deeply. 
[Enthusiastic  cheering.]  Friends,  maintain  like  men  the  principles 


FORMATION  OF  THE   CONFEDERACY  385 

of  the  old  Bay  State,  and  all  will  be  well.  Liberty  was  rocked  in  the 
cradle  in  Massachusetts  [cheers],  and,  my  friends,  stand  by  it  in  its 
old  age,  and  see  that  it  receives  no  blow,  and  you  will "  —  the  train 
suddenly  started,  and  brought  Mr.  Hamlin's  remarks  to  an  end,  with 
the  crowd  following  the  train  as  long  as  they  could,  enthusiastically 
cheering  and  waving  their  hats  at  the  bowing  Vice-President-elect. 

The  scene  at  Hartford  was  described  by  the  correspondent  of 
the  "  New  York  Tribune,"  who  was  on  board  the  train,  as  follows : 
"  There  was  a  clamorous  multitude  at  Hartford  who  were  set  wild  by 
Mr.  Hamlin's  appearance  when  he  was  introduced  by  Mayor  Deming, 
a  Democrat,  who  spoke  of  Mr.  Hamlin  as  Vice-President-elect  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  and  who  made  a  truly  eloquent  speech. 
Mr.  Hamlin  responded  cordially  to  the  introduction  and  reception, 
and  continued  in  a  few  words  interpreting  the  fidelity  of  the  sover 
eign  people  to  the  government.  His  remarks  were  necessarily  brief, 
but  the  multitude  hung  on  every  word  he  said,  and  expressed  their 
feelings  by  rapturous  applause,  and,  swaying  to  and  fro,  seemed  almost 
beside  themselves  with  enthusiasm.  A  lady  of  Hartford  presented 
Mr.  Hamlin  with  a  beautiful  bouquet." 

When  Meriden  was  reached  another  great  crowd  stormed  the  rail 
road  station  and  called  for  a  speech.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  taken  into  the 
baggage  car  and  addressed  the  people  as  follows  :  "  We  may  disagree 
somewhat  in  our  political  opinions,  but  we  can  have  but  one  of  our 
duty  to  that  country  to  which  we  owe  our  allegiance  —  an  allegiance 
which  must  be  assumed  by  every  instinct  and  principle  of  manhood, 
and  if  necessary  with  our  lives.  [Cheers.]  I  think  I  know  something 
of  the  New  England  head  and  the  New  England  heart.  [Cries  and 
cheers,  'That's  so !']  I  think  I  know  that  they  are  earnestly  loyal  to 
our  Union  as  it  is.  [Cheers.]  And  I  think  I  know  that  that  heart  and 
head  are  willing  to  concede  to  all  Americans  every  constitutional  right 
to  which  they  are  entitled.  [Great  cheering ;  and  here  an  Irishman 
created  a  disturbance  by  yelling  something  about  '  Sectionalism,' 
'  Black  Republicanism,'  and  '  Know-Nothingism,'  but  he  was  subdued 
and  the  Vice-President-elect  continued  :  ] 

"  We  welcome  the  outcast  and  the  downtrodden  of  all  nations  to 
our  shores  ;  from  the  hovels  of  Ireland,  from  the  mines  of  England, 
from  the  vassal-fields  of  France,  only  demanding  in  return  that  when 
they  have  come  and  joined  us  in  this  grand  triumph  of  self-govern 
ment  they  shall  be  true  and  loyal  American  citizens.  [Vociferous 
cheers  and  many  times  repeated.]  We  only  ask,  and  only  intend  to 
ask,  that  all  who  are  born  beneath  the  benignant  folds  of  our  stars 
and  stripes,  and  all  who  adopt  that  flag  as  the  standard  of  their 
choice,  shall  be  loyal  to  the  idea  it  typifies,  and  in  that  loyalty  dis 
charge  all  their  obligations."  [Rapturous  cheering.] 


386  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

The  "Tribune"  correspondent  painted  an  interesting  picture  of 
the  scenes  along  the  route.  "  The  track  was  in  excellent  condition 
and  everybody  in  good  spirits.  The  people  gathered  in  great  masses 
along  the  way  at  every  station,  crowded  in  the  windows,  clustered  in 
bevies  on  contiguous  roofs,  and  grouped  in  knots  on  the  neighboring 
hills  and  along  the  fields  eager  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  distinguished 
passenger,  and  hurrahing  in  the  most  indescribable  and  unprecedented 
manner  as  the  train  flew  along.  The  approach  of  Mr.  Hamlin  had 
been  announced  but  a  short  time  at  the  stations,  so  that  the  mam 
moth  gatherings  were  necessarily,  as  spontaneous  as  the  speeches  of 
Mr.  Hamlin,  yet  the  receptions  were  characterized  by  a  depth  of 
feeling  that  must  have  warmed  the  heart  and  strengthened  the  reso 
lutions  of  the  recipient." 

The  crowd  at  New  Haven  was  enormous,  —  larger  and  entering 
into  the  spirit  of  the  occasion  with  more  zest,  if  possible,  than  at 
Hartford.  The  immense  depot  was  crowded  to  overflowing,  thou 
sands  being  unable  to  make  their  way  within  reach  of  Mr.  Hamlin's 
voice.  The  cheers  of  the  multitude  brought  out  the  Vice-President 
elect,  and  he  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Babcock,  of  the  "  Palladium." 
In  expressing  his  pleasure  at  meeting  such  a  vast  assemblage,  Mr. 
Hamlin  said  that  he  had  been  greatly  gratified  at  the  outpouring  of 
the  patriotic  people  along  the  route,  —  "  from  the  rural  towns,  where 
quiet  and  plenty  are  to  be  found ;  from  busy  villages,  where  the  hum 
and  din  of  machinery  tell  of  thrift  and  enterprise ;  from  the  cities  of 
commerce  and  wealth  towards  which  flows  the  tributary  streams  of 
these  industries ;  from  all  my  points  of  travel  have  come  forth  to 
greet  me  a  true,  strong-hearted  people,  inspired  with  devotion  to  a 
common  cause  and  a  common  inheritance.  [Long  and  continued 
cheering.]  I  accept  these  ovations  not  as  personal  tributes,  for  men 
are  lost  sight  of  in  crises  like  these ;  they  are  as  unimportant  as  the 
lightest  atoms  that  float  in  the  atmosphere.  [Loud  cheers.]  It  is 
devotion  to  common  principles  that  bring  you  together,  —  the  great 
principles  of  the  fathers  of  the  republic,  now  represented  in  the 
nation  by  that  great  and  good  man  whom  the  people  have  elevated 
to  the  highest  office  within  the  gift  of  any  nation  on  the  face  of  the 
earth  —  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois.  [Cheering  threatened  to  be 
irrepressible.]  Now,  my  friends,  the  Union,  as  our  fathers  made  it, 
and  as  it  is  now,  must  and  will  be  perpetuated  and  handed  down  as  a 
blessed  legacy  to  future  generations." 

The  "  Tribune "  added  that,  at  the  close  of  this  eloquent  and 
patriotic  speech,  the  cheers  of  the  immense  multitude  were  almost 
deafening,  and  the  crowd  surged  at  Mr.  Hamlin  to  greet  him.  "  Now 
it  happens  that  the  Vice-President-elect  has  a  big  heart  and  a  most 
cordial  manner,  inclining  him  to  humor  the  people  in  all  their  little 


FORMATION   OF   THE   CONFEDERACY  387 

eccentricities  of  welcome,  vigorously  shaking  hands  all  over  instead 
of  going  at  it  with  his  finger  tips  ;  and  it  also  happened  on  this  occa 
sion  that  the  zealous  crowd,  apparently  frantic  with  enthusiasm,  much 
more  than  reciprocated  the  cordiality  of  their  guest.  In  fact,  in  the 
process  of  handshaking  and  congratulations,  the  Vice-President-elect 
lost  his  balance,  the  people  captured  him,  and  the  train  moved  off, 
leaving  its  distinguished  passenger  to  fight  his  way  out  of  the  crowd 
of  extravagantly  affectionate  sovereigns  of  New  Haven." 

Mr.  Hamlin  exclaimed,  "  Fellow-citizens,  if  I  had  the  arms  of 
Briareus,  and  I  believe  that  he  had  one  hundred,  I  would  give  them 
all  to  you." 

The  "Tribune"  continued  :  "What  were  the  feelings  of  the  youth 
ful  and  interesting  Mrs.  Vice-President  on  the  prospect  of  going  to 
Washington  alone,  deponent  saith  not,  for  she  did  n't ;  but  the  loss 
was  discovered  on  board,  and  the  train  brought  to  a  halt.  Meantime, 
Mr.  Hamlin  took  his  chances  among  the  convened  thousands  and 
stood  on  his  muscle.  His  late  audience  was  hugely  excited  at  the 
prospect  of  his  becoming  their  guest ;  but  to  do  them  justice,  they 
jostled  and  hustled  him  very  tenderly,  considering  the  state  of  the 
tangled  mass,  and  he  emerged  into  the  air  undamaged,  save  in  a 
slightly  demolished  beaver.  In  reaching  the  waiting  train,  Mr.  Ham 
lin  exhibited  powers  of  locomotion  that  did  great  credit  to  his 
physique." 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  reached  New  York  city  without  further  inci 
dent  worth  recording  in  time  to  join  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  at  dinner 
in  their  suite  at  the  Astor  House.  The  President-elect  was  genial 
and  unaffectedly  glad  to  welcome  his  associate  and  wife  ;  Mrs.  Lincoln 
was  brilliant,  and  an  exceedingly  pleasant  hour  was  passed  at  the 
table.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  were  charmed  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  kind 
ness  of  manner  and  perfect  simplicity  of  nature.  He  recounted  his 
experiences  coming  from  his  home,  and  listened  with  great  interest  to 
Mr.  Hamlin's  account  of  the  continuous  receptions  he  had  met.  All 
the  signs  augured  a  patriotic  uprising  in  support  of  the  government, 
and  yet,  while  no  man  could  but  feel  elated  at  the  demonstrations 
such  as  Mr.  Lincoln  had  received,  his  bearing  was  free  from  any  sug 
gestion  that  he  felt  they  were  personal.  Naturally  he  did  not  talk 
about  his  policy,  but  his  ardent  patriotism  disclosed  itself  in  significant 
words  and  sentences,  and  in  his  looks  and  nods  of  approval  when  he 
heard  or  told  of  incidents  that  pleased  him.  He  expanded,  and  the 
glow  of  his  genial  personality  warmed  his  guests  to  him  more  strongly 
than  ever.  Even  in  little  things,  Mr.  Lincoln's  ingenuous  disposition 
was  revealed.  When,  for  instance,  oysters  on  the  half  shell  were 
served,  he  looked  at  them  with  a  half-doubting,  half-smiling  look  and 
said,  as  if  he  had  never  eaten  such  a  dish  before,  "Well,  I  don't 


388  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

know  that  I  can  manage  these  things,  but  I  guess  I  can  learn."  He 
would  not  resort  to  a  polite  artifice,  or  pretend  even  in  the  case  of 
oysters. 

In  the  evening  the  presidential  party  was  taken  to  the  Academy  of 
Music  to  a  performance  of  "  The  Masked  Ball."  There  was  a  great 
demonstration  on  the  part  of  the  audience  when  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr. 
Hamlin  appeared  in  a  box,  after  which  the  curtain  rose,  and  the  chorus 
came  forward  with  the  national  flag,  while  Miss  Hinckley  and  Ade 
laide  Phillips  sang  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner."  The  orchestra  then 
played  "  Hail  Columbia,"  and  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Hamlin  had  to 
bow  repeatedly  to  the  audience  that  was  well-nigh  frantic  with  enthu 
siasm  before  the  performance  was  allowed  to  continue.  After  an  act 
the  party  withdrew  and  returned  to  the  Astor  House,  where  Mrs.  Lin 
coln  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  held  a  reception  with  General  James  Watson 
Webb  as  master  of  ceremonies.  Mrs.  Hamlin  held  a  private  recep 
tion  in  her  parlor  subsequently  with  General  Robert  Schenck,  Truman 
Smith,  and  other  well-known  men  assisting. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  appearance  in  New  York  city  created  a  patriotic  fer 
ment,  and  when  it  became  known  that  both  the  President  and  Vice- 
President  elect  were  in  the  city,  another  wave  of  patriotic  excitement 
swept  over  the  metropolis.  Soon  after  the  presidential  party  had 
returned  to  the  Astor  House,  a  band  of  music  and  cheers  were  heard. 
The  Wide  Awakes  —  an  army  of  them  was  coming  to  serenade  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  Mr.  Hamlin.  The  scene  in  front  of  the  hotel  was  de 
scribed  as  unprecedented.  Broadway  was  a  solid  wall  of  humanity. 
The  adjoining  buildings  were  black  here  and  there  with  crowds  of 
men  in  the  windows  and  on  the  roofs.  Torches  flared  and  cast  a 
weird  light  over  the  scene,  bands  crashed,  and  the  multitude  cheered 
itself  hoarse.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  already  spoken  in  the  city,  and  did 
not  desire  to  respond  again.  General  J.  H.  Hobart  Ward,  who  was 
to  distinguish  himself  as  one  of  the  bravest  soldiers  the  Empire  State 
sent  to  the  front,  waited  with  other  members  of  the  Wide  Awake 
Central  Committee  on  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  induced  him  to  speak.  He 
appeared  on  the  balcony,  and  said  :  — 

"I  am  gratified  to  hear  these  generous  tones  that  come  from  the 
honest  hearts  of  men  who  occupy  the  empire  city  of  New  York. 
[Cheers.]  They  speak  as  if  with  a  devotion  to  the  principles  in  which 
all  have  a  common  interest.  They  speak  to  me  the  evidence,  the  love, 
they  bear  the  common  country.  [Cheers.]  They  satisfy  me  here  in 
this  great  commercial  mart  that  the  heads,  the  hearts,  and  the  hands 
of  our  people  are  ready  to  vindicate  the  government  under  which  they 
live,  and  which  they  have  received  from  their  fathers.  [Cheers  and 
cries  of  '  Good  !  That 's  the  way  to  talk.']  They  tell  me  how  truly 
a  government  like  our  own  may  repose  upon  the  popular  will ;  they 


FORMATION   OF   THE   CONFEDERACY  389 

tell  me  how  truly  the  great,  the  good  and  honest  man  that  you  have 
elevated  to  the  first  position  that  man  can  bestow  [cheers]  will  receive 
in  all  times  that  loyalty  which  the  citizen  owes  his  government,  and 
that  with  your  hearts  and  hands  you  will  rally  to  its  support  in  sun 
shine  and  in  storm." 

In  the  midst  of  this  jubilation  there  were  rumors  that  a  plot  to 
assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  discovered.  It  is  now  known  that 
there  was  a  plot,  but  when  the  story  was  brought  to  Mr.  Lincoln's 
ears,  Mr.  Hamlin  noted  that  the  President-elect  was  "as  calm  and 
serene  as  a  summer  morning."  But  those  around  him  were  greatly 
alarmed,  and  the  result  was  that  he  was  persuaded  against  his  own 
judgment  to  make  the  now  famous  secret  journey  to  Washington.. 
This  was  the  first  and  only  time  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  evaded  danger,  and 
to  the  end  of  his  life  he  regretted  that  he  yielded  to  the  pressure  of 
his  friends.  But  perhaps  he  acted  for  the  best.  Mr.  Hamlin  shared 
Mr.  Lincoln's  confidence,  and  as  there  was  no  fear  in  him  of  physical 
danger,  he  was  averse  to  taking  any  steps  that  might  seem  to  reflect 
on  his  courage.  Only  once  in  his  life  did  he  carry  a  pistol,  and  that 
was  when  he  was  a  raw  congressman,  and  had  not  fathomed  Southern 
bluster.  He  was  asked  subsequently  whether  he  "  carried  arms  when 
he  was  the  war  Vice-President."  "Yes,"  he  replied,  with  a  twinkle 
in  his  eye,  and  holding  up  the  arms  nature  provided  him  with,  and 
which  had  muscles  like  steel,  he  added,  "  these  were  what  I  carried, 
and  they  were  good  enough  to  knock  a  man  down  any  day."  But 
against  his  inclinations  Mr.  Hamlin  was  forced  to  modify  his  plans  in 
a  slight  measure  for  prudential  reasons,  although  in  the  main  he 
adhered  to  his  original  itinerary. 

Mr.  Hamlin  left  New  York  city  on  February  22.  The  Jersey 
ferryboat,  the  John  P.  Jackson,  was  gayly  decorated  in  honor  of  its 
passenger,  thus  making  his  presence  known.  In  the  party  besides 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  were  congressmen-elect  Charles  W.  Walton, 
John  N.  Goodwin,  Frederick  A.  Pike,  Samuel  C.  Fessenden,  and  John 
H.  Rice,  of  Maine ;  David  Davis,  of  Illinois  ;  George  Lewis,  of  New 
Haven ;  J.  W.  North,  of  Minnesota ;  Mark  Howard,  of  Connecticut, 
and  Colonel  Allen  and  Mr.  Comins,  of  Boston,  who  were  in  charge. 
When  the  boat  arrived  at  Jersey  City,  Mayor  Van  Vorst,  Mr.  Zabris- 
kie,  Mr.  Gaddis,  and  other  prominent  citizens  welcomed  Mr.  Hamlin, 
who  bowed  his  acknowledgments  to  the  people  present  and  at  once 
boarded  a  special  train.  The  only  departure  made  from  the  original 
programme  was  taken  before  passing  through  Baltimore,  when  Mr. 
Hamlin  seated  himself  in  another  train.  Perhaps  this  was  for  the 
best.  Baltimore  was  a  hotbed  of  secessionism,  and  the  Union  ele 
ment  was  overborne.  Mr.  Hamlin  lay  quietly  in  his  berth  as  the 
train  rolled  into  the  Oriole  City.  The  station  was  filled  with  rough 


390  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

characters,  and  the  temper  of  the  crowd  was  unmistakably  hostile  to 
the  Union.  There  were  oaths  heard  that  "  no  damned  Abolitionist 
like  Lincoln  or  Hamlin  should  enter  the  White  House,"  and  the  mob 
seemed  capable  of  carrying  out  its  threats.  The  ruffians  were  there 
to  watch  the  trains  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  a  horde  of  them  rushed 
through  Mr.  Hamlin's  car.  Some  of  them  *even  brushed  aside  the 
curtains  of  his  compartments,  and  stared  at  him,  but  failing  to  re 
cognize  the  Vice-President-elect,  the  uncleanly  creatures  took  them 
selves  away,  leaving  an  atmosphere  of  profanity  and  whiskey  behind 
them. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  reached  Washington  without  further  annoy 
ance,  and  were  met  by  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Washburne.  Mr.  Lincoln 
arrived  subsequently,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  joined  him  at  a  dinner  at  Mr. 
Seward's  house,1  where  they  discussed  the  policy  and  prospects  of 
the  new  administration.  In  his  accounts  of  this  and  many  other  inter 
views  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Hamlin  gave  members  of  his  family  the 
bare  facts  without  the  details  that  would  have  made  them  of  greater 
interest.  His  habit  of  reticence  and  aversion  for  anything  that  ap 
proached  gossip  closed  his  lips.  Then,  again,  he  consulted  with  presi 
dents  and  statesmen  generally  as  one  business  man  would  consult 
with  others  —  to  accomplish  an  object,  and  if  he  succeeded,  that  was 
the  end  of  it.  But  the  facts  of  this  and  other  interviews  on  secession 
disclosed  the  various  attitudes  which  Mr.  Lincoln  and  these  two 
advisers  took  towards  that  vexed  problem.  Mr.  Hamlin  feared  that 
the  situation  was  more  dangerous  than  Mr.  Lincoln  or  Mr.  Seward 
did.  He  was  also  more  radical,  and  advised  the  President-elect  to 
enter  on  a  course  to  prevent  secession  from  spreading.  Mr.  Seward 
was  conciliatory,  and  took  a  rosy  view  of  the  outlook  that  was  in  con 
sonance  with  his  subsequent  prediction  when  the  war  broke  out,  — 
that  it  would  end  in  ninety  days.  Mr.  Lincoln's  nature  placed  him 
between  these  two  extremes.  He  was  less  radical  than  Mr.  Hamlin, 
and  less  optimistic  than  Governor  Seward.  He  was  willing  to  use 
force,  but  not  unless  he  was  compelled  to,  for  fear  that  the  border 
States  might  be  irritated  into  revolt.  He  desired  that  if  war  broke 
out  the  entire  responsibility  should  be  on  the  secessionists,  and  was 
mapping  his  course  to  that  end.  This  was  the  essence  of  the  inter 
view,  and  the  only  comment  to  be  made  now  is  what  Mr.  Hamlin 
made  years  afterwards  in  speaking  of  this  policy  :  "  Perhaps  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  wiser  than  the  rest  of  us." 

1  Seward  at  Washington,  p.  511. 


CHAPTER   XXXI 

THE  SLAVEHOLDERS'  REBELLION 

THE  beautiful  weather  and  scenes  around  Washington  seemed  to 
betoken  the  opening  of  an  auspicious  era  when  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr. 
Hamlin  were  inducted  into  office  on  March  4,  1861.  The  city  was 
inundated  with  Northern  men,  many  of  whom  were  armed,  and  little 
was  heard  from  the  secessionists  or  their  sympathizers,  who  were  still 
lurking  about  the  capital.  Mr.  Hamlin' s  inauguration  took  place 
first  in  accordance  with  custom.  At  noon  he  was  escorted  to  the 
senate  chamber  by  Senator  Foot,  where  a  great  throng  of  people 
packed  the  place.  The  Senate  presented  the  spectacle  of  the  lion  and 
the  lamb  lying  down  together.  A  correspondent  drew  an  interest 
ing  picture  of  the  scene  which  almost  breathed  a  holiday  atmosphere. 
The  spectators  in  the  densely  crowded  galleries  seemed  in  a  gala 
mood,  while  there  appeared  to  be  no  enmities  on  the  floor.  The 
truculent  Wigfall,  of  Texas,  was  seen  gossiping  and  joking  with  sen 
ators  whom  he  had  pitched  into  with  fiery  zest,  and  Vice-President 
Breckinridge  spent  most  of  his  time  on  the  Republican  side  of  the 
house.  The  final  touch  to  the  picture  was  the  "  youthful  Mrs.  Ham 
lin,  smiling  down  from  the  gallery  on  her  noble  looking  husband,"  who 
was  to  take  the  second  office  in  the  land  to  which  he  had  climbed 
from  the  printer's  case.  There  was  nothing  in  this  scene  that  hinted 
at  the  approach  of  a  bloody  war. 

The  inaugural  ceremonies  were  brief.  Senator  Foot,  who  was  to 
be  the  President  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate,  escorted  Mr.  Hamlin  to  a 
seat  on  the  dais  at  the  left  of  the  Vice-President's  chair.  The  courtly 
Breckinridge  then  announced  that  he  was  ready  to  administer  the 
oath  of  office  to  his  successor.  Mr.  Hamlin  thereupon  arose  and 
said :  "  Senators,  an  experience  of  several  years  as  a  member  of  this 
body  has  taught  me  many  of  the  duties  of  its  presiding  officer,  which 
are  delicate,  sometimes  embarrassing,  and  always  responsible.  With 
a  firm  and  inflexible  purpose  to  discharge  these  duties  faithfully,  rely 
ing  upon  the  courtesy  and  cooperation  of  senators,  and  invoking  the 
aid  of  Divine  Providence,  I  am  now  ready  to  take  the  oath  required 
by  the  Constitution,  and  to  enter  upon  the  discharge  of  the  official 
duties  intrusted  to  me  in  the  confidence  of  a  generous  public." 

Mr.  Breckinridge  then  administered  the  oath,  and  with  his  declara- 


392  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

tion  that  the  Senate  stood  adjourned  the  ceremonies  were  closed. 
Vice-President  Hamlin  then  called  the  Senate  together  to  enter  upon 
the  special  session.  He  next  swore  in  several  newly  elected  senators, 
and  then  President  Buchanan  and  President-elect  Lincoln  entered 
the  Senate  to  begin  the  inaugural  ceremonies  of  the  latter.  They 
were  conducted  to  seats  in  front  of  the  secretary's  chair,  when  Vice- 
President  Hamlin  announced  the  order  of  the  presidential  procession. 
The  marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  the  sergeant-at-arms  of  the  Senate,  the  President  and 
President-elect,  the  Vice-President,  the  members  of  the  Senate,  the 
diplomatic  corps,  heads  of  departments,  governors  of  states  and  terri 
tories,  the  mayor  of  Washington  and  Georgetown,  and  other  persons 
who  had  been  admitted  to  the  senate  chamber.  The  procession  pro 
ceeded  in  this  order  to  the  platform  on  the  central  portico  of  the 
Capitol,  where  Mr.  Lincoln  became  President.  The  Vice-President 
with  his  son  Charles  sat  near  the  new  executive. 

The  scene  presented  remained  a  memorable  picture  in  the  minds 
of  those  who  saw  it.  Lincoln's  tall  form  towered  before  a  sea  of 
upturned  faces  that  reflected  loyalty  to  the  government.  There  were 
only  a  few  troops  visible.  A  singular  comment  on  the  situation  was 
the  presence  of  President  Buchanan,  Chief  Justice  Taney,  and  Sen 
ator  Douglas,  whom  Lincoln  had  arraigned  in  a  strikingly  original 
manner  with  Pierce,  as  the  four  workingmen  —  Stephen,  Roger, 
Franklin,  and  James  —  who  had  constructed  that  piece  of  machinery 
compounded  of  the  Nebraska  doctrine  and  the  Dred  Scott  decision  — 
an  indictment  which  the  people  had  accepted.  Mr.  Buchanan  seemed 
in  a  state  of  impending  collapse,  and  sighed  continually.  Mr.  Taney 
drank  in  every  word  Lincoln  uttered,  with  hardly  a  change  of  expres 
sion  or  attitude.  Douglas  was  bold  and  manly.  He  paid  Lincoln 
delicate  personal  attentions,  and  plainly  showed  by  his  manner  and 
comments  that  he  intended  to  give  the  new  administration  a  chival 
rous  support.  He  held  Lincoln's  hat,  and  when  he  heard  a  point  he 
liked  he  would  nod  his  head  emphatically,  and  say  in  hearty  tones, 
"  Good !  That 's  right ! "  The  attitude  Douglas  assumed  at  this  critical 
period  was  worth  an  army  to  the  administration.  Thousands  of  men 
who  had  followed  him  now  gave  their  support  to  the  Union.  His 
friendly  bearing  typified  a  coming  union  between  the  loyal  Demo 
crats  and  Republicans  to  perpetuate  the  nation,  and  for  this  reason  it 
is  pleasing  to  leave  him  pictured  as  the  patriot  rather  than  as  the 
partisan. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  inaugural  address  was  framed  on  the  lines  he  had 
indicated  to  Mr.  Hamlin.  The  purpose  was  to  conciliate,  and  hence 
Mr.  Lincoln  endeavored  to  allay  apprehensions  at  the  North  and  the 
South  that  he  might  not  rise  to  the  emergency,  or  contemplated  a  war 


THE   SLAVEHOLDERS'   REBELLION  393 

on  the  South  and  its  institutions.  He  delicately,  but  firmly  asserted 
the  power  of  the  government  to  maintain  itself,  and  yet  at  the  same 
time  pledged  himself  and  his  party  anew  not  to  interfere  with  slavery 
where  it  was  protected  by  the  Constitution.  He  demonstrated  with 
elementary  clearness  that  the  existence  of  the  government  implied  its 
right  of  self-perpetuation,  and  he  proved  that  secession  was  a  self- 
destroying  force  by  showing  that  if  carried  to  a  logical  conclusion  it 
would  take  States  out  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  and  also  disin 
tegrate  States  themselves.  He  held  that  the  Union  had  not  been 
broken,  and  announced  that  he  should  collect  the  revenues,  though 
without  resorting  to  measures  that  would  irritate,  with  a  portentous 
reminder  that  the  issue  of  war  was  in  the  hands  of  the  South.  He 
closed  with  that  exquisite  appeal  to  sentiment  that  would  have  had 
an  effect  on  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed  had  they  not  been  too 
blind  to  see  that  the  responsibility  of  beginning  the  strife  was  now 
theirs.  When  Mr.  Lincoln  took  the  oath  of  office  a  free  negro  who 
was  standing  at  the  end  of  the  platform  was  seized  with  an  inspira 
tion,  and  raised  the  national  flag  that  had  been  hanging  low  on  its 
staff.1 

The  one  thing  about  Abraham  Lincoln  that  most  strongly  im 
pressed  itself  on  Mr.  Hamlin  after  their  close  intimacy  had  been 
established  was  the  remarkable  growth  he  attained  while  President. 
Indeed,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  of  the  opinion  that  no  man  ever  grew  in  the 
executive  chair  in  his  lifetime  as  Lincoln  did.  Thus,  with  this  view 
of  the  President,  Mr.  Hamlin  understood  him  better  than  the  other 
radicals,  and  expected  him  to  succeed  when  they  feared  failure.  But 
while  Lincoln's  growth  has  long  been  a  favorite  theme  with  writers 
and  speakers,  it  has  not  always  been  presented  in  a  way  that  is  fair 
to  all  who  surrounded  him.  The  men  who  tell  the  king  what  they 
believe  to  be  the  truth,  and  honestly  try  to  point  out  his  mistakes 
to  him,  are  truer  friends  than  those  who  always  say  the  king  is  right, 
and  tell  him  what  they  think  he  would  like  to  hear.  When  the 
smoke  of  the  civil  war  was  cleared  away,  and  the  correct  proportions 
of  Lincoln's  figure  were  seen  in  their  colossal  dimensions,  his  extreme 
eulogists  made  the  mistake  of  constructing  a  Lincoln  who  was  as 
great  the  day  he  left  Springfield  as  when  he  made  his  earthly  exit 
four  years  later.  Lincoln's  astonishing  development  was  thus  ignored, 
and  also  the  unique  group  of  fearless,  plain-spoken  men  who  sur 
rounded  him.  It  remains,  therefore,  for  the  philosophical  historian 
to  determine  their  influence  on  Lincoln,  and  perhaps  through  their 
eyes  he  may  find  the  true  Lincoln  a  more  interesting  and  greater 
man,  certainly  a  more  human  being. 

There  is  no  intention  of  reviving  an  issue  that  once  caused  wide 
1  The  Story  of  the  Hut  chins  ons. 


394  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

dissension  in  order  to  vindicate  any  one  man,  or  any  set  of  men  ;  the 
purpose  is  to  present  both  sides  of  *the  issue  in  order  to  make  a  com 
plete  record.  Mr.  Hamlin  came  to  the  ultimate  opinion  that  Lincoln 
was  the  greatest  figure  of  the  age,  and  he  based  this  on  his  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  man  and  his  acts.  But  he  saw  two  Lincolns,  and 
the  one  who  had  emerged  from  the  former  had  risen  to  greatness 
through  his  growth  and  his  ability  to  profit  by  early  mistakes.  The 
one  came  from  Illinois,  inexperienced  in  wielding  great  power;  the 
other  was  the  conqueror  of  a  gigantic  civil  war,  the  emancipator  of 
slaves,  master  of  the  political  situation,  and  savior  of  the  nation.  If 
the  first  Lincoln  made  a  mistake  in  believing  that  the  secessionists 
would  listen  to  a  conciliatory  policy,  it  is  pertinent  to  ask  whether  the 
second  Lincoln,  armed  with  his  experience  with  the  duplicity  of  trai 
tors,  would  have  approached  the  crisis  of  1861  with  his  peace  policy. 
If  the  first  Lincoln  committed  no  error  in  endeavoring  to  conciliate 
the  South,  it  is  perhaps  equally  pertinent  to  inquire  whether  a  sum 
mary  suppression  of  the  secession  movement  would  not  have  fortified 
the  Union  anew  with  slavery  perpetuated.  The  answer  to  this  is 
that  the  radicals,  if  they  had  had  their  way,  would  have  overthrown 
the  institution,  or  hedged  it  in  with  restrictions  that  eventually  would 
have  killed  it. 

Thus,  at  the  threshold  of  his  administration,  President  Lincoln  con 
fronted  mightier  problems  than  any  President  had  faced  since  Wash 
ington.  The  long  talked  of  Confederacy  had  been  established,  there 
was  a  radical  difference  of  opinion  among  his  advisers  as  to  his  course 
of  action,  the  treasury  was  empty,  traitors  were  blustering  in  Con 
gress,  and  the  office-seekers  were  overwhelming  him.  The  agony  of 
mind  the  harassed  man  suffered  as  he  paced  out  his  thoughts  in  his 
midnight  vigils  can  only  be  imagined.  But  when  Mr.  Hamlin  saw  Mr. 
Lincoln  during  this  terrible  tension,  he  rarely  yielded  to  the  fearful 
depression  he  must  have  endured,  though  now  and  then  an  anxious 
look,  a  wearied  gesture,  or  despondent  tone,  would  escape  him.  He 
was  generally  cheerful  in  manner,  invariably  kind,  frank,  and  courteous 
to  his  associate.  He  was  deliberate  and  cautious  in  speech,  and  fre 
quently  would  meet  questions  by  asking  one.  Sometimes  he  would 
sit  with  his  arms  hugging  his  knees,  and  listen  with  a  far-away  look 
in  his  eyes.  When  it  was  his  turn  to  answer,  his  face  would  often 
light  up  with  a  smile  that  almost  transformed  him  into  a  handsome 
man.  His  voice  was  gentleness  itself,  but  his  manner  suggested  the 
firmness  in  the  man.  There  was  an  air  of  natural  dignity  about  him 
that  drew  the  line  between  friendly  and  obtrusive  advances,  and  yet 
welcomed  warm,  fraternal  approach  and  intercourse.  Mr.  Hamlin 
could  not  help  liking  Mr.  Lincoln  if  he  could  not  like  his  policy. 

These  interviews  served  to  reveal  the  ultimate  considerations  that 


THE   SLAVEHOLDERS'   REBELLION  395 

led  Mr.  Lincoln  to  cling  to  his  hold-back  policy.  There  was,  first,  his 
desire  to  place  the  responsibility  of  war  on  the  South,  which  he  had 
hinted  at  ;  second,  his  fear  of  getting  in  advance  of  the  people  ;  and 
third,  his  own  Kentucky  fibre.  He  expressed  himself  in  his  custom 
ary  shrewd  way  and  by  asking  questions.  He  did  not  say  even  now 
that  the  South  would  fight,  but  he  would  admit  his  fears  that  it 
might.  He  would  ask  if  the  prospects  of  keeping  the  border  States 
in  the  Union  were  not  improved  by  the  maintenance  of  peace.  He 
did  not  say  that  he  feared  the  people  of  the  North  would  not  rally  to 
the  support  of  the  Union  if  the  government  took  the  initiative,  but 
he  would  ask  in  a  significant  way  how  much  longer  the  Greeley  Re 
publicans  would  cry  "No  coercion,"  and  where  the  money  was  coming 
from  to  support  an  army,  Mr.  Hamlin  replied  that  in  his  opinion 
the  Confederacy  was  an  organized  rebellion,  and  would  carry  other 
States  into  revolt  unless  prompt  measures  were  taken.  He  said  that 
his  experience  among  the  plain  people  he  had  met  satisfied  him  that 
they  would  come  to  the  aid  of  the  government,  and  that  the  loyal 
States  would  raise  the  necessary  money.  He  thought  that  the  "no 
coercion  "  cry  would  not  avail,  because  in  the  forcing  of  a  crisis 
the  people  would  forget  doctrinaires  and  fight  to  preserve  the  Union. 
This  was  the  difference  between  the  President  and  his  radical  advis 
ers  until  the  crisis  came,  as  outlined  by  Mr.  Hamlin  to  his  son  Charles. 
Mr.  Hamlin  soon  obtained  'an  insight  into  the  peculiar  personal 
qualities  of  Lincoln  through  several  incidents  that  happened  about 
this  time.  When  Sumner  was  introduced  to  the  President  he  pro 
posed,  in  his  good-natured  way,  that  they  measure  to  ascertain  the 
difference  in  height.  But  the  senator  from  Massachusetts,  who  had 
no  sense  of  humor,  was  decidedly  ruffled,  and  read  Lincoln  a  little 
lecture  on  the  necessity  of  presenting  united  fronts  to  the  enemy. 
Lincoln  told  this  story  on  himself  with  evident  appreciation  of  the 
humor  of  the  incident,  and  added  in  a  droll  way :  "  Sumner  is  a  good 
piece  of  a  man,  but  do  you  know,  he's  just  my  idea  of  a  bishop  ?  " 
Mr.  Hamlin,  who  was  a  capital  story-teller  himself,  brought  up  Col 
onel  James  Dunning,  of  Bangor,  one  of  the  best  raconteurs  in  the 
country,  and  introduced  him  to  Lincoln  right  after  his  inauguration, 
with  the  suggestion  that  he  tell  a  story.  Colonel  Dunning  hit  on  a 
problem  that  was  vexing  the  President,  and  related  the  story  of  the 
soldier  who  was  hauled  up  before  a  court-martial  for  compelling  a 
man  at  the  point  of  a  gun  to  eat  a  crow.  "Do  I  recognize  this 
gentleman  ? "  he  asked  in  his  blandest  tones.  "  Ah,  yes,  he  's  the 
gentleman  who  dined  with  me  yesterday."  The  story  was  peculiarly 
apropos.  Lincoln  shouted  with  laughter,  and  said  to  Colonel  Dun 
ning,  "  Come  up  to  the  house  some  night  this  week  and  tell  me  some 
more  of  your  stories." 


396  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN 

There  were  numerous  incidents  of  this  kind  that  served  to  place 
President  Lincoln  in  a  false  light  before  some  good,  but  easily  dis 
turbed  people.  There  were  traitors  still  shouting  treason  in  Congress, 
rebel  commissions  were  floating  around  Washington,  and  the  Confed 
eracy  was  gaining  strength,  while  the  President  was  telling  stories  ! 
Mr.  Sumner  and  his  followers,  for  example?  did  not  believe  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  serious  enough  to  grasp  the  situation.  But  others,  with 
a  keener  knowledge  of  human  nature,  had  learned  to  see  in  the  Presi 
dent  a  many-sided  man  of  singular  humanity.  Mr.  Hamlin,  for  one, 
perceived  in  Lincoln's  story-telling  proclivities  another  revelation 
of  his  felicitous  art  of  illustration,  and  his  seeking  for  a  temporary 
escape  from  the  crushing  troubles  of  the  times.  But  while  traitors 
were  allowed  to  declaim  in  the  halls  of  Congress  unmolested,  and 
rebel  commissioners  appeared  to  have  some  show  of  authority  for 
communication  with  the  government,  it  was  all  for  a  purpose,  and  the 
end  was  not  far.  While  the  President  still  earnestly  sought  to  nego 
tiate  with  leaders  in  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  other  Southern 
States,  he  was  nevertheless  looking  out  for  Fort  Sumter.  He  endeav 
ored  to  provision  it  in  accordance  with  his  expressed  intentions,  and 
would  not  allow  it  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  South  Carolina  seces 
sionists.  In  this  he  manoeuvred  with  great  skill,  and  succeeded  in 
placing  the  secessionists  on  the  aggressive,  with  the  responsibility  of 
opening  the  armed  conflict. 

The  leaders  of  the  Confederacy  now  found  themselves  in  an  em 
barrassing  predicament.  They  no  longer  had  a  President  to  deal 
with  who  tolerated  traitors  and  secession  spies  in  his  councils,  and 
who  professed  conciliation,  but  practiced  ruinous  concession  ;  they 
were  dealing  with  a  man  who  had  sincerely  offered  conciliatory  mea 
sures,  but  who  was  the  incarnation  of  Union  loyalty.  They  realized 
that  to  take  a  step  backward  now  was  to  demolish  the  Confeder 
acy  amidst  the  laughter  of  the  world.  They  had  been  accustomed 
to  supremacy  so  long,  and  were  so  blinded  with  passion,  that  they  did 
not  stop  to  count  the  cost.  They  made  no  account  of  the  vast  public 
and  private  obligations  the  South  and  its  people  owed  to  the  govern 
ment  and  the  North  ;  they  ignored  the  hundreds  of  millions  of  dol 
lars  the  Northern  people  had  paid  into  the  common  treasury  to  help 
buy  new  States  for  the  South,  to  make  improvements  in  all  the  South 
ern  territories,  to  pay  salaries  to  officials  therein  ;  they  ignored  the 
enormous  individual  claims  Northern  merchants  had  on  their  people ; 
they  forgot  that  the  South  was  dependent  commercially  on  the  North. 
But  they  did  not  forget  the  teachings  of  the  Northern  "dough-faces," 
and  the  voice  of  their  own  ambitions  and  hatred.  They  did  not 
believe  that  the  North  would  fight,  and  they  were  now  sure  that  the 
Southern  masses  were  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  revolutionary 


THE   SLAVEHOLDERS'   REBELLION  397 

spirit.  When  a  fire-eater  told  Jefferson  Davis  that  "  Alabama  would 
be  back  in  the  old  Union  in  less  than  ten  days  unless  he  sprinkled 
blood  in  the  face  of  the  Southern  people,"  he  ordered  the  blow  struck. 
Sumter  was  fired  on,  April  12,  1861,  and  the  conflict  was  begun. 

The  special  session  of  Congress  lasted  only  a  few  days,  and  before 
its  close  Mr.  Hamlin  retired  from  his  chair,  in  accordance  with  a  cus 
tom  that  required  the  Vice-President  to  absent  himself  from  Wash 
ington  after  his  induction  into  office  to  give  the  dignified  Senate 
ample  time  in  which  to  choose  a  president  pro  tempore.  Before  Mr. 
Hamlin  left  Washington,  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  possibilities 
of  war  had  become  more  pronounced  among  the  Republican  leaders. 
Chandler,  who  may  be  fairly  called  the  war  senator,  was  furious  over 
the  state  of  inactivity  which  prevailed.  He  urged  President  Lincoln 
to  arrest  Breckinridge,  Wigfall,  and  other  traitors  who  were  making 
disloyal  speeches  in  Congress,  and  to  knock  down  the  Confederacy. 
He  always  insisted  that  this  course  of  action  would  have  stemmed  the 
tide  of  secession  in  Virginia,  Tennessee,  North  Carolina,  and  Ken 
tucky,  and  brought  the  war  to  a  speedier  close.  On  the  other  hand, 
Seward  was  still  pooh-poohing  secession,  and  predicting  that  the  re 
calcitrant  States  would  return.  Sumner,  radical  as  he  was,  equally 
failed  to  gauge  the  temper  of  the  Confederacy.  "  Bullies,  braggarts  !  " 
he  exclaimed,  "  they  would  be  assassins  if  they  dared,  but  fight  fair, 
never !  "  Mr.  Hamlin  adhered  to  the  opinion  that  the  South  would 
fight,  and  departed  from  Washington  in  a  gloomy  state  of  mind.  He 
was  at  his  home  in  Hampden  when  the  news  came  that  Sumter  had 
been  fired  on,  and  he  said  to  his  wife  :  "  They  have  been  talking 
fight  all  these  years  ;  now  we  will  show  them  that  we  can  fight !  " 

President  Lincoln's  proclamation  calling  for  75,000  men  for  three 
months,  and  for  the  convening  of  an  extra  session  of  Congress  on 
the  4th  of  July,  was  the  answer  of  the  government  to  the  attack  made 
on  its  integrity.  While  this  was  received  with  enthusiasm  through 
out  the  North  as  a  sign  of  the  administration's  purpose  to  defend 
the  Union,  it  was  nevertheless  severely  criticised  by  the  advanced 
leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  who  were  convinced  that  a  great 
war  was  before  the  country.  The  administration  asserted  that  the 
call  was  made  under  the  act  of  1795,  which  authorized  a  requisition 
only  for  75,000  militia  for  three  months,  and  finally  that  the  state 
of  the  treasury  and  army  rendered  it  impossible  to  equip  more  men.1 
The  radicals  argued  that  the  President  should  have  convened  Con 
gress  at  once  and  asked  for  an  act  providing  the  government  with 

1  "  The  error  (call  for  only  75,000  men)  could  never  be  wholly  repaired.  That 
war  was  fought  through  to  a  conclusion  in  which  the  one  deplorable  element  was 
that  it  ought  to  have  been  reached  some  years  earlier." — New  York  Tribune, 
April  23,  1898. 


398  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

half  a  million  men.1  They  asserted  that  the  loyal  States  would  pour 
out  their  men  and  treasure,2  and  that  the  summons  for  only  75,000 
men  was  like  sending  for  a  bucket  of  water  to  put  out  a  fire.  Finally, 
they  argued  that  the  subsequent  convening  of  Congress  in  July  and 
the  President's  request  for  at  least  4OO,oop  men  and  $400,000,000 
justified  their  demands  on  him  in  the  first  place. 

The  keynote  to  the  hour  was  confusion,  and  as  men  were  not 
omniscient,  Mr.  Hamlin  at  his  distance  could  not  judge  of  all  the 
President's  motives  in  calling  out  so  small  a  force  when  the  long 
expected  rebellion  had  at  last  broken  out.  But  when  traitors  in  Vir 
ginia  had  whirled  the  Old  Dominion  into  revolt  by  force  and  fraud  and 
had  seized  Harper's  Ferry  and  the  Gosport  navy  yard  ;  when  trai 
tors  tried  to  rush  Maryland  into  the  insurrection,  and  Baltimore  rebels 
had  fired  on  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  when  it  was  coming  to  the 
rescue  of  the  capital,  and  the  administration  still  acted  as  if  it  had 
called  for  a  sufficient  number  of  troops,  Mr.  Hamlin  became  anxious 
and  feared  that  President  Lincoln  was  still  undeceived  as  to  the  pos 
sibilities  of  the  rebellion.  But  he  afterwards  regarded  Mr.  Lincoln's 
slowness  at  this  point  as  a  part  of  his  development.  He  had  come  to 
the  presidency  new  and  untried,  and  it  was  natural  that  he  should  at 
first  rely  on  his  constitutional  advisers,  and  particularly  Seward  and 
Scott,  who  had  long  been  leaders  of  the  parties  he  followed.  Seward, 
however,  was  now  predicting  that  the  war  would  be  over  in  ninety 
days,  and  Scott's  conservatism  and  old  age  prevented  vigorous  action. 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  to  gauge  his  advisers  and  also  to  develop  his  own 
great  executive  powers,  which  only  events  could  bring  out. 

While  affairs  were  in  this  state,  and  Washington  was  in  danger  of 
capture,  Mr.  Hamlin  received  word  from  Lincoln  that  his  presence 
was  desired  at  New  York  city  to  aid  the  leading  men  of  the  metropo 
lis  in  formulating  and  executing  plans  to  defend  the  Union.  When 
Mr.  Hamlin  traveled  on  to  New  York,  the  chorus  of  the  people  was 
swelling  over  the  North.  On  all  sides  Mr.  Hamlin  saw  signs  of  a 
mighty  uprising  and  a  determination  to  save  the  Union.3  The  attack 
on  Sumter  had  stung  the  people,  and  they  desired  to  vindicate  the 
nation's  honor.  But  they  now  saw  that  the  slaveholding  cabal  would 
pull  down  the  Union  and  separate  it  into  petty  principalities  that 
might  jar  among  themselves  and  be  the  prey  of  foreign  nations. 
They  saw  their  lives,  liberties,  interests  all  threatened,  and  by  a 

1  Chandler  urged  President  Lincoln  to  raise  a  force  of  500,000  men.     See  his 
biography. 

2  There  was  not  a  loyal  State  of  the  North  of  1,000,000  inhabitants  that  would 
not  have  furnished  the  entire  number.     Grant's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  230. 

8  New  York  voted  to  raise  30,000  troops  for  three  years  and  $3,000,000.  Penn 
sylvania  likewise  appropriated  $3,000,000.  Other  States  were  also  in  advance  of 
the  administration. 


THE   SLAVEHOLDERS'   REBELLION  399 

common  impulse  patriotic  Democrats,  such  as  John  A.  Logan  and 
John  A.  Dix,  vied  with  the  Republicans,  such  as  John  A.  Andrew 
and  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  to  arouse,  direct,  and  equip  the  masses  for 
the  coming  struggle  between  a  free  people  and  a  slaveholding  aristo 
cracy.  Douglas's  last  and  best  message  to  the  people  was  the  slogan 
of  the  hour,  "There  can  be  none  but  patriots  and  traitors  now." 

Mr.  Hamlin  reached  New  York  city  on  April  23,  and  found  the 
metropolis  in  a  blaze  of  patriotism  and  ferment  of  activity.  The  news 
had  come  that  Washington  had  been  cut  off  from  communication  with 
the  country,  and  that  the  rebels  were  shouting  "  On  to  Washington!" 
But  that  served  to  stimulate  the  patriotic  leaders  of  New  York  to 
greater  action,  and  at  this  moment  the  men  who  acted  independently 
certainly  rose  to  the  situation.  General  John  E.  Wool,  commander  of 
the  Department  of  the  East,  a  splendid  veteran  of  more  than  seventy 
years,  came  from  Troy  to  take  charge  of  affairs  in  New  York  city. 
The  Union  Defense  Committee  cooperated  with  him,  and  Mr.  Ham 
lin  was  also  in  consultation.  He  took  headquarters  at  the  Astor 
House,  and  wrote  to  his  wife  that  his  rooms  were  crowded  night  and 
day  with  men  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  who  desired  to  confer 
with  him ;  but  no  names  are  given,  and  the  record  is  necessarily 
incomplete  in  this  respect.  The  story  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  work  is  inter 
esting,  however,  in  throwing  some  light  on  the  feelings  of  the  hour 
and  his  attitude  towards  the  administration.  He  kept  his  promise 
to  Mr.  Lincoln  and  gave  him  his  advice,  which  none  but  a  perverted 
mind  could  see  in  any  other  light  than  honest  and  sincere. 

When  the  Union  troops  reached  Washington,  and  communication 
with  the  seat  of  government  was  restored,  two  things  happened  that 
moved  Mr.  Hamlin  to  speak  frankly  to  Mr.  Lincoln  in  a  letter  which 
is  a  reflection  of  the  feelings  of  the  hour.  Secretary  Cameron 
appears  to  have  been  responsible  for  two  orders  which  in  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  judgment  were  serious  mistakes,  and  brought  out  from  him  a 
strong  protest.  General  Wool,  it  would  seem,  accomplished  a  most 
important  work  while  acting  in  an  independent  capacity  in  New  York 
city.  While  telegraphic  communication  with  Washington  was  cut 
off,  many  authorities  in  the  Northern  States  looked  to  General  Wool 
for  instructions  and  advice,  since  he  stood  second  in  command  to 
General  Scott.  He  not  only  hastened  the  shipping  of  troops  to 
Washington  by  way  of  Chesapeake  Bay  and  the  Potomac,  and  con 
tributed  towards  fortifying  the  city,  but  he  also  set  military  prepa 
rations  on  foot  in  nine  other  States.  As  soon  as  communication  had 
been  established  between  the  capital  and  the  country,  Secretary  Cam 
eron  ordered  General  Wool  back  to  Troy,  against  the  protest  of  the 
leading  men  of  New  York  city.  The  reason  given  was  that  General 
Wool's  health  "was  known  to  be  feeble."  A  month  later  another 


400  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

explanation  was  furnished,  that  in  issuing  orders  to  the  governors  of 
various  States  on  their  applications  for  arms,  "without  consulting  the 
government,"  he  had  seriously  embarrassed  the  War  Department.1 

The  second  blunder  related  to  the  disposition  of  Pennsylvania 
troops.  When  Washington  was  cut  off,  (general  Robert  Patterson, 
of  the  Washington  division,  whose  headquarters  were  at  Philadelphia, 
saw  at  once  that  the  war  was  no  ninety  days'  affair,  and  promptly 
made  a  requisition  on  Governor  Curtin  for  25,000  more  troops,  which 
were  speedily  furnished  by  the  vigorous  and  far-seeing  executive  of 
that  State.  In  the  midst  of  his  busy  duties  Mr.  Hamlin  opened  cor 
respondence  with  Governor  Curtin,  and  the  latter's  reply  of  April  24 
is  of  interest : — 

"  I  received  your  letter  by  Professor  Mitchel  this  morning.2  We 
have  two  regiments  at  Annapolis,  three  at  York,  Pa.,  and  two  at 
Chambersburg,  and  these  have  all  been  mustered  into  the  service  of 
the  United  States,  and  under  the  command  of  the  officers  of  the  Fed 
eral  government ;  we  have  five  regiments  mustered  at  Philadelphia 
in  addition;  we  have  nine  in  the  field,  — about  19,000  men,  and  could 
raise  an  army  of  50,000.  Until  yesterday  we  had  only  arms  for  four 
regiments,  but  now  we  are  supplied.  I  do  not  apprehend  any  doubts 
that  the  troops  at  Annapolis  will  reach  Washington,  and  that  the  true 
policy  is  to  assemble  a  large  army  in  this  State,  with  troops  from  New 
York,  Ohio,  and  Indiana,  and  go  to  Washington  through  Maryland. 
I  recognize  the  wisdom  of  all  your  suggestions,  but  am  controlled  by 
the  command  of  the  Federal  officers." 

This  vigorous  and  aggressive  plan  of  action  was  not  carried  out,  ap 
parently  on  account  of  Secretary  Cameron's  opposition.  He  nullified 
General  Patterson's  requisition  on  the  ground  that  Pennsylvania  had 
provided  the  government  with  her  share  of  troops.  But  Governor 
Curtin's  opinion  of  the  scope  of  the  war  was  not  that  implied  by  Mr. 
Cameron's  course,  for  he  held  the  25,000  men  in  reserve,  and  was 
vindicated  in  a  few  days  by  an  order  from  Secretary  Cameron  call 
ing  for  the  same  troops.  This  shifting  and  halting  policy  greatly 
disturbed  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  he  was  disappointed  in  Secretary  Cameron. 
The  probable  explanation  is  that  Mr.  Cameron  was  out  of  his  element 
in  the  War  Department,  and  was  hampered  by  his  political  entangle 
ments  in  Pennsylvania.  His  fearless  and  aggressive  nature  led  his 
old  associates  in  the  Senate  to  favor  his  appointment  to  the  War  De 
partment,  though  he  had  talked  for  peace.  Yet  they  believed  that 
he  would  wake  up  to  the  situation  when  in  charge  of  the  department, 
and  were  disappointed.  He  subsequently  retired  to  more  congenial 
labors,  and  was  succeeded  by  Stanton.  But  not  to  anticipate,  Mr. 

1  Lossing's  History  of  the  Civil  War,  p.  431. 

2  Afterwards  General  O.  M.  Mitchel. 


THE   SLAVEHOLDERS'    REBELLION  401 

Hamlin  wrote  President  Lincoln  the  following  frank  letters,  which 
were  obviously  never  intended  for  publication,  —  the  kind  of  letters  a 
hard-pressed,  earnest  man  might  write  with  men  at  his  elbow  giving 
him  no  time  to  think  of  the  elegancies  of  composition  :  — 

THE  ASTOR  HOUSE,  NEW  YORK  CITY,  April  24,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  wrote  you  yesterday  briefly.  I  desire  to  add 
to-day  that  our  people  are  deeply  anxious  at  the  state  of  the  country, 
and  are  ready  to  a  man  in  the  loyal  States  to  rush  to  the  support  of 
the  government  with  all  their  means  and  their  lives.  I  am  sure  the 
enthusiasm  which  is  burning  in  the  hearts  of  our  people  can  be  appre 
ciated  by  mingling  with  them. 

Let  full  and  ample  power  be  placed  somewhere  in  this  city  to  act 
in  all  matters  as  the  times  demand,  until  full  communication  can  be 
had  with  Washington.  Let  every  effort  be  made  and  everything  be 
done  which  human  measures  can  accomplish.  There  must  be  open 
communication  between  here  and  Washington  come  what  or  cost 
what  it  may.  Energy  I  trust  will  work  all  the  departments  of  the 
government.  If  they  will  come  up  to  the  point  now  maintained  by 
our  people  it  will  be  well.  They  cannot  exceed  it. 

In  haste,  yours  truly,  H.  HAMLIN. 

To  the  President. 

On  April  26  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  President  Lincoln  the  following 
letter  :  - 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  The  world  has  never  seen  such  a  spectacle  as  is 
now  presented  in  the  loyal  States.  In  no  age  or  country  have  been 
seen  such  a  people  as  we  have  who  rally  for  the  government,  the  Con 
stitution,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws.  Amidst  all  the  cares  that 
press  upon,  this  is  a  matter  of  profound  congratulation. 

Does  our  government  feel  its  full  strength  ?  I  fear  they  cannot. 
The  only  course  now  to  pursue  is  one  of  promptness,  energy,  and 
power.  The  whole  power  of  the  government  should  be  exerted. 
There  is  safety  in  no  other  course. 

I  am  here  to  advise  and  consult  with  our  friends,  and  will  try  and 
discharge  any  service  that  may  be  required. 

Yours  truly,  H.   HAMLIN. 

To  the  President. 

On  April  28  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  his  wife  :  — 

"  We  all  feel  easy  in  relation  to  Washington,  though  we  had  a  most  pain 
ful  anxiety  for  several  days.  The  force  now  there  is  some  16,000,  and  this 
week  will  double  it.  I  think  we  may  say  all  is  safe.  All  feel  here  a  want 
of  energy  at  Washington,  but  I  can  make  a  generous  allowance  for  it  from 
their  position.  They  did  not  know  with  what  promptness  the  whole  North 


402  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

and  West  were  responding.  I  now  think  we  will  witness  more  efficiency. 
Our  best  men  have  gone  to  tell  them  they  must  act  with  vigor,  or  the  people 
will  take  the  matter  into  their  own  hands,  and  they  will  do  it.  Washing 
ton  safe,  we  must  and  will  have  a  direct  communication  with  Washington 

"  o 

through  Baltimore,  or  over  its  smouldering  ruins.  It  must  and  will  be 
done.  There  must  be  no  rebels  in  the  rear.  God  grant  the  administration 
shall  be  equal  to  the  emergency.  Then  all  will  be  well." 

The  record  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  work  in  New  York  city  is  chiefly  con 
fined  to  his  letters,  but  it  is  easy  to  see  how  a  man  of  his  activities 
would  strive  to  promote  all  movements  and  plans  brought  to  his  at 
tention  which  would  be  of  aid  to  the  government.  He  consulted 
with  the  leading  men  of  the  metropolis,  mostly  about  raising  troops 
and  money;  but  there  is  interesting  evidence  of  his  ideas  of  the  pre 
paration  the  government  should  make  for  war,  which  is  another  proof 
of  his  views  regarding  the  scope  of  the  rebellion.  At  this  time  the 
patriotic  women  of  New  York  city  were  engaged  in  formulating  relief 
organizations,  out  of  which  came  the  United  States  Sanitary  Commis 
sion.  This  accomplished  almost  incalculable  good,  and  its  work  is 
its  best  testimonial.1  It  disbursed  over  $5,000,000  in  money,  and 
$15,000,000  in  provisions  among  the  soldiers  of  the  Union,  secured 
the  enforcement  of  the  proper  health  regulations  in  the  camps,  ob 
tained  good  medical  attendance  for  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  gener 
ally  supplemented  the  government  in  caring  for  the  soldier.  The 
Rev.  Dr.  Henry  W.  Bellows  was  the  real  creator  of  the  commission. 
He  and  others  laid  their  plans  before  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  he  strongly 
approved.  The  first  step  was  to  hold  a  public  meeting  and  advocate 
the  union  of  all  relief  societies  under  one  central  organization. 

The  meeting  was  held  at  Cooper  Union,  on  April  29,  under  the 
auspices  of  many  of  the  leading  women  of  that  city. 

Mr.  Hamlin  said  :  — 

"  Mr.  President  and  women  of  New  York,  —  In  a  time  like  the  present 
which  is  one  of  action  rather  than  words,  and  in  such  a  presence,  there  is, 
indeed,  an  embarrassment  in  the  language  I  might  use  to  express  my 
thoughts.  The  cold  logic  of  the  head  would  hardly  seem  to  do  justice  to 
the  occasion,  while  the  warm  and  generous  impulses  of  the  heart  might  be 
obnoxious  on  the  charge  of  boasting,  which  is  neither  an  evidence  of  patriot 
ism  nor  courage.  And,  still,  if  I  can  say  a  single  word  —  for  which  none 
but  myself  will  be  responsible  —  to  aid  or  cheer  you  in  the  rugged  path  of 
duty,  I  am  willing  to  contribute  that  word.  We  present  to-day  such  a 
spectacle  as  the  world  has  never  witnessed  in  any  age  or  country.  In  all 
the  loyal  States  there  beats  in  men  and  women's  bosoms  but  one  single 

1  Mrs.  Mary  A.  Livermore  says,  in  her  Story  of  the  War,  that  the  government 
at  first  opposed  the  Sanitary  Commission,  and  that  President  Lincoln  called  it  a 
"  quixotic  plan." 


THE   SLAVEHOLDERS'   REBELLION  403 

heart.  And  that  heart  beats  in  vindication  of  our  common  country  and 
the  liberty  we  inherited  from  our  fathers.  We  have  differed  in  opinions 
upon  the  passing  questions  of  the  hour,  but  they  are  passed  and  are  a 
sealed  book.  Let  the  dead  bury  the  dead.  We  are  here  to-day  forgetful 
of  the  past.  We  live  with  the  stirring  present  around  us,  only  in  bright 
hopes  of  the  future,  and  in  the  discharge  of  duties  that  devolve  on  us  de 
pends  that  future.  Why  is  it,  that  you  women  in  such  vast  numbers  from 
this  empire  city  have  gathered  from  your  humble  and  your  luxurious 
homes  ?  Why  is  it  ?  Why  is  it  but  that  you  feel  as  men  feel,  that  all  that 
we  have  and  all  that  is  valuable  in  life  is  at  stake  and  is  imperiled  ? 

"There  is  nothing  from  the  stirring  mart  of  commerce  up  to  all  the 
endearments  that  cluster  around  the  domestic  altar  that  is  not  in  the  issue. 
Of  what  use  is  commerce  in  all  its  ramifications  —  of  what  use  is  home 
with  all  its  endearments,  without  it  is  guarded  and  protected  by  the  law  ? 
All  these  are  assailed  by  those  who  are  attempting  to  subvert  the  govern 
ment  under  which  we  live.  The  stars,  which  are  the  hopes,  and  the  stripes, 
which  are  the  emblems  of  liberty,  have  been  ignominiously  dishonored ; 
our  public  property  and  our  fortifications  have  been  assailed  and  taken  by 
rebels  from  their  rightful  owners  j  and  the  government  under  which  we 
live  is  threatened  with  subversion.  These  are  the  things  that  have  stirred 
the  hearts  of  men  and  women  until  all  are  united.  These  are  the  things 
that  have  brought  you  together  here  —  these  are  the  causes  that  have  united 
us  all  as  one.  And  let  me  say,  there  is  no  other  course  to  pursue  now  but 
the  vindication  of  the  integrity  of  the  government  under  which  we  live.  It 
is  a  false  philanthropy  —  it  is  a  false  humanity  that  shall  falter  now  in  this 
trying  hour  of  trouble.  The  safety  of  the  republic  consists  in  the  energy 
and  efficiency  of  the  government.  The  loyalty  of  the  people  is  unques 
tioned.  Destruction  only  is  with  those  who  falter. 

"  These  are  stirring  times,  and  now  we  must  test  the  question  whether 
we  have  or  have  not  a  government.  To  abandon  that  question  is  to  aban 
don  all.  In  one  sense  of  the  word  there  is  some  truth  in  the  allegation 
that  the  contest  is  a  sectional  one.  In  the  broader  and  more  comprehen 
sive  view  it  is  not  so.  It  is  a  question  of  government  or  no  government. 
That  is  the  true  question  which  we  have  to  settle,  —  whether  we  have  a 
government,  whether  we  received  that  government  from  our  fathers,  and 
shall  perpetuate  it  for  those  who  come  after  us.  This  is  the  question,  how 
ever  variously  sections  may  array  themselves  upon  either  side.  How  we 
are  cheered  along  the  pathway  of  our  duty  by  the  kind  and  cordial  aid 
which  woman  gives  !  You  have  met  here  for  the  purpose  of  protecting 
more  thoroughly  an  organization  which  shall  be  of  incalculable  benefit  to 
the  cause.  Your  sons,  your  husbands,  your  brothers,  who  have  gone  forth 
to  battle  for  all  that  you  hold  dear  and  valuable  to  you,  will  be  sustained 
in  the  hour  of  conflict  and  in  the  hour  of  pain  when  they  know  that  their 
mothers  and  sisters  are  devoting  their  best  energies  to  give  them  comfort, 
whatever  their  condition  and  wherever  they  may  be.  Our  grand  cause  and 
the  prayers  that  will  go  up  to  heaven  for  them  and  for  their  cause  will 
stimulate  them  in  the  hour  of  battle  and  after  it  shall  pass  away. 


4o4  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

"  God  bless  you,  women  of  New  York !  Rome  in  the  days  of  her  cul 
minated  power  never  witnessed  scenes  like  these.  The  world  has  never 
seen  it.  Here  palatial  parlors  are  devoted  to  the  manufacture  of  useful 
and  necessary  articles  for  sons,  brothers,  and  fathers  who  have  gone  to 
the  war.  You  have  met  here  to  systematize  your  work,  and  to  invite  the 
cooperation  of  others  throughout  the  land.  Let  me  tell  you  they  will  come 
from  every  green  hillside  and  every  valley  from  all  over  New  England,  my 
home,  and  from  every  loyal  State.  They  will  cooperate  with  you ;  they 
will  form  one  grand  central  point,  pour  in  their  contributions,  and  send  to 
you  those  who  are  competent  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  sick  and 
wounded.  They  will  cooperate  with  you,  with  their  humble  hands  and 
their  means  —  will  join  with  you  in  their  prayers  to  Heaven  to  aid  that 
cause  which  all  know  to  be  so  just.  And  with  your  cooperation,  with  your 
prayers,  and  appealing  to  the  God  of  heaven  for  the  rectitude  of  our  pur 
pose  and  the  purity  of  our  cause,  we  know  liberty  shall  be  perpetuated  in 
our  land." 

The  North  did  not  know  until  Washington  had  been  relieved  and 
securely  fortified  how  admirable  had  been  the  conduct  and  bearing  of 
President  Lincoln  under  these  trying  circumstances.  But  now  that 
he  was  compelled  to  give  up  his  merciful  plan  of  conciliating  the 
South,  he  went  to  work  like  the  warrior  of  old  to  strengthen  himself 
at  every  point  for  the  coming  conflict.  Following  Jefferson  Davis's 
atrocious  act  in  encouraging  and  legalizing  piracy  on  the  North's 
shipping  interest,  President  Lincoln  had  blockaded  the  Southern  ports. 
Now  that  war  was  inevitable  he  called  for  60,000  soldiers  and  14,000 
sailors  for  three  years  within  three  weeks  after  issuing  his  original 
proclamation.  Not  long  after  these  events  the  public  came  to  a  bet 
ter  understanding  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  character  and  the  terrible  burden 
he  was  bearing.  He  was  always  patient,  kind,  and  courteous,  and 
with  his  gentle  ways  and  felicitous  power  of  statement  he  was  win 
ning  the  public  heart.  But  he  was  also  rapidly  developing  his  great 
executive  ability,  though  it  required  time  for  his  associates  to  under 
stand  this  many-sided  man,  and  to  learn  that  he  often  guided  without 
seeming  to  do  so. 

Mr.  Hamlin  remained  in  New  York  city  until  the  second  week  in 
May,  where  he  had  received  trustworthy  information  concerning  the 
plans  of  the  administration.  His  home  letters  reveal  a  more  satisfied 
spirit,  and  express  the  belief  that  "  President  Lincoln  will  come  up 
to  all  expectations,"  to  quote  a  phrase  several  times  repeated.  One 
incident  happened  that  illustrates  the  great  care  President  Lincoln 
was  taking  to  ascertain  the  exact  number  of  troops  that  were  sent  on 
from  New  York  city.  He  did  not  intend  to  have  any  "  troops  on 
paper  "  if  he  could  avoid  it,  and  he  wrote  Mr.  Hamlin  on  May  6  :  — 

"  Please  advise  me  at  the  close  of  each  day  what  troops  left  during 
the  day,  where  going,  and  by  what  route ;  what  remaining  at  New 


THE   SLAVEHOLDERS'    REBELLION  405 

York,  and  what  expected  in  the  next  day.  Give  the  numbers  as  near 
as  convenient,  and  what  corps  they  are.  This  information,  reaching 
us  daily,  will  be  very  useful  as  well  as  satisfactory." 

Mr.  Hamlin  now  returned  to  Maine  to  aid  in  raising  troops,  and  the 
story  turns  to  the  Pine  Tree  State,  which  was  true  to  her  motto  in 
this  emergency. 


CHAPTER   XXXII 

FIRST   YEARS   OF    THE   REBELLION 

THE  record  that  Maine  achieved  in  the  civil  war  is  imperishable 
history,  and,  together  with  the  deeds  of  Howard,  Chamberlain,  Berry, 
and  other  gallant  sons,  a  proud  part  of  the  annals  of  national  patriot 
ism  ;  but  in  this  volume  it  would  be  incomplete  without  the  story  of 
Vice-President  Hamlin's  work  in  strengthening  the  government  in  its 
struggle  for  existence.  Maine  relatively  furnished  more  troops  than 
any  other  loyal  State,  and  it  is  also  claimed  in  her  behalf  that  she  raised 
the  first  company  of  volunteers  which  was  organized  in  response  to 
President  Lincoln's  proclamation  of  April  15,  1861.  The  story  is  of 
both  historical  and  personal  interest,  and  is  the  most  striking  proof 
that  could  be  offered  to  show  Mr.  Hamlin's  views  of  the  approach  of 
war  when  Northern  statesmen  were  in  doubt.  Maine  also  furnished 
many  officers  whose  gallantry  and  character  need  no  testimonial,  and 
Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  interest  and  faith  in  them  are  also  a  part  of 
the  record.  He  himself,  too,  to  set  convincing  example,  served  in  the 
ranks,  and  his  belief  in  the  plain  people  was  again  illustrated  in  a 
unique  way. 

When  Colonel  James  Dunning,  of  Bangor,  was  in  Washington  to 
attend  the  inauguration  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  he  made  use  of  his 
opportunity  to  ascertain  the  opinion  of  the  statesmen  present  as  to 
the  possibilities  of  war.  He  himself  was  a  shrewd  observer,  and  was 
at  once  impressed  with  the  extreme  differences  of  opinion.  He  made 
up  his  mind  that  the  optimists  must  be  wrong,  and  his  opinion  was 
confirmed  by  Mr.  Hamlin.  In  his  account  of  this  interview  with  his 
friends  Colonel  Dunning  related  the  following  story :  — 

"  I  had  known  and  followed  Mr.  Hamlin  for  years.  I  believed  in 
him  more  than  in  any  other  statesman  of  the  time,  and  I  asked  him 
squarely  whether  he  thought  there  was  going  to  be  a  war.  It  was 
understood  at  that  time  that  President  Lincoln  did  not  expect  one, 
and  Mr.  Hamlin's  sense  of  courtesy  would  not  allow  him  to  say  any 
thing  in  public  at  this  delicate  stage  in  opposition  to  the  President's 
views.  But  to  me,  an  old  friend,  he  spoke  out  with  oldtime  fire  and 
frankness. 

"'Dunning/  said  he  with  great  earnestness,  'there  's  going  to  be  a 
war,  and  a  terrible  one,  just  as  sure  as  the  sun  will  rise  to-morrow. 


FIRST   YEARS   OF   THE   REBELLION  407 

Those  Southerners  mean  fight,  and  I  know  they  do.  We  ought  to 
lose  no  time  in  getting  ready.' 

"I  was  so  strongly  impressed,"  continued  Colonel  Dunning,  "that  I 
at  once  said  to  the  Vice- President  that  when  I  got  home  I  should  raise 
a  company  at  my  own  expense,  and  tell  the  people  of  Bangor  to  pre 
pare  for  war. 

"  •  God  bless  you,  old  friend  ! '  was  Mr.  Hamlin's  reply  ;  and  when 
I  returned  to  Bangor  I  at  once  prepared  to  raise  a  company  of  men  to 
place  them  in  the  field  as  soon  as  they  were  called  for.  This  was 
company  E  of  the  Second  Maine,  and  which  I  believe  to  have  been 
the  first  volunteers  to  offer  themselves  in  response  to  President  Lin 
coln's  proclamation." 

Colonel  Dunning's  prediction  of  war  surprised  his  friends  in  Bangor, 
and  his  private  assurances  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  convictions  startled  them. 
But  not  a  few  ridiculed  his  fears,  and  when  he  announced  his  inten 
tion  of  recruiting  a  company,  a  personal  friend  went  so  far  as  to  tell 
him  that  he  was  "crazy."  He  applied  to  this  man  for  the  keys  to 
a  building  which  he  desired  to  use  as  quarters  for  his  men.  His 
request  was  denied,  and  he  took  a  room  in  Broad  Street.  He  next 
sought  out  Captain  Levi  Emerson,  a  retired  police  officer,  who  had 
once  been  in  his  employ,  and  was  a  cool,  discreet  man,  a  crack  shot, 
and  a  good  type  of  the  self-made,  law-abiding,  plain  people  who  com 
posed  the  bulwarks  of  the  Union's  defense.  Emerson  had  always 
followed  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  when  Colonel  Dunning  told  him  that  the 
Vice-President  predicted  war,  he  promptly  accepted  his  offer  and  went 
to  work  hunting  up  recruits.  Emerson  was  regarded  at  first  as  a 
victim  to  a  delusive  war  craze,  but  he  answered,  "  There 's  going  to  be 
a  war,  Vice-President  Hamlin  says  so,  and  he  knows."  The  result 
was,  he  soon  had  a  nucleus  with  which  to  begin.  When  the  news  of 
the  attack  on  Sumter  came,  Colonel  Dunning  had  Emerson  erect  a 
flagstaff  in  front  of  his  headquarters,  and  set  a  drummer  named 
Heath  at  work. 

Recruits  came  in  rapidly,  but  there  were  some  formalities  to 
observe.  The  company  was  enrolled  under  the  militia  act  of  April, 
1851,  and  there  was  more  or  less  red  tape  to  cut.  But  the  men 
virtually  organized  before  they  could  officially  act,  and  on  April  18 
and  19  they  perfected  the  last  details  of  formation,  when  they  re 
ceived  a  telegram  from  Governor  Washburn  accepting  their  services 
and  ordering  them  to  rendezvous  at  the  expense  of  the  State.  Their 
appearance  when  they  marched  to  the  city  hall  created  no  little 
amusement,  the  general  idea  being  that  the  war  was  a  scare.  Emer 
son  was  the  first  to  enlist,  and  the  following  is  the  roll :  Levi 
Emerson,  James  Adams,  William  Lyon,  Hiram  E.  Brackett,  Hiram 
B.  French,  Henry  Warren,  Joshua  Ray,  George  A.  McClure,  Sabin 


4o8  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Jordan,  George  M.  Carlisle,  Jr.,  Hall  J.  Libby,  of  Bangor ;  Henry  M. 
Cushman  and  Horace  B.  Washburn,  of  Brewer ;  C.  W.  Graves, 
Frederick  Burns,  Reuel  Jewett,  Calvin  S.  Chapman,  Cyrus  Rogers, 
O.  W.  Pratt,  A.  F.  Barden,  Samuel  Dearborn,  blacksmith,  E.  L.  Stir 
ling,  Bangor ;  George  Barton,  Monroe ;  f  homas  Foster,  Bangor ; 
Abner  Boden,  Brewer ;  Freeman  Norton,  Jonesport ;  Elden  Keen, 
Henry  Roach,  Abiathar  Sanborn,  Otis  F.  Hooper,  Bangor ;  Warren 
Day,  George  H.  Phillips,  Veazie ;  Harvey  Emery,  Frank  L.  Sawyer, 
John  Toray,  Lyman  E.  Richardson,  Wayne ;  John  O'Mara,  2d,  Philip 
Riley,  Bangor ;  S.  Wilson  Smith,  St.  Albans  (erased) ;  C.  L.  Downs, 
George  York,  Brewer;  R.  W.  Hall,  George  S.  Sullivan,  H.  P.  Crowell, 
Roscoe  G.  Wally,  James  Campbell,  John  Moore,  Knox ;  C.  N.  Whit 
ney,  John  McNeil,  Bangor  ;  Albert  S.  Russ,  Samuel  Niam,  Old  Town  ; 
C.  Barrett,  Hermon  ;  A.  L.  Page,  drummer,  Brewer ;  Washington  L. 
Martin,  Daniel  Tibbetts,  Jr.,  Hermon;  Albert  G.  Furbish,  Hampden; 
Albert  J.  Otis,  Nashua,  N.  H.  ;  Charles  A.  Woodbury,  Hermon ; 
William  Berry,  Orrington ;  H.  S.  Willis,  Jr.,  Alton ;  A.  J.  Snow, 
Brewer ;  B.  F.  Willey,  H.  V.  Whitcomb,  Alton ;  Franklin  Buliers, 
Stephen  W.  Dawson,  Lewiston ;  Michael  Hogan,  Galen  Worcester, 
Patrick  Peters,  Robert  Quimby,  Philip  Harback,  Alexander  Chase, 
John  R.  Thurston,  Ruel  S.  Clark,  Charles  W.  Merrill,  Bangor ; 
Alonzo  B.  Luce,  Newport ;  C.  R.  Robinson,  John  G.  Joy,  Sebec ;  and 
John  P.  Drummond,  Bangor. 

Governor  Washburn  called  a  special  session  of  the  legislature,  fol 
lowing  the  President's  proclamation,  to  obtain  the  authorization 
necessary  for  raising  the  troops.  The  War  Department  made  a 
requisition  on  Maine  for  only  two  regiments,  and  yet  the  legislature 
voted  to  enlist  ten  regiments  for  a  term  of  two  years,  unless  sooner 
discharged,  and  also  authorized  a  loan  of  one  million  dollars.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  add  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  in  constant  consultation 
with  Governor  Washburn,  whose  promptness  and  far-sightedness  won 
his  warm  approval.  When  Mr.  Hamlin  returned  to  Maine,  the  Pine 
Tree  State  was  beating  her  ploughshares  into  swords  with  all  the 
energy  her  hardy  sons  could  command.  The  First  and  Second  Maine, 
which  were  the  regiments  required  by  the  War  Department,  had 
already  been  organized,  and  were  waiting  word  to  report  for  duty- 
Mr.  Hamlin  arrived  in  Portland  on  May  10  to  assist  in  receiving  the 
First,  which,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Nathaniel  J.  Jackson, 
was  soon  at  Washington,  and  received  its  baptism  at  Bull  Run,  where, 
with  the  Second,  it  acquitted  itself  creditably.  Mr.  Hamlin  thence 
hurried  on  to  Hampden  to  keep  up  the  recruiting  in  that  part  of  the 
State.  He  was  certain  that  the  President  would  call  for  more  troops 
when  Congress  convened  in  July,  and  there  was  no  time  to  lose- 


FIRST   YEARS   OF   THE   REBELLION  409 

The  people  of  Hampden  and  the  neighboring  towns  had  arranged 
to  have  a  flag-raising  in  honor  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  return  home,  but  he 
suggested  that  they  should  make  use  of  the  opportunity  to  recruit 
men  for  the  war,  and  he  proposed  that  they  should  have  an  old- 
fashioned  muster  in  addition  to  the  flag-raising.  The  yeomen  flocked 
for  miles  around,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  appears  to  have  taken  charge  of 
the  affair.  One  of  the  eye-witnesses  of  the  occasion  was  Mrs.  Edward 
Jackson,  a  neighbor  of  his,  and  her  account  is  interesting.  Mr.  Ham 
lin  fraternized  with  the  plain  people  as  friendly  as  of  yore,  although 
there  was  an  air  about  him  that  plainly  drew  the  line  between  friendly 
and  familiar  advances.  He  met  them  singly  and  finally  addressed 
them  collectively.  His  speech  was  short  but  very  impressive,  and  it 
was  notable  as  an  open  declaration  of  action.  This  striking  sentence 
all  remembered :  "  There  should  be  no  temporizing  now,  no  going 
back  in  this  contest  between  Anarchy  and  Freedom."  In  closing, 
Mr.  Hamlin  appealed  fervently  to  his  countrymen  to  take  up  arms  in 
the  defense  of  their  country,  and  said  that  he  was  ready  to  lay  down 
his  life  if  the  sacrifice  was  necessary. 

Then  a  picturesque  incident  followed.  While  the  people  were  still 
cheering  and  pressing  around  the  Vice-President  he  shouted  :  — 

"  Now  we  will  have  a  drill." 

"But,  Mr.  Vice-President,"  some  one  objected,  "we  have  no  arms." 

"  No  arms  ? "  replied  Mr.  Flamlin,  smiling.  "  Why,  look  at  that 
fence,"  said  he.  "  Let  every  man  take  a  picket  for  a  gun." 

So  saying  he  rushed  at  the  fence  with  the  crowd  after  him  full  of 
his  enthusiasm.  Mr.  Hamlin  ripped  off  a  picket,  and,  in  the  twinkling 
of  an  eye,  the  fence  was  stripped  of  nearly  every  picket.  "  Take  your 
places  in  line,"  Mr.  Hamlin  next  commanded,  and  speedily  there  was 
a  long  line  of  earnest  men  armed  with  pickets  in  lieu  of  guns,  receiv 
ing,  most  of  them,  their  first  lesson  in  the  manual  of  arms  from  the 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

Some  one  afterwards  commented  on  this  method  of  breaking  raw 
recruits  into  their  duties  by  saying  that  it  was  at  least  original. 
"Well,"  replied  Mr.  Hamlin,  with  a  twinkle  in  his  eye,  "it  was  cer 
tainly  an  improvement  over  the  'hay-foot,  straw-foot  plan.' ' 

The  Second  Maine  was  now  ordered  to  Washington,  and  its  de 
parture  from  Bangor  on  May  14  was  an  event  of  historical  and  per 
sonal  interest.  This  was  one  of  the  finest  regiments  Maine  sent  to 
the  front,  and  its  record  as  an  organization  and  the  achievements 
of  its  men  are  an  inspiring  page  in  the  history  of  the  Pine  Tree 
State.  The  officers  composed  a  group  of  notable  fighters,  and  their 
cool,  resolute  men  were  a  worthy  command.  Charles  D.  Jameson,  of 
Stillwater,  was  the  colonel,  and  he  was  a  dashing,  able,  magnetic 
leader.  His  brilliant  work  during  the  comparatively  short  time  he  was 


410  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

in  service  attracted  attention  at  Washington,  and  he  was  regarded  as 
an  officer  of  great  possibilities.  But  alas !  he  was  one  of  the  unne 
cessary  sacrifices  to  the  blundering,  do-nothing  Peninsular  campaign. 
Charles  W.  Roberts,  of  Bangor,  was  the  first  lieutenant-colonel  the 
regiment  had,  and  was  a  brave  fighter.  jGeorge  Varney,  also  of 
Bangor,  entered  the  service  as  major,  and  his  promotion  to  a  brevet 
brigadier-general  at  the  close  of  the  war  was  an  appropriate  recogni 
tion  of  his  efficiency,  bravery,  and  perfect  modesty.  Among  the  line 
officers  were  others  who  rose  to  distinction.  Daniel  Chaplin,  of  Ban 
gor,  who  was  called  a  tiger  in  action,  became  colonel  of  the  First 
Maine  Heavy  Artillery  before  he  fell  at  the  head  of  his  men  at  Peters 
burg.  Daniel  Sargent,  of  Brewer,  was  another  fine  fighter  who  was 
killed  at  Richmond.  Daniel  White,  of  Bangor,  of  the  same  stuff,  was 
a  brevet  brigadier-general  at  the  end  of  the  war.  A.  B.  Farnham,  of 
Bangor,  went  out  a  lieutenant  and  came  back  a  lieutenant-colonel. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  interested  in  the  Second  Maine  for  personal  as  well 
as  patriotic  reasons.  It  was  organized  within  his  home  district,  and  he 
had  seen  many  of  its  men  grow  up  to  manhood.  It  also  typified  the 
union  between  the  patriotic  Democrats  and  Republicans  he  advocated. 
He  witnessed  the  departure  of  the  regiment,  and  took  part  in  the  cere 
monies  which  were  held  on  Broadway  in  front  of  the  First  Parish 
Church.  There  was  an  immense  concourse  of  people  present.  Miss 
Robena  McRuer  presented  Colonel  Jameson  with  the  regimental  col 
ors,  after  which  Mr.  Hamlin  made  a  brief  speech,  which  the  local 
newspapers  described  as  an  earnest  and  eloquent  tribute  to  the  people 
who  had  sprung  to  arms  so  promptly  to  defend  the  best  government 
yet  given  to  man,  and  as  a  patriotic  vindication  of  the  right  of  the 
government  to  suppress  the  rebellion.  He  also  praised  the  adopted 
citizens  who  had  taken  arms,  and  said  that  their  loyalty  had  been 
exceeded  by  none.  He  closed  by  saying:  "It  matters  little  when  one 
throws  off  this  mortal  coil,  but  how  and  where  is  important,  and  at 
no  time  and  at  no  place  can  a  man  better  die  than  when  and  where 
he  dies  for  his  country  and  his  race." 

The  Second  marched  off  to  the  station  with  colors  flying,  and  as  the 
train  rolled  away,  in  one  of  the  last  views  the  soldiers  caught  of  the  old 
home  was  the  Vice-President  waving  his  hand  to  them  while  standing 
in  the  throng. 

Both  sides  were  now  rapidly  preparing  for  war,  when  Congress  con 
vened  on  the  4th  of  July  for  the  extra  session.  This  was  a  notable 
gathering  of  men.  Among  them  were  veteran  leaders,  —  Chandler, 
Wade,  Fessenden,  Sumner,  Hale,  Sherman,  Trumbull,  Wilson,  Colla- 
mer,  Anthony,  King,  Clark,  Grimes,  Foot,  Washburne,  Stevens,  Grow, 
Lovejoy,  Bingham,  Blair,  Colfax,  and  others  who  have  figured  in 


REPUBLICAN  LEADERS  IN  CONGRESS  OF  1861. 


FIRST   YEARS   OF   THE   REBELLION  411 

previous  pages.  Among  the  new  members  of  the  Senate  were  Timo 
thy  Howe,  of  Wisconsin,  Ira  Harris,  of  New  York,  Kinsley  S.  Bing- 
ham,  of  Michigan,  and  Lot  M.  Morrill,  of  Maine.  Howe  was  another 
Maine  man  who  had  grown  up  with  the  great  West.  He  was  born  in 
Livermore,  and  served  in  the  legislature  of  Maine.  He  became  one 
of  Mr.  Hamlin's  closest  friends  after  entering  the  Senate,  and  his  high 
character  and  eminent  ability  made  him  a  national  leader.  Senator 
Harris  was  a  jurist  of  weight,  and  exercised  influence  in  the  Senate. 
Mr.  Bingham  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  but  died 
at  the  close  of  this  session,  regretted  by  his  party  as  a  leader  of 
strength.  Mr.  Morrill  came  to  the  Senate  without  having  had  any 
experience  in  Congress,  but  his  solid  qualities  soon  gained  him  a  posi 
tion  of  importance.  In  the  House  there  were  several  new  members 
with  distinction  before  them.  One  was  William  Windom,  who  was 
to  be  senator  from  Minnesota  and  twice  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
and  who  was  a  lifelong  friend  of  the  Vice-President.  Another  was 
William  D.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  was  to  become  father  of  the 
House  and  the  apostle  of  protection.  A  third  was  William  A. 
Wheeler,  a  coming  Vice-President.  John  A.  Logan  was  to  leave  the 
House  to  win  renown  as  the  brightest  type  of  the  volunteer  soldier. 
Roscoe  Conkling  was  to  take  his  place  among  the  greatest  leaders  of 
his  party.  Samuel  Shellabarger,  of  Ohio,  rapidly  made  his  mark  as  a 
forceful  speaker.  Alexander  H.  Rice,  a  future  governor  of  Massa 
chusetts,  and  James  Buffinton,  Daniel  W.  Gooch,  and  John  B.  Alley 
of  the  same  State  were  also  among  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  friends  in 
this  House. 

President  Lincoln's  message  to  Congress  signalized  his  determina 
tion  to  wage  a  vigorous  war  against  the  Confederacy  and  satisfied  the 
impatient  radicals.  He  asked  Congress  for  at  least  400,000  men  and 
$400,000,000.  Congress  gave  him  500,000  men  and  $500,000,000, 
and  industriously  prepared  for  the  war.  Mr.  Hamlin,  it  need  not  be 
added,  was  in  accord  with  this  policy,  and  aided  by  personal  influence 
whenever  he  could  any  measure  designed  by  the  administration  to 
prosecute  the  rebellion.  His  official  duties  were  practically  limited 
to  presiding  over  the  Senate,  and  to  use  his  own  express  language  he 
felt  "like  the  fifth  wheel  of  a  coach."  His  influence  was,  therefore, 
largely  personal,  and  to  a  man  of  his  activity  it  was  more  or  less  gall 
ing.  Yet  he  soon  found  a  compensation  in  the  freedom  of  inter 
course  he  began  to  enjoy  with  President  Lincoln,  who  always  wel 
comed  him  as  a  friend,  and  often  sought  his  advice.  On  this  point, 
Mr.  Hamlin  contributed  an  interesting  reminiscence.  He  was  asked 
in  an  interview  with  William  R.  Balch  :  — 

"  Your  relations  with  Mr.  Lincoln  were  very  pleasant,  were  they 
not  ? " 


4i2  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

"  Entirely  so,"  was  the  reply.  "  When  I  was  elected  to  the  vice- 
presidency  they  told  me  that  there  was  a  well-preserved  tradition 
handed  down,  and  it  was  so,  that  only  one  Vice-President  had  ever 
got  along  with  the  President.  I  said,  'Well,  I  don't  know  Mr.  Lincoln, 
but  I  mean  to  be  the  second.'  Van  Buren  was  the  first,  and  he  had 
always  amicable  relations  with  Jackson.  I  meant  that  I  would  agree 
with  Lincoln.  And,  indeed,  there  never  was  any  trouble ;  anybody 
could  get  along  with  him.  After  I  got  into  my  office,  I  found  out 
why  the  others  did  not  get  along ;  it  was  just  as  clear  as  a  mathemat 
ical  demonstration.  The  people,  you  see,  think  the  Vice-President  is 
somebody  of  importance,  and  naturally  he  has  a  certain  weight  of 
character  in  his  party  to  get  where  he  is.  People  come  to  him,  there 
fore,  with  that  idea  in  their  heads.  But  he  is  really  only  a  contingent 
somebody.  He  is  president  of  the  Senate,  and  will  cast  a  party  vote 
when  it  is  necessary.  This  everybody  knows.  His  only  patronage 
is  appointing  his  private  secretary.  There  it  ends,  and  the  President 
never  gives  wayjn  the  least  to  his  deputy.  Consequently  they  clash, 
and  that  is  the  reason  why  they  have  never  got  on  well  together.  But 
with  Mr.  Lincoln  it  was  very  easy.  We  had  intimate  relations,  and  he 
often  consulted  me.  I  was  more  radical  than  he.  I  was  urging  him  ; 
he  was  holding  back  on  his  problems,  and  he  was  the  wiser  probably, 
as  events  prove."  l 

Mr.  Lincoln's  invitation  to  Mr.  Hamlin  to  become  a  consulting 
member  of  his  Cabinet  was  sincere,  as  every  one  well  knows  who  un 
derstands  Lincoln.  Mr.  Hamlin  accepted  in  the  same  spirit,  but  it 
was  natural  that  in  the  workings  of  official  and  unofficial  relations  the 
executive  must  sustain  with  various  men,  the  former  predominate,  as 
they  should.  Human  nature,  too,  would  not  order  it  otherwise.  A 
cabinet  officer  in  charge  of  a  department  whose  functions  are  largely 
executive  might  value  the  advice  of  a  friend,  but  would  not  long  for  it 
if  pressed  upon  him  by  one  whose  relations  with  the  Cabinet  had 
been  established  by  the  President  as  of  a  personal  and  independent 
nature.  One  occupying  this  position,  and,  therefore,  having  no  execu 
tive  power,  would  hesitate  to  take  an  invitation  to  act  with  the  Cabinet 
in  a  literal  sense.  The  Vice-President  regulates  his  relations  with 
the  President  and  Cabinet  according  to  the  footing  on  which  he  can 
place  himself  by  means  of  his  personal  qualities,  rather  than  by 
his  official  duties.  Mr.  Hamlin  did  attend  numerous  cabinet  and 
military  conferences  at  the  White  House  during  the  first  period  of 
the  war,  because  he  had  been  given  to  understand  that  he  was  expected 
to  do  so.  But  this  lack  of  executive  power,  as  well  as  his  respect  for 
the  rights  of  others,  caused  him  in  the  end  to  confer  directly  with 
President  Lincoln,  and  separately  with  the  members  of  the  Cabinet. 
1  Boston  Herald,  "Celebrities  at  Home,"  September  8,  1879. 


FIRST   YEARS   OF   THE   REBELLION  413 

Thus  the  nature  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  duties  and  the  circumstances  of 
his  position  compelled  him  to  act  chiefly  in  an  individual  capacity  in 
relation  to  the  war  measures  of  the  administration.  But  his  well- 
known  relations  with  President  Lincoln,  his  desire  to  serve  the  gov 
ernment,  his  standing  as  a  public  man,  and  his  own  knowledge  of 
military  affairs,  naturally  drew  many  men  to  him,  and  the  details  of 
numerous  conferences  of  this  kind  would  be  interesting  reading  if 
Mr.  Hamlin  had  recorded  them.  His  acts,  however,  are  known, 
though  no  one  ever  learned  how  much  criticism  on  President  Lincoln 
he  answered,  or  how  many  ill-advised  plans  he  quietly  side-tracked. 
He  had  letters  of  this  nature  from  men  whose  names  might  astonish 
the  public,  and  which  it  would  be  unjust  to  reproduce,  since  the 
authors  mostly  came  to  see  their  own  mistakes.  Thus  it  became 
known  that  while  Mr.  Hamlin  often  had  to  hear  complaints  against 
the  administration,  he  was  President  Lincoln's  friend  and  trusted 
counselor.  The  personal  enemies  of  the  baser  sort  whom  great  men 
attract  see  them  through  their  own  eyes,  and  form  their  opinions  on 
suspicion  and  dislike,  not  on  fact.  But  it  is  sufficient  to  say  now  that 
President  Lincoln  repeatedly  manifested  his  confidence  and  friendship 
in  acts  that  conclusively  show  how  he  felt  towards  his  associate,  while 
Mr.  Hamlin,  as  will  appear  later,  rendered  President  Lincoln  a  ser 
vice  that  might  be  regarded  as  the  most  patriotic,  certainly  the  most 
unselfish,  act  of  his  life. 

When  this  session  of  Congress  closed  Mr.  Hamlin  returned  to 
Maine,  and  during  the  remaining  months  that  preceded  the  regular 
session  he  busied  himself  with  the  various  duties  that  were  presented. 
One  was  to  keep  alive  the  patriotic  sentiment  of  the  people,  and 
involved  participation  in  the  state  campaign.  After  the  first  glow  of 
war  excitement  had  passed  away,  there  was  a  not  unnatural  cooling 
off  in  ardor,  and  the  opponents  of  the  administration,  who  were  known 
as  Copperheads,  were  not  slow  to  seize  the  opportunity  to  make 
trouble.  In  Maine,  the  most  active  of  this  element  were  the  same 
pestiferous  group  of  pro-slavery  Democrats  who  harassed  Mr.  Hamlin 
in  his  senatorial  battles.  Their  organ  was  the  "  Bangor  Democrat," 
which  had  called  him  a  "  false  friend  of  the  Union"  in  the  contest  of 
1850,  because  he  had  opposed  the  extension  of  human  slavery.  This 
newspaper  was  conducted  by  one  Emery,  who  in  latter-day  parlance 
would  be  called  a  "  crank."  But  he  and  his  supporters  caused  a  great 
deal  of  trouble  by  charging  the  rebellion  to  the  "Black  Republicans," 
by  calling  the  soldiers  "  Lincoln's  hirelings,"  and  by  predicting  that 
"  no  Democrat  would  be  found  to  raise  his  arm  against  his  brethren 
of  the  South."  Emery's  press  was  pitched  into  the  street  one  day, 
and  destroyed,  but  he  himself  was  not  harmed,  and  the  only  penalty 
his  supporters  had  to  pay  was  to  cheer  the  flag  in  public.  This  was 


4i4  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

to  the  honor  of  Bangor,  and  in  marked  contrast  with  the  persecution 
of  Union  men  at  the  South. 

The  Republicans  reflected  Governor  Washburn  by  a  handsome 
majority,  while  the  war  Democrats  emphasized  the  loyalty  of  Maine 
by  voting  for  Colonel  Jameson  as  against  £  Copperhead  candidate. 
After  the  election,  the  patriotic  people  of  Maine  bended  their  ener 
gies  towards  raising  and  equipping  more  troops.  Union  meetings 
were  held.  Mr.  Hamlin  spoke  at  one  in  Bangor  on  September  25, 
and  the  following  extracts  are  presented  to  give  the  arguments  of  the 
day.  He  said  :  — 

"  There  has  been  a  great  deal  said  about  peace  and  a  great  deal  about 
war.  ...  I  am  for  peace,  and  I  am  willing  to  fight  for  it.  I  am  for  peace, 
and  I  want  it  founded  on  that  basis  that  shall  not  entail  upon  my  children 
the  necessity  of  again  passing  through  this  ordeal.  I  am  for  peace,  but  I 
want  that  peace  that  shall  elevate  us  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and  shall 
demonstrate  that  there  is  integrity  and  capacity  enough  in  men  for  self-gov 
ernment.  I  want  a  peace,  too,  that  shall  give  security  for  the  gallant  men 
in  the  rebel  States  who  have  come  forward  and  sacrificed  their  fortunes 
and  almost  their  lives  at  the  altar  of  patriotism.  I  want  to  make  a  peace 
with  your  Johnsons  and  your  Holts,  and  men  of  that  class,  —  with  men  who 
are  loyal  to  the  country,  not  with  rebels  who  have  muskets  in  their  hands. 
.  .  .  The  signs  of  the  times  augur  for  the  right.  Everywhere  the  Federal 
forces  to  support  and  maintain  the  Union  are  increasing  and  improving. 
Everywhere  the  signs  indicate  that  the  rebellion  must,  as  it  will,  go  to  the 
wall." 

When  Congress  assembled  in  December,  1861,  for  the  regular  ses 
sion  the  situation  was  more  encouraging  than  it  appeared,  though 
there  were  grounds  for  discouragement.  President  Lincoln's  policy 
of  delay  had  borne  good  fruit  in  keeping  Maryland,  Delaware,  Ken 
tucky,  Missouri,  and  parts  of  Virginia  and  Tennessee  in  the  Union 
practically  through  the  efforts  of  their  own  loyal  people.  Thus  the 
party  that  had  cried  "  No  coercion,"  and  threatened  to  become  a  dis 
integrating  factor  in  the  Northern  States,  had  comparatively  little 
force  on  public  opinion.  General  Scott  had  retired,  to  be  succeeded 
by  General  George  B.  McClellan,  who  was  to  accomplish  his  great 
work  of  raising  the  magnificent  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Moreover,  a 
young  officer,  whose  name  was  U.  S.  Grant,  had  pushed  to  the  front 
in  the  West,  and  had  captured  Belmont,  Missouri,  and  Paducah,  Ken 
tucky.  But  the  disastrous  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff,  in  which  the  gallant 
Baker  was  sacrificed,  hung  over  the  country  like  a  pall,  while  the  lack 
of  energy  in  the  War  Department  discouraged  the  leaders  in  Con 
gress.  There  was  a  mystery  about  Ball's  Bluff,  and  it  was  believed 
in  the  inner  circles  at  Washington  that  General  Charles  P.  Stone,  a 
gallant  officer,  whose  name  is  now  untarnished,  was  made  the  scape- 


FIRST   YEARS   OF  THE   REBELLION  415 

goat  to  shield  one  higher  up  in  command.  The  famous  Committee  on 
the  Conduct  of  the  War  was  now  formed,  and  Mr.  Cameron  left  the 
War  Department  to  become  minister  to  Russia,  where  his  offices  were 
of  great  value  to  our  government. 

The  accession  of  Stanton  to  the  War  Department  followed  the  ap 
pointment  of  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  and  coinci- 
dentally  more  energy  and  better  organization  marked  the  prosecution 
of  the  rebellion.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  drawn  into  the  management  of 
the  war  more  than  the  public  knew,  and  his  views  of  the  great  figures 
of  the  day  may,  therefore,  be  of  interest.  He  was  brought  into  con 
sultation  with  the  members  of  the  war  committee,  which  was  natural 
since  Chandler,  Wade,  Julian,  and  Gooch  were  personal  friends,  and 
were  of  the  aggressive  and  energetic  stock  he  liked.  He  soon  enter 
tained  close  and  confidential  relations  with  Stanton,  and  was  one  of 
his  strongest  supporters.  He  saw  in  the  great  war  secretary  a  true- 
hearted  patriot,  while  his  irritability  was  the  natural  outcry  of  a  body 
and  mind  almost  driven  to  death  with  work,  and  his  brusqueness  of 
manner  was  more  of  a  refuge  against  intrusion  on  his  duties  than  a 
characteristic  expression  of  the  man.  He  was  profoundly  religious. 
Probably  he  was  a  fatalist,  and  believed  that  as  secretary  of  war  he 
was  fulfilling  the  mission  of  his  life.  If  he  let  his  fiery  zeal  carry  him 
roughshod  over  men  at  times,  it  was  because  he  chafed  to  save  the 
Union.  In  a  word,  to  quote  Mr.  Hamlin,  "  Stanton  was  the  walking- 
beam  of  the  ship  of  state,"  and  next  to  Lincoln  he  cared  more  for 
Stanton  as  a  man  and  officer  than  any  other  member  of  the  war 
administration. 

Mr.  Hamlin  became  more  interested  in  the  army  than  the  navy, 
partially  through  an  unpleasant  incident  which  compelled  him  to  sever 
his  connections  with  Secretary  Welles.  While  it  must  be  left  to 
others  to  weigh  the  various  estimates  of  Mr.  Welles,  it  must  be  frankly 
recorded  that  Mr.  Hamlin  regretted  his  responsibility  for  Welles's 
appointment  to  the  Cabinet  as  one  of  the  mistakes  of  his  life  and  not 
entirely  on  personal  grounds.  Yet  he  consoled  himself  in  the  reflec 
tion  that  the  administration  had  in  Gustavus  V.  Fox,  the  assistant 
secretary  of  the  navy,  a  man  who,  in  his  judgment,  should  rank  next 
to  Stanton  as  the  most  useful  and  efficient  officer  of  the  administra 
tion.  But  Mr.  Hamlin's  differences  with  Secretary  Welles  grew  out 
of  a  personal  affair.  It  has  been  shown  how  Mr.  Welles  owed  his 
appointment  to  the  Cabinet  to  Mr.  Hamlin.  Some  effort  was  once 
made  to  discredit  this,  and  the  animus  of  Mr.  Welles's  feeble  reflec 
tions  on  Mr.  Hamlin's  attitude  towards  the  administration  is  clear. 
But  if  there  were  any  grounds  for  doubt,  the  words  of  President  Lin 
coln  remove  them.  When  he  came  to  Washington  to  be  inaugurated, 
he  once  more  talked  with  Mr.  Hamlin  about  Mr.  Welles.  General 


416  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Charles  Hamlin,  the  Vice-President's  son,  was  present.  Mr.  Lincoln 
asked,  "Do  you  still  regard  Welles  as  a  better  man  than  Banks?" 
His  manner  for  raising  the  question  was  half  apologetic,  and  yet 
he  seemed  to  be  in  doubt.  When  Mr.  Hamlin  replied  that  he  pre 
ferred  Welles,  Mr.  Lincoln  said,  "  Oh,  very  well,  I  told  you  that  you 
should  name  the  New  England  man,  and  if  you  say  Welles,  it  is 
Welles." 

Mr.  Welles  was  profuse  in  his  expressions  of  gratitude  to  Mr.  Ham 
lin,  and  admitted  his  obligations  to  him.  This  closes  the  appointment 
of  Mr.  Welles  to  the  Lincoln  Cabinet,  and  makes  his  subsequent 
conduct  his  own  affair.  When  the  war  broke  out,  the  government 
among  other  things  directed  the  Navy  Department  to  build  a  num 
ber  of  wooden  gunboats.  Maine  was  then  the  great  shipbuilding 
State  of  the  Union.  One  of  her  leading  shipbuilders  was  Captain 
William  McGilvery,  a  patriotic  citizen  of  Searsport.  He  was  asso 
ciated  with  General  Samuel  F.  Hersey,  who  was  one  of  the  half  a 
dozen  leading  lumbermen  of  the  United  States.  They  desired  to 
obtain  a  contract  for  building  some  of  these  gunboats,  and  asked  Mr. 
Hamlin  to  see  Secretary  Welles  about  it.  He  called  on  Mr.  Welles, 
who  said,  "  Certainly,  Mr.  Hamlin,  certainly.  The  gentleman  is  in 
every  way  responsible,  —  that  I  know,  —  and  he  shall  have  the  con 
tract."  "Then  I  can  be  assured  that  there  will  be  no  mistake  about 
the  matter  ?  "  said  Mr.  Hamlin.  "  Certainly,  certainly  ;  the  contract 
will  be  awarded  at  once,"  was  the  reply  of  the  secretary ;  and  so  the 
matter  for  the  moment  ended.  Later,  however,  the  Vice-President, 
learning  that  certain  bureau  officers  had  more  to  do  with  the  award 
ing  of  contracts  than  the  secretary  himself,  again  went  to  Mr. 
Welles,  informed  him  of  this,  and  was  again  assured  in  the  most  posi 
tive  manner  that  the  contract  would  be  awarded  as  arranged. 

In  the  mean  time  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  Captain  McGilvery  and  Gen 
eral  Hersey  that  Secretary  Welles  had  promised  them  the  contract, 
and  they  began  to  prepare  to  build  the  gunboats.  But  a  few  days 
afterwards,  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  astonishment,  it  was  announced  that  the 
contracts  for  building  the  vessels  had  been  made  without  including 
McGilvery  and  Hersey.  One  contract  had  been  given  to  Maine,  and 
to  a  man  who  was  in  active  sympathy  with  the  rebels,  and  who  had 
applied  for  the  contract  to  make  all  the  money  he  could,  whereas 
McGilvery  and  Hersey,  who  were  Union  men,  had  made  a  low  bid. 
Mr.  Hamlin  had  a  short  but  stormy  interview  with  Mr.  Welles.  He 
asked  for  an  explanation,  and  the  secretary  stammered  out  that  his 
promise  had  escaped  his  mind.  "  Do  you  then  not  intend  to  keep 
your  word,  sir  ?  "  Mr.  Hamlin  asked  sternly. 

"No,  sir,  I  cannot  now,"  was  the  hesitating  reply. 

"Then  this  terminates  our  relations,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin;  "I  will 


FIRST  YEARS   OF   THE   REBELLION  417 

not  have  anything  to  do  with  a  man  who  breaks  his  plighted  word  to 
me." 

It  transpired  that  Captain  Fox  was  the  virtual  executive  head  of 
the  Navy  Department,  and  that  he  had  disposed  of  these  contracts 
without  consulting  Mr.  Welles  very  much  about  it.  But  it  was  galling 
to  Mr.  Hamlin  to  experience  this  ingratitude,  and  to  see  a  Copper 
head  have  an  opportunity  to  gouge  money  out  of  the  government. 
He  never  thereafter  spoke  to  Welles. 

While  the  government  had  been  pursuing  a  defensive  military  pol 
icy  in  the  main,  the  immense  energy  that  marked  Stanton's  accession 
to  the  War  Department  and  the  happy  solution  of  the  Trent  affair 
served  now  to  place  President  Lincoln  in  a  clearer  light  to  those  who 
were  beginning  to  understand  his  great  powers.  It  has  been  well 
said  that  Mr.  Lincoln  armed  himself  like  the  warrior  of  old  and 
strengthened  himself  surely  at  every  point  before  he  was  ready  to 
give  battle  royal.  The  apparent  inactivity  of  the  government  had 
alarmed  both  reasonable  and  unreasonable  people,  but  the  latter 
were  satisfied  without  much  difficulty  that  the  administration  was 
proceeding  safely,  and  in  the  solution  of  the  Trent  affair  they  had 
conclusive  evidence  that  a  strong,  prudent,  and  far-seeing  man  was 
at  the  helm.  President  Lincoln's  promptness  to  see  that  the  capture 
of  Mason  and  Slidell,  the  Confederate  ambassadors  to  England  and 
France,  on  a  British  steamer,  was  a  violation  of  the  principles  on  which 
we  had  gone  to  war  with  England  in  1812,  and  his  order  to  release 
them  in  the  face  of  great  opposition  saved  the  United  States  from  a 
war  with  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Hamlin  always  spoke  of  this  incident 
as  a  revelation  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  statesmanship,  though  it  is  of  more 
interest  to  this  narrative  in  showing  how  he  began  to  incline  against 
Secretary  Seward  and  to  regard  him  as  an  unsafe  man,  which  is  a 
story  for  another  chapter. 

When  the  new  year  came  in,  the  government  was  prepared  to  enter 
on  a  vigorous  campaign,  and  President  Lincoln  issued  his  famous 
order  for  a  joint  movement  by  land  and  sea  against  the  insurgents. 
The  subsequent  victories  at  Fort  Donelson  and  Roanoke  Island,  and 
the  defeat  of  Sterling  Price,  expelled  the  Confederates  from  Tennes 
see  and  Missouri,  and  gained  for  our  forces  a  footing  in  North  Carolina. 
But  while  the  Union  thus  made  an  immense  headway,  there  was  an 
unfortunate  failure  to  take  advantage  of  an  opportunity  presented 
and  thrust  home  the  victory  that  was  won  at  Donelson.  When  the 
news  came  of  Grant's  capture  of  this  highly  important  Confederate 
stronghold,  Mr.  Hamlin  expressed  the  hope  to  his  friends  at  Wash 
ington  that  Grant  would  be  allowed  to  concentrate  all  available  troops 
under  his  command  and  push  his  way  without  delay  into  the  South- 
west.  The  rebel  forces  which  had  been  routed  out  of  Tennessee 


4i8  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

were  retreating  in  a  demoralized  condition,  and  they  could  have  been 
cut  to  pieces  without  much  difficulty.  Thus  the  war  might  have  been 
ended  in  at  least  a  year  sooner  than  it  was,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  hastened 
to  lay  before  President  Lincoln  the  suggestion  to  send  Grant  forward. 
But  the  President  was  passing  through  an  agonizing  ordeal  at  this  mo 
ment  ;  he  was  watching  at  the  deathbed  of  a  beloved  son.  Moreover, 
Mr.  Lincoln's  rare  sense  of  courtesy  would  not  allow  him  to  interfere 
much  with  heads  of  departments,  and  he  permitted  General  Halleck 
to  exercise  his  authority. 

The  chief  blame  for  this  failure  to  follow  up  a  golden  opportunity 
falls  on  General  Halleck.  The  generally  accepted  interpretation  of 
the  dispatches  he  exchanged  with  General  Buell  and  others  after  the 
fall  of  Donelson  was  that  he  was  chiefly  concerned  about  his  own 
chances  of  winning  renown.  His  disposition  to  claim  the  credit  of 
Donelson  for  himself  and  his  ignoring  of  Grant  were  a  point  in  evi 
dence.  But  while  Mr.  Hamlin  partially  subscribed  to  this  view,  his 
knowledge  of  Halleck  led  him  to  another  conclusion,  and  his  frank 
nature  would  not  permit  him  to  deal  in  diplomatic  phrases  in  express 
ing  his  opinion.  As  the  Yankees  would  say  :  Mr.  Hamlin  sized  Hal 
leck  up  shortly,  —  in  fact,  at  their  first  meeting.  Halleck  was  a  finely 
educated  soldier,  and  perhaps  one  of  the  best  military  authorities  in 
the  country  at  the  time.  Yet  his  bullying  nature  and  notoriously 
offensive  manner  rendered  his  hold  on  President  Lincoln  a  mystery 
to  many.  It  is  now  clear  that  Halleck  served  Mr.  Lincoln  chiefly 
as  an  instructor  in  military  science,  and  when  the  pupil  had  practically 
surpassed  the  master,  the  latter  became  for  a  while  the  terrible  Mr. 
Jorkins  of  the  administration.  Halleck's  retention  in  command  was 
one  point  on  which  Mr.  Hamlin  could  not  agree  with  Mr.  Lincoln, 
although  his  courtesy  would  not  allow  him  to  press  his  ideas  about 
Halleck  on  the  President. 

There  was  an  encounter  between  Mr.  Hamlin  and  General  Halleck, 
shortly  after  the  latter  had  been  called  to  Washington,  that  was  full 
of  importance.  The  State  of  Maine  was  without  adequate  coast  de 
fenses,  and  the  legislature,  fearing  that  rebel  pirates  might  break 
the  blockade  and  ravage  the  coast  of  New  England,  caused  the 
appointment  of  a  commission  to  call  the  government's  attention  to 
the  situation.  The  fortifications  were  in  a  wretched  condition,  and, 
moreover,  they  were  without  arms.  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Senator  Fes- 
senden  were  the  commissioners,  and  were  referred  by  the  War  De 
partment  to  General  Halleck.  But  if  they  had  been  plain  citizens 
intruding  themselves  on  General  Halleck  without  the  authority  of  a 
great  State  to  present  a  reasonable  request,  they  could  not  have  been 
received  more  outrageously.  Halleck  cut  them  short  with  words  as 
curt  as  his  manner  was  insulting.  Senator  Fessenden  said  to  a 
friend  :  — 


FIRST   YEARS   OF  THE   REBELLION  419 

"  Hamlin's  face  grew  black  as  a  thunder-cloud.  He  came  to  his 
feet  with  all  his  weight,  and  said  to  Halleck,  '  We  expected  to  be 
treated  like  gentlemen  at  least,  and  have  our  State's  request  received 
with  respect,  whether  it  is  granted  or  not.' 

"  Halleck  almost  collapsed  at  this  shot,"  continued  Senator  Fessen- 
den  ;  "  he  literally  sunk  into  his  boots,  and  thenceforth  treated  us 
with  the  respect  he  had  withheld  in  the  beginning." 

Seacoast  defenses  in  New  England  were  shortly  after  this  con 
structed. 

President  Lincoln  was  now  compelled  to  change  his  attitude  to 
wards  the  commanders  of  his  armies  and  assume  a  responsibility 
that  he  was  far  from  desiring.  He  was  accused  by  military  critics  of 
"meddling"  with  General  McClellan,  but  it  is  not  necessary  to  say 
now  how  completely  history  has  exonerated  the  great  war  President 
from  "  meddling  "  with  the  armies.  The  record  of  his  official  acts  is 
a  monument  to  his  patience  and  a  proof  of  his  wonderful  grasp  of 
military  duties.  His  kindness  and  fairness  to  General  McClellan  are 
unexampled.  He  gave  McClellan  the  energetic  support  of  his  ad 
ministration,  and  interfered  only  when  actually  forced  to  do  so.  The 
capture  of  Donelson  and  the  victory  at  Roanoke  Island  were  followed 
by  the  signal  success  of  the  Monitor  over  the  Merrimac  and  Far- 
ragut's  seizure  of  New  Orleans.  Thus,  with  the  Mississippi  River 
opened  up,  the  Union  cordon  was  being  securely  and  firmly  riveted 
around  the  Confederacy.  But  General  McClellan  remained  inactive, 
and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  accomplished  little  after  the  battle  of 
Antietam.  Congress  adjourned,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  returned  to  Maine 
greatly  depressed  and  convinced  that  McClellan  was  a  failure. 


CHAPTER   XXXIII 

EMANCIPATION    OF    THE    SLAVES 

THE  last  chapter  in  the  fall  of  the  slave  power  presents  an  inter 
esting  coincidence  in  the  lives  of  the  war  President  and  Vice-Presi 
dent.  When  Lincoln  was  a  pilot  of  a  Mississippi  flatboat,  and  saw 
at  New  Orleans  an  auction  of  slaves,  he  said  to  John  Hanks,  "  I 
would  like  to  get  a  crack  at  that  thing."  When  Hamlinwas  a  strug 
gling  young  law  student,  he  said  to  General  Fessenden,  "  I  will  fight 
slavery  whenever  I  get  a  chance."  After  they  entered  public  life, 
they  worked  along  parallel  lines,  that  is,  they  opposed  slavery  within 
purely  constitutional  limits,  and  it  was  the  pursuance  of  that  policy 
which  placed  the  responsibility  of  the  civil  war  on  the  shoulders  of 
the  slave  power,  overthrew  the  institution  itself,  and  destroyed  its 
dogma  of  secession.  When  they  became  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent  respectively,  they  were  still  working  together  towards  a  common 
end,  which  was  the  abolishment  of  slavery,  and  it  may  be  added  that 
while  the  crowning  act  of  President  Lincoln's  life  was  the  emancipa 
tion  of  the  slaves,  among  the  happy  events  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  life  was 
Mr.  Lincoln's  act  in  showing  to  him  first  of  all  men  the  immortal 
instrument  that  killed  slavery  on  this  continent  and  gave  liberty  to 
four  millions  of  people. 

When  the  slaveholders  began  war  upon  the  government  the  para 
mount  duty  was  to  save  the  Union,  and  that  was  the  slogan  among  the 
Northern  masses.  The  moral  effect  of  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion 
on  the  pronounced  anti-slavery  leaders  was  to  develop  them  into 
emancipators,  and  thus,  while  this  issue  was  looming  up,  they  were 
a  unique  group  of  advanced  men,  even  among  the  shifting  scenes  of 
this  fiery  and  tempestuous  period.  There  was  a  marked  difference 
of  opinion  at  this  time  as  to  the  support  the  Northern  masses  would 
give  to  emancipation,  and  it  would  be  useless  now  to  estimate  it. 
The  border  state  men  naturally  opposed  it,  as  a  rule  the  partisan 
Democrats  were  against  it,  and  laboring  men  were  at  first  alarmed 
lest  the  liberation  of  the  slaves  should  tend  to  degrade  their  own  con 
dition.  But  the  more  intelligent  among  the  multitude  were  now 
beginning  to  realize  that  slavery  was  the  cause  of  the  war,  and  that 
the  logical  outcome  of  the  rebellion  was  its  extinction.  The  fickle 
state  of  mind  manifested  by  the  public  was  another  confusing  factor. 


EMANCIPATION   OF  THE   SLAVES  421 

After  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  the  emancipators  were  certainly  not  as 
numerous  as  they  were  immediately  after  the  attack  on  Sumter. 
The  emancipators  in  Congress,  however,  were  consistent  and  aggres 
sive  to  the  end.  They  worked  tirelessly  with  President  Lincoln, 
accepting  or  rejecting  the  details  of  his  policy,  but  always  for  the 
same  common  purpose.  Their  fame  is,  therefore,  unique  and  bright. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  probably  one  of  the  first  leaders  of  national  influ 
ence  to  urge  President  Lincoln  to  free  and  arm  the  slave.  The 
course  he  pursued  towards  the  various  measures  before  Congress 
relating  to  slavery  illustrate  his  perfect  independence  and  attitude 
towards  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  favored  whatever  plans  he  believed  were 
right,  and  opposed  whatever  measures  he  regarded  as  wrong.  He 
agreed  with  Mr.  Lincoln  against  the  radicals  when  he  thought  the 
President  was  right.  He  frankly  disagreed  with  Mr.  Lincoln  and  sided 
with  the  radicals  when  he  believed  they  were  right  and  the  President 
was  wrong.  Mr.  Lincoln  always  knew  where  Mr.  Hamlin  stood,  and 
there  never  was  any  misunderstanding  between  them.  The  President 
often  sent  for  the  Vice-President  to  ask  his  opinions  about  policies 
and  measures,  and  he  was  unfailingly  interested  and  kind.  They  met 
as  two  friends  who  were  seeking  the  same  object,  and  who  agreed 
or  disagreed,  as  the  case  might  be,  but  retained  a  respect  and  liking 
for  each  other.  That  is  the  kind  of  a  man  President  Lincoln  was, 
and  he  valued  a  frank,  truthful  friend  who  was  not  afraid  squarely  to 
dissent  from  him.  He  abhorred  sycophants,  and  he  would  have  been 
amazed  if  he  could  have  heard  the  stories  that  adventurers  and  spies 
told,  who  preyed  on  their  brief  acquaintance  with  him,  to  injure  his 
real  friends  and  gain  themselves  an  ear  with  the  gallery.  His  acts 
show  how  he  felt  towards  Mr.  Hamlin. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  a  great  advantage  over  his  friends  and  critics 
aside  from  his  remarkable  personal  qualities.  He  was  President. 
Thus,  he  had  all  the  means  the  government  possessed  of  obtaining 
and  weighing  all  authoritative  information  necessary  to  solve  ques 
tions  of  state.  The  secrets  of  the  government  are  all  known  only 
to  one  man,  and  he  is  its  head.  Moreover,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  to  be 
President.  While  he  could  not  always  do  as  he  desired,  he  was  com 
pelled  to  act  as  the  executive,  not  as  the  individual.  The  conserva 
tism  of  the  office  he  held  inclined  him  to  move  slowly  in  making 
an  organic  change  in  the  body  politic,  and  his  singularly  acute  intui 
tive  knowledge  of  the  plain  people  led  him  to  doubt  the  desirability 
of  taking  an  advanced  step  with  regard  to  slavery  until  he  felt  sure 
that  he  was  in  touch  with  the  people,  or  would  be  vindicated  by 
events.  His  lofty  purpose,  remarkable  knowledge  of  human  nature, 
foresight,  and  judgment  were  acknowledged  by  his  fair  critics,  and 
it  was  here  that  another  point  arose  causing  an  interesting  difference 


422  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

of  opinion :  whether  he  delayed  at  times  solely  through  overcaution 
in  his  desire  to  march  in  the  ranks  of  the  multitude.  Mr.  Hamlin's 
mature  judgment  was  that  President  Lincoln  was  more  often  right 
than  his  advisers,  though  in  some  instances  he  might  have  acted  more 
promptly,  his  caution  being  the  sole  reason  Jor  delay. 

The  question  of  doubt  was  raised  in  regard  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  official 
attitude  towards  slavery  in  one  important  respect  right  after  the  out 
break  of  the  rebellion.  His  conception  of  the  war  was  that  it  was  an 
insurrection,  and  that  the  Southern  States  still  being  in  the  Union, 
slavery  was,  therefore,  protected  by  the  Constitution.  He  hesitated 
to  exercise  the  powers  of  war  and  overthrow  the  institution  on  this 
account,  and  also  on  account  of  the  opposition  emancipation  would 
encounter  from  the  border  States,  the  laboring  men  of  the  North, 
the  partisan  Democratic  leaders,  and  their  sympathizers  in  the  Union 
armies.  But  it  is  a  matter  of  opinion  whether  he  was  as  prompt 
as  he  should  have  been  in  initiating  his  attack  on  the  institution  of 
slavery.  Thus,  when  the  war  began,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  was  hedged 
in  with  delicate  and  difficult  problems  affecting  the  future  of  slavery, 
was  he  right  in  at  first  rejecting  General  Butler's  doctrine  that  the 
runaway  slave  was  a  contraband  of  war  ?  This  is  a  concrete  illustra 
tion  of  the  radical  charge  that  President  Lincoln  was  slow,  and  his 
subsequent  mastery  of  the  slavery  problem  is  other  evidence  in  Mr. 
Hamlin's  eyes  of  his  remarkable  growth  while  President. 

When  the  war  broke  out  slaves  began  to  escape  within  the  Union 
lines,  and  the  problem  was  how  to  deal  with  them.  The  commanding 
officers  acted  at  first  according  to  their  own  ideas  and  wishes.  Some 
returned  the  runaways  ;  others  helped  them  North.  With  the  border 
States  in  a  precarious  condition  at  this  time,  President  Lincoln  felt 
embarrassed,  and  yet  the  logical  outcome  of  the  situation  cut  the 
difficulties  in  which  he  was  enmeshed,  and  freed  him  before  he  realized 
it.  While  he  was  perplexed  over  the  attitude  of  the  border  States 
and  the  pro-slavery  sentiment  in  the  army,  the  quick  wit  of  Butler 
saw  the  situation  in  its  right  light.  Butler  had  been  a  dyed-in-the- 
wool  pro-slavery  man,  and  had  voted  for  Jefferson  Davis  as  his  candi 
date  in  the  Democratic  convention  at  Charleston.  He  could  not, 
therefore,  be  accused  of  entertaining  abolition  sentiments.  He  saw 
the  rebels  employing  slaves  on  their  fortifications,  and  also  rebel  offi 
cers  demanding  the  return  of  runaways  under  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Why,  then,  give 
these  men  up  to  have  them  used  against  the  government  ?  Why 
were  they  not  contraband  of  war  ?  There  was  no  politics  in  this,  no 
sentiment ;  it  was  in  accord  with  the  rules  of  war.  But  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  been  President  only  two  months,  and  he  did  not  seize  the  effec 
tive  weapon  placed  at  his  disposal.  The  radicals  do  not  appear  to 
have  received  the  credit  due  to  them. 


EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES  423 

While  Mr.  Lincoln  was  hesitating,  the  progressive  anti-slavery 
leaders  in  Congress  were  pressing  him  to  enforce  Butler's  contraband 
doctrine.  But  he  was  inclined  against  it  through  his  scrupulously 
exact  ideas  of  his  oath  of  office,  and  also  through  his  fears  of  the 
border  States.  He  had  sworn  to  uphold  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  one  was  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  He  feared  that  the 
border  States  would  accuse  him  of  breaking  his  pledges,  and  thus  it 
was  that  he  refused  the  weapon  that  Butler  placed  in  his  hands. 
Secretary  Cameron  wrote  to  Butler,  approving  his  decision,  but  Pre 
sident  Lincoln  overruled  him  by  causing  General  Scott  to  issue  a 
private  order  to  General  McDowell  on  July  16,  1861,  five  days  before 
the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  to  give  up  fugitive  slaves  who  had  crossed 
the  Potomac  with  the  army.  This  was  known  only  to  a  few.  In  the 
order  General  Scott  expressed  the  wish  that  "  the  name  of  the  Presi 
dent  should  not  at  this  time  be  brought  before  the  public  in  connec 
tion  with  this  delicate  subject."1  Yet  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say 
that  if  Mr.  Lincoln  erred,  it  was  solely  on  the  side  of  caution,  and  the 
incident  shows  that  if  he  did  not  do  right,  he  was  nevertheless  true 
to  his  ideas  of  consistency  in  a  trying  moment  when  he  was  slowly 
but  surely  reaching  a  secure  position.  Congress,  however,  forced  the 
President  to  change  his  ground,  and  history  must  give  the  radicals 
the  credit  for  this. 

The  first  authentic  record  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  acts  in  connection  with 
the  slavery  issue  after  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion  shows  that  the 
battle  of  Bull  Run  had  the  effect  of  stiffening  the  backbone  of  the 
genuine  radicals.  The  day  after  this  defeat  Vice-President  Hamlin 
and  Senators  Chandler  and  Sumner  called  on  President  Lincoln,  urging 
him  to  exercise  the  full  powers  of  war  and  free  and  arm  the  slaves.2 
Mr.  Hamlin  argued  on  this  and  other  occasions  that  these  measures 
were  now  a  war  necessity,  and  were  justified  by  the  act  of  the  slave 
holders  in  rebelling  against  the  government.  He  quoted  John  Quincy 
Adams  as  his  authority  and  maintained  that  slavery  was  the  cause  of 
the  war,  and  was  the  backbone  of  the  Confederacy.  It  would  remain 
a  source  of  aid  to  the  rebel  government  as  long  as  it  was  allowed  to 
exist,  and  to  free  the  slaves  would  plunge  the  South  into  confusion 
and  help  topple  the  Confederacy  to  the  ground.  But  in  adopting  this 
drastic  policy,  he  would  free  the  slaves  under  the  strictest  military 
discipline,  in  order  to  guard  against  uprisings  of  the  blacks  and  pos 
sible  injuries  to  helpless  women  and  children.  He  insisted  that  the 
negro  would  make  a  good  soldier,  and  predicted  that  good  officers  could 
be  found  to  command  them.  Finally,  he  commended  Butler's  contra 
band  doctrine  as  a  double-edged  sword,  that  would  cut  the  difficulties 

1  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vol.  iv.  p.  391. 

2  Life  of  Zachariah  Chandler,  p.  253. 


424  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

which  hedged  in  the  administration  and  give  the  institution  itself  a 
mortal  thrust.1 

Although  President  Lincoln  did  not  agree  with  Mr.  Hamlin's  views 
at  this  time,  he  was  interested  in  all  he  had  to  say,  often  sent  for  him, 
and  always  paid  him  that  gracious,  kindly,  personal  attention  that 
marked  the  nobleman  of  nature.  He  knew  what  the  radicals  were 
saying,  and  yet  he  met  their  criticism  with  tact  and  infinite  good 
nature.  The  interviews  he  had  with  Mr.  Hamlin  were  suffused  with 
so  much  geniality,  sincerity,  and  good  sense  that  the  Vice-President 
generally  left  him  with  his  personal  liking  for  Mr.  Lincoln  one  of  the 
uppermost  things  in  his  mind.  But  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  yet  under 
stood,  and  Secretary  Seward  supposed  that  he  himself  was  the  actual 
power  in  the  administration.  This  is  easy  to  comprehend  now,  be 
cause  Mr.  Lincoln  was  unlike  any  other  man  who  had  been  called 
on  to  lead  the  people  of  the  United  States.  His  ways  were  original, 
and  they  had  to  be  understood  in  order  to  appreciate  the  man  him 
self.  Mr.  Hamlin's  intercourse  with  President  Lincoln  soon  enabled 
him  to  perceive  that  the  queer  way  this  new  leader  had  of  asking 
questions  and  supposing  hypothetical  cases  was  after  all  only  a 
method  he  employed  of  raising  all  objections  to  a  question  he  would 
have  to  answer.  But  many  radicals  in  their  impatience  thought  that 
Lincoln  was  weak,  though  their  public  criticism  was  that  he  was  slow. 
Mr.  Hamlin  thought  that  he  was  slow  at  first,  which  was  natural  be 
cause  he  was  working  into  the  presidency,  while  in  the  end  he  loomed 
up  as  a  unique  and  very  great  man. 

While  it  cannot  be  asserted  that  the  call  Mr.  Hamlin,  Mr.  Chan 
dler,  and  Mr.  Sumner  made  on  the  President  was  in  accord  with 
a  definite  plan  of  action  resolved  on  by  the  radicals  to  press  the 
administration  to  action  on  the  contraband  question,  it  is  morally 

1  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  opinion  of  the  negro  was  that  he  was  brave,  docile, 
patient,  and  generous  by  nature.  History  showed  that  the  negro  had  been  a  good 
soldier,  and  the  record  he  made  in  the  war  of  independence  ought  to  have  satis 
fied  the  country  of  his  fighting  qualities.  His  remarkable  fortitude  in  slavery 
and  daring  when  a  fugitive  were  more  convincing  examples  and  nearer  at  hand. 
Mr.  Hamlin  told  his  son  Charles  that  at  this  interview,  and  on  other  occasions,  he 
fortified  his  views  of  the  negro  by  quoting  from  Daniel  O'Connell  in  his  address 
of  October  11,  1843,  to  the  Cincinnati  Irish  Repeal  Association.  One  extract 
was  :  "  Your  important  allegation  is  that  the  negroes  are  a  naturally  inferior 
race.  That  is  a  totally  gratuitous  assertion  upon  your  part.  In  America  you  can 
have  no  opportunity  of  seeing  the  negro  educated.  On  the  contrary,  in  most  of 
your  States  it  is  a  crime.  Sacred  Heaven  !  A  crime  to  educate  even  a  free  negro  ! 
How,  then,  can  you  judge  of  the  negro  race  when  you  see  them  despised  and  con 
demned  by  the  educated  classes,  reviled  and  looked  down  on  as  inferior.  The 
negro  race  has  naturally  some  of  the  finest  qualities.  They  are  naturally  gentle, 
generous,  humane,  and  very  grateful  for  kindness.  They  are  as  brave  and  as  fear 
less  as  any  other  of  the  races  of  human  beings." 


EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES  425 

certain  that  this  was  the  case.  Senator  Trumbull,  of  Illinois,  had 
already  framed  his  bill,  which  was  the  first  law  passed  by  Congress 
to  help  slaves  obtain  their  freedom.  This  was  an  act  to  confiscate 
slaves  who  were  used  in  the  insurrection  against  the  government.  It 
was  placed  on  the  senate  calendar  the  day  before  Bull  Run,  and  first 
called  up  the  day  after  that  defeat.  The  coincidence  is,  therefore,  at 
least  suggestive,  if  not  conclusive,  that  Mr.  Hamlin  and  the  radical 
senators  made  a  last  appeal  to  the  President  to  enforce  the  contra 
band  doctrine.  But  he  was  opposed  to  it,  though  he  gave  his  re 
luctant  official  approval  when  Congress  acted  against  his  wishes.  He 
desired  Congress  to  wait  for  his  lead  in  the  slavery  problem,  and 
feared  that  this  act  would  precipitate  trouble  in  the  border  States. 
But,  to  quote  Mr.  Elaine,  "he  could  not,  however,  veto  the  bill, 
because  that  would  be  equivalent  to  declaring  that  the  Confederate 
army  might  have  the  full  benefit  of  the  slave  population  as  military 
force."  i 

This  is  a  concrete  illustration  of  the  relations  between  President 
Lincoln  and  his  radical  friends  in  Congress,  and  in  another  way  is 
an  illustration  of  the  manner  in  which  the  executive  and  Congress 
threshed  out  the  slavery  question  together.  The  right  kind  of  men 
in  Congress  and  the  President  working  towards  the  same  object  im 
pelled  or  checked  each  other  from  time  to  time.  When  the  President 
was  slow,  Congress  lent  the  necessary  impetus,  and  when  it  went  too 
far  he  checked  it.  Thus  they  supplemented  each  other,  though  in 
the  end  Lincoln  towered  up  as  the  wisest  of  all.  But  in  the  begin 
ning  the  radicals  should  have  recognition  for  spurring  the  administra 
tion  in  the  right  direction.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  President  only  a  few 
months  ;  he  had  always  been  an  advocate,  and  was  not  accustomed  to 
the  wielding  of  great  executive  power.  This  was  one  of  several  inci 
dents  that  developed  in  him  a  necessity  for  action,  and  it  came  largely 
from  his  party  friends,  such  as  Mr.  Trumbull  and  Mr.  Hamlin.  His 
fears  about  the  border  States  in  this  instance  were  well  grounded, 
though  not  wholly  justified.  The  confiscation  act  did  not  change 
the  relations  of  these  States  to  the  government,  while  it  materially 
paved  the  way  for  solving  the  negro  problem.  In  consequence  of 
the  passage  of  this  act,  by  the  end  of  the  summer  of  1861  slaves 
were  received  into  the  Union  armies,  where  they  proved  their  use 
fulness,  helped  overcome  the  prejudice  against  negro  soldiers,  and 
thus  prepared  for  the  enlistment  of  the  colored  man. 

The  confiscation  act  broke  the  ice,  so  to  speak,  and  if  it  seriously 

disarranged  President  Lincoln's  plans,  he  soon  adjusted  himself  to  the 

situation  and  took  the  reins  of  power  in  his  hands.     Only  he  himself 

knew  when  he  began  to  formulate  in  his  mind  his  comprehensive 

1  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  vol.  i.  p.  343. 


426  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

plans  for  freeing  the  slaves,  although  it  is  not  necessary  to  say  that 
this  wise  and  far-seeing  man  knew  full  well  that  the  extinction  of  the 
institution  would  be  the  logical  outcome  of  the  defeat  of  the  rebellion. 
He  conceived  a  scheme  in  which  there  was  no  detail  wanting,  and 
which  was  worthy  of  his  heart  and  head.  ^But  he  desired  to  develop 
it  in  accordance  with  his  judgment,  and  eventually  succeeded  in  spite 
of  partisan  and  even  party  opposition.  While  his  course  in  counter 
manding  General  Fremont's  proclamation  of  emancipation  in  Mis 
souri  and  his  suppression  of  Secretary  Cameron's  suggestion  of 
arming  the  negroes  evoked  much  bitter  criticism,  all  this  was  in 
accordance  with  his  plan,  and  it  therefore  had  the  greater  moral  effect 
in  the  end.  When  Congress  came  together  in  the  winter  of  1861, 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  then  prepared  to  present  a  definite  course  of  action, 
which  now  shines  out  as  an  exemplification  of  his  admirable  state 
craft.  In  this  instance  Mr.  Hamlin  is  to  be  found  closer  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  than  probably  any  one  else,  and  working  on  nearly  the  same 
lines  with  him. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  plan  was  gradual  emancipation,  and  it  was  somewhat 
tentative.  The  first  steps  involved  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  the  colonization  of  those  set  free  by  this  act,  the 
prohibition  of  the  institution  in  the  territories,  and  the  granting  of 
compensation  to  those  States  that  would  emancipate  their  bondmen, 
At  the  same  time  President  Lincoln  held  in  his  hands  the  war  power 
as  his  thunderbolt  to  hurl  at  the  institution  in  case  this  plan  did 
not  succeed.  This  was  supported  by  the  radicals  generally  as  a 
step  in  the  right  direction,  though  they  favored  immediate  abolition. 
In  their  private  judgment,  however,  some  of  their  ablest  leaders  had 
strong  doubts  about  the  feasibility  of  the  compensatory  feature. 
They  were  wise  men,  and  knew  human  nature.  They  had  sat  in 
Congress  with  slaveholders,  and  knew  that  they  placed  a  value  on 
slavery  above  financial  considerations.  It  was  the  source  of  their 
political,  social,  and  pecuniary  power.  Union  men  of  the  border 
States  were  slaveholders,  and  they  had  not  yet  come  to  the  opinion 
that  slavery  was  the  cause  of  the  war.  But  the  radicals  supported 
the  President,  and  history  must  judge  that  their  private  view  was 
vindicated  by  the  defeat  of  this  plan. 

Mr.  Hamlin  ardently  supported  President  Lincoln's  plan  in  all  its 
details  with  the  exception  of  the  colonization  feature.  He  presided 
over  the  Senate  during  the  deliberations,  and  when  the  bill  was  passed 
exterminating  slavery  at  the  national  capital  he  doubtless  thought 
of  one  of  his  early  speeches  in  the  House,  when  he  said  he  hoped 
that  he  might  see  the  day  when  all  who  were  men  and  lived  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  would  have  the  right  of  citizenship.  But  he 
was  more  especially  interested  in  the  compensatory  idea,  and  rendered 


EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES  427 

all  the  service  within  his  power  to  accomplish  its  success.  While 
he  may  have  had  his  doubts  as  to  the  willingness  of  the  border 
States  to  surrender  the  institution  for  money,  he  was  strongly  of  the 
opinion  that  the  effort  should  be  made,  because  he  believed  that  the 
border  States  should  have  the  opportunity  to  recoup  themselves  for 
the  sacrifice,  and  also  because  the  President  ought  to  be  supported. 
An  old  friend  said  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  own  generous  nature  would 
incline  him  to  compensation,  and  that  with  Mr.  Lincoln  he  would 
naturally  favor  any  honorable  agreement  whereby  Union  slaveholders 
would  be  reimbursed.  But  they  cut  off  their  noses  to  spite  their  faces, 
so  to  speak,  and  some  of  their  representatives  in  Congress  managed 
by  extreme  tactics  to  defeat  this  generous  measure.  The  coloniza 
tion  scheme  did  not  amount  to  much.  To  quote  Mr.  Hamlin,  he 
"took  no  stock  in  it."  The  freedmen  refused  to  try  it,  and  that  was 
the  end  of  it. 

This  legislation  was  completed  practically  within  a  year  after  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  become  President,  and  it  may  be  said  to  have  been  a 
period  of  momentous  results  without  even  reference  to  the  progress 
of  the  war.  The  result  of  more  interest  to  this  volume  was  that 
these  incidents  served  to  draw  Mr.  Hamlin  into  closer  relations  with 
Mr.  Lincoln,  which  enabled  him  to  form  a  better  estimate  of  the  latter. 
Men  then  did  not  possess  the  gift  of  divination,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  had 
to  watch  the  development  of  the  President's  policy  to  understand  the 
development  of  the  man  himself.  The  numerous  incidents  that  came 
under  the  Vice-President's  observation  —  such  as  the  pressure  placed 
on  the  President  to  change  his  course,  his  firm  and  unswerving  adher 
ence  to  his  purposes,  his  careful  and  adroit  management  of  his  policy 
to  avoid  the  Scylla  of  party  opposition  on  the  one  hand  and  the 
Charybdis  of  party  opposition  on  the  other,  his  invariable  attitude  of 
kindly  patience  under  unmerited  censure,  and  his  good-naturedly 
shrewd  replies  to  critics  —  were  side  lights  that  helped  bring  out 
the  picture  of  the  man  himself.  But  the  more  important  result  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  policy  in  connection  with  this  point,  in  Mr.  Hamlin's 
opinion,  was  that  it  marked  both  his  attack  on  slavery  and  his  ascend 
ency  over  Congress.  For  he  was  now  swerving  that  body  to  the 
purposes  of  his  great  will. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  now  become  more  confidential  in  his  interviews 
with  Mr.  Hamlin  regarding  his  plans,  as  important  incidents  to  be 
related  will  show.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  to  be  emphasized  that 
he  always  spoke  with  caution,  and  rarely  committed  himself  unre 
servedly  to  any  line  of  action.  While  he  would  listen  to  all  Mr. 
Hamlin  had  to  say  and  would  ply  him  with  questions  about  impor 
tant  subjects,  he  would  not,  as  a  rule,  say  what  he  thought  in  direct 
terms,  or  announce  plainly  what  he  intended  to  do.  But  upon  ques- 


428  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

tions  that  did  not  relate  to  the  problems  he  was  weighing  in  his  mind 
he  would  talk  freely  as  one  old  friend  would  to  another,  and  he  was 
the  most  delightful  of  men  in  moments  of  this  kind.  Mr.  Hamlin 
thought  that  Mr.  Lincoln  sometimes  made  up  his  stories  on  the  spur 
of  the  moment,  which  in  a  measure  accounted  for  their  peculiarly 
apropos  nature.  They  were  also  humorous,  wholesome,  and  clean. 
This  view  Mr.  Hamlin  had  of  President  Lincoln  is  elaborated  because 
it  is  a  picture  of  the  true  Lincoln,  and  is  presented  again  to  warn  the 
unwary  against  a  lot  of  humbugs  who  called  themselves  "confidential 
friends"  or  "advisers"  of  Lincoln,  and  who  did  not  scruple  to  put 
words  and  stories  in  his  mouth  he  never  uttered.  Mr.  Hamlin  knew 
the  real  Lincoln  :  he  was  a  wise,  discreet  man,  whose  confidences 
were  few,  and  the  more  valuable  on  that  account. 

When  the  summer  of  1862  came  with  the  rebellion  yet  unchecked, 
and  Congress  still  refusing  to  adopt  the  compensatory  emancipation 
plan,  President  Lincoln  was  now  forced  to  consider  abolition  and  the 
arming  of  the  negroes.  He  reached  his  decision  with  reluctance,  but 
the  situation  was  urgent,  and  the  behavior  of  the  representatives  of 
the  border  States  had  released  him  from  longer  pressing  on  them 
his  generous  and  honorable  terms.  When  Mr.  Lincoln  decided  on 
his  course,  Vice-President  Hamlin  was  the  first  to  learn  of  it,  and  in 
a  manner  related  by  himself.  One  day  in  the  latter  part  of  this 
session  of  Congress,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  make  a  short  visit  at  his 
home  in  Bangor,  and  called  upon  Mr.  Lincoln  to  announce  his  inten 
tion.  While  they  were  chatting,  Mr.  Hamlin  happened  to  say  that 
he  was  going  to  leave  Washington  that  night  for  Maine.  A  smile 
came  over  President  Lincoln's  face,  and  he  said  in  a  significant  way : 

"  No,  you  don't  intend  to  do  anything  of  the  sort." 

"Oh  yes,  but  I  do,"  replied  Mr.  Hamlin,  not  quite  understanding. 

"No,"  rejoined  Mr.  Lincoln,  "you  do  not  intend  anything  of  the 
sort ;  in  fact,  Mr.  Vice-President,  you  will  not  leave  Washington  at 
present." 

Mr.  Hamlin  at  once  saw  that  the  President  had  something  in  mind 
of  unusual  importance,  and  said  :  — 

"  Of  course  I  will  not  think  of  doing  so  if  you  wish  otherwise. 
You  are  the  commander-in-chief,  and  I  am  under  orders." 

"  And  I  order  you  to  sit  in  that  chair,"  continued  the  President, 
laughing;  "and  afterwards  to  ride  with  me  to  supper." 

In  a  short  time  the  President  and  Vice-President,  escorted  by  a  file 
of  soldiers,  rode  horseback  out  to  the  Soldiers'  Home,  which  Mr.  Lin 
coln  used  as  a  summer  residence.  After  supper  President  Lincoln 
invited  Vice-President  Hamlin  into  his  library,  and  after  locking  the 
door,  said  :  — 

"Mr.  Hamlin,  you  have  been  repeatedly  urging  me  to  issue  a 


EMANCIPATION   OF  THE   SLAVES  429 

proclamation  of  emancipation  freeing  the  slaves.  I  have  concluded 
to  yield  to  your  advice  in  the  matter  and  that  of  other  friends,  —  at 
the  same  time,  as  I  may  say,  following  my  own  judgment.  Now 
listen  to  me  while  I  read  this  paper.  We  will  correct  it  together  as  I 
go  on." 

While  saying  this,  Mr.  Lincoln  opened  a  drawer  in  his  desk  and 
took  therefrom  the  first  draft  of  the  military  proclamation  freeing 
four  millions  of  slaves. 

The  President  and  Vice-President  then  sat  down,  and  Mr.  Lincoln 
slowly  read  the  instrument  over  to  his  associate,  after  which  he  asked 
for  criticism  and  suggestions. 

"  There  is  no  criticism  to  be  made,"  Mr.  Hamlin  replied. 

"  Oh  yes,  there  is ;  at  least,  you  can  make  some  suggestions," 
answered  Mr.  Lincoln,  laughingly,  and  he  repeated  his  invitation. 

"  Finally,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin  in  his  account  of  this  famous  inter 
view,  "  I  did  make,  I  believe,  three  suggestions,  two  of  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  accepted."  1 

But  this  comprised  the  entire  account  he  would  give,  and  those 
who  knew  him  can  well  understand  and  appreciate  his  motives  in 
withdrawing  into  the  background.  One  who  knew  Mr.  Hamlin  said 
that  the  man  reflected  himself  when  he  explained  his  unwillingness 
to  give  more  details  of  this  interview  by  saying,  "  The  Emancipation 
Proclamation  was  Lincoln's  own  act,  and  no  one  else  can  claim  any 
credit  whatever  in  connection  with  it."  2 

The  next  logical  step  was  to  arm  the  colored  men,  but  Mr.  Lincoln 
still  hesitated  to  do  this,  and  with  good  reason.  While  the  develop 
ment  of  the  slave  into  a  soldier  was  one  of  the  important  outcomes  of 
the  war  and  an  upward  step  in  his  life,  it  is  not  easy  now  to  realize 
the  extent  and  prejudice  against  the  colored  soldier  at  the  outset.  It 
is  easy,  however,  to  understand  why  there  should  be  feeling  against 
him  and  doubts  of  his  fighting  capacity.  It  required  a  war  to  open 
the  eyes  of  the  Northern  people  to  the  dangers  of  slavery,  and  it  was 
not  until  the  rebellion  had  existed  a  year  or  more  that  the  majority 
began  to  see  that  slavery  was  the  cause  of  the  war.  They  had  re 
garded  the  doctrine  of  secession  as  the  cause,  whereas  it  was  an  out- 

1  This  original  draft  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  Chicago. 

2  This  interview  took  place  on  June  18,  1862,  or  more  than  a  month  before  Mr. 
Lincoln  informed  his  Cabinet  of  his  intention  to  issue  a  proclamation  of  emanci 
pation.     On  July  22  the  Cabinet  learned  that  it  had  been  written.     Mr.  Hamlin, 
in  the  mean  time,  had  arrived  in  Bangor  on  June  21,  according  to  the  Bangor  news 
papers.     See  Congressional  Globe  of  June  19,  1862,  for  his  letter  to  the  Senate 
informing  it  of  his  intention  to  absent  himself  on  that  day,  p.  2798,  2d  session 
of  Senate  of  the  37th  Congress,  part  iii.     This  record  of  dates  proves  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  wrote  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  earlier  than  the  historians  have 
hitherto  supposed. 


430  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

come  of  the  institution,  —  a  heresy  that  had  been  evolved  to  defend 
slavery.  If  slavery  had  been  early  extinguished,  the  Virginia  slave 
holders  would  have  had  no  reason  for  proposing  secession  in  the  first 
instance  in  1795  as  a  final  safeguard  for  their  institution.  But  the 
people  were  now  beginning  to  see  that  slavery  was  the  root  of  the  evils 
that  had  come  to  the  country,  and  that  to  arm  the  slave  was  to  strike 
it  a  vital  blow.  Yet  many  a  gallant  Union  officer  who  had  not  seen 
the  light  declared  disdainfully  that  he  would  not  fight  for  Abolition 
ists,  or  be  a  military  slave  master.  At  the  same  time  the  foolish 
Democratic  partisan  leaders  and  newspapers,  to  add  fuel  to  the  fires 
prejudice  had  kindled,  yelped  that  it  was  "Abe  "  Lincoln's  war,  or  the 
"Black  Republicans'  war."  The  final  interviews  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
Mr.  Hamlin  held  on  this  subject  are  interesting  and  characteristic. 
They  both  agreed  that  with  the  advantages  of  discipline  the  negro 
would  probably  make  a  good  soldier,  and  they  both  believed  that  the 
time  was  coming  when  the  government  would  enlist  him.  But  when 
would  the  time  come,  and  how  could  the  obstacles  of  prejudice  against 
the  colored  man  as  a  soldier  be  overcome  ?  The  McClellan  issue  was 
now  involving  the  administration  and  its  supporters  in  a  wrangle  with 
this  general  and  his  followers  who  were  opposed  to  arming  the  negro, 
and  the  situation  was  becoming  more  and  more  perplexing.  In  passing 
it  may  be  said  that  Mr.  Hamlin  had  already  lost  faith  in  McClellan, 
though  this  is  a  story  for  another  chapter.  He  advised  the  Presi 
dent  to  cut  the  knot  of  difficulties  by  dismissing  McClellan  and  other 
officers  who  allowed  themselves  to  meddle  with  questions  of  state. 
Their  duty,  he  argued,  was  to  be  soldiers,  not  politicians  ;  to  obey  their 
commander-in-chief,  not  to  question  his  acts.  But  circumstances  that 
were  beyond  Mr.  Lincoln's  control  were  giving  this  issue  a  political 
cast,  and  generous  and  patient  as  he  had  been  with  McClellan,  he 
could  not  now  afford  to  take  a  step  that  might  give  his  opponents  a 
weapon  to  use  against  him. 

When  the  project  of  arming  the  colored  men  was  discussed  among 
the  friends  of  the  administration,  Mr.  Hamlin  set  about  quietly  to 
ascertain  the  sentiments  of  young  and  ambitious  Union  officers  of  his 
acquaintance.  There  were  several  who  were  peculiarly  close  to  him, 
for  two  were  his  elder  sons,  and  a  third  was  the  son  of  his  friend  and 
neighbor,  John  Appleton,  the  distinguished  chief  justice  of  Maine. 
Mr.  Hamlin's  sons  enlisted  in  1862.  Charles,  the  elder,  went  out  as 
major  of  the  Eighteenth  Maine,  and  Cyrus  as  captain  and  aide  on  the 
staff  of  General  Fremont.  John  F.  Appleton  was  one  of  the  college 
friends  and  associates  of  the  Hamlin  brothers.  He  was  of  that  type 
of  the  American  college  man  and  soldier  exemplified  in  Charles  Rus 
sell  Lowell,  Robert  Gould  Shaw,  and  Theodore  Winthrop.  While 
Major  Charles  Hamlin  favored  the  enlistment  of  the  negroes,  he 


EMANCIPATION  OF  THE   SLAVES  431 

preferred  what  proved  to  be  a  more  active  service  in  the  field,  and 
remained  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  as  adjutant-general  of  Hooker's 
division.  Both  Captain  Hamlin  who  had  served  in  West  Virginia,  and 
Captain  Appleton  who  had  been  sent  farther  south,  saw  enough  of 
the  negro  to  convince  them  that  he  had  good  fighting  qualities,  and 
knowing  the  opinions  of  the  Vice-President  they  wrote  him  freely. 
Captain  Hamlin  was  by  nature  ardent  and  enthusiastic,  and  when  he 
made  up  his  mind  to  carry  an  undertaking  through  he  embraced  it 
with  all  his  energies. 

In  the  mean  time  Mr.  Hamlin  again  talked  with  Mr.  Lincoln  about 
the  necessity  of  arming  the  negroes,  and  laid  before  him  the  letters 
he  had  received  from  his  son  and  Appleton.  He  said  to  Mr.  Hamlin, 
"  I  do  not  think  that  the  people  are  yet  up  to  it,"  and  intimated  that 
this  was  the  chief  obstacle.  But  an  incident  happened  soon  after  this 
that  decided  President  Lincoln  that  the  time  had  come,  and  that  Mr. 
Hamlin  was  right.  About  ten  o'clock  one  night  in  January,  1863, 
Captain  Cyrus  Hamlin  entered  his  father's  rooms  at  Washington  in 
company  with  eight  or  ten  officers  of  his  acquaintance  and  of  sub 
ordinate  positions.  Captain  Hamlin  had  ascertained  that  they  were 
willing  to  take  command  of  colored  troops,  and  had  urged  them  to 
call  with  him  on  his  father  to  ask  him  to  use  his  influence  with  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  to  that  end.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  much  impressed  when  he 
heard  the  object  of  his  visitors'  call,  and  said  that  he  and  Secretary 
Stanton  had  long  urged  President  Lincoln  to  take  this  step,  but  that 
they  had  failed  to  convince  him  that  the  time  was  ripe.  He  asked 
this  question,  "  Would  you,  and  other  men  like  you,  be  willing  to 
accept  the  same  command  in  colored  troops  you  now  hold  ? " 

"Yes,  sir,  gladly,"  was  the  general  reply. 

This  was  proof  enough  to  satisfy  even  the  opponents  of  the  negro 
soldier  that  the  movement  was  patriotic  and  disinterested,  and  he 
replied :  — 

"  Very  well,  if  you  are  willing  to  undertake  the  task,  I  will  see  to 
it  that  you  have  an  opportunity  of  presenting  your  views  to  the  Pre 
sident,"  and  he  forthwith  sent  a  messenger  to  Mr.  Lincoln  informing 
him  that  he  would  call  at  the  White  House  the  next  morning  at  nine 
o'clock  on  important  business.  Mr.  Lincoln  answered  that  he  would 
make  the  engagement,  and  with  characteristic  caution  Mr.  Hamlin 
enjoined  on  the  officers  the  importance  of  presenting  themselves  to 
him  "  at  a  quarter  to  nine  sharp."  He  added  :  "  Mr.  Lincoln  is  a 
busy  man,  and  we  must  not  detain  him  a  minute  longer  than  neces 
sary,  nor  keep  him  waiting  at  all." 

Mr.  Lincoln  met  Mr.  Hamlin  and  the  officers  at  the  appointed 
hour.  Mr.  Hamlin  announced  the  object  of  the  visit,  and  also  said 
that  the  officers  had  volunteered  to  accept  positions  of  equal  rank 


432  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

among  colored  troops.  President  Lincoln  was  both  surprised  and 
moved.  He  had  had  no  intimation  of  the  nature  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  visit, 
and  undoubtedly  he  was  touched  when  he  heard  the  Vice-President 
offer  the  services  of  his  own  son  and  those  of  other  young  officers  in 
a  cause  that  had  aroused  the  strongest  feelings  of  racial  prejudice. 
His  words  show  this.  He  first  questione*d  Captain  Hamlin  and  his 
comrades  one  by  one  to  obtain  their  individual  views,  and  then  turn 
ing  to  Mr.  Hamlin  he  asked  :  — 

"  What  is  your  best  judgment  about  this  ? " 

"I  think,"  was  the  reply,  "that  these  gentlemen  are  entirely  right. 
If  they  are  ready  to  move,  —  if  they  and  other  good  men  like  them 
are  ready  to  give  up  their  present  positions  and  take  places  in  negro 
regiments,  —  I  am  sure  it  is  but  right  that  you  should  give  them 
authority  to  do  so." 

"  Yes,  yes,"  said  President  Lincoln  three  or  four  times,  "  I  suppose 
the  time  has  come.  Gentlemen,"  he  continued,  "  I  say  to  you  freely 
that  your  visit  has  determined  me  finally  to  do  what  my  dear  friend 
Hamlin  has  urged  me  to  do,  —  to  arm  the  blacks,  and  I  will  write  an 
order  to  the  Secretary  of  War  to  form  such  an  organization  as  may 
be  necessary  at  once." 

Mr.  Hamlin  asked  Mr.  Lincoln  whether  he  would  not  write  the 
order  at  once.  The  President  assented,  and,  sitting  down  at  his  desk, 
he  rapidly  penned  an  order  to  Secretary  Stanton  to  form  a  brigade 
of  colored  men,  to  be  officered  by  white  men,  and  directing  him  to 
remember  the  men  Mr.  Hamlin  would  introduce  to  him. 

"  May  I  be  your  messenger  to  Secretary  Stanton  ?  "  eagerly  asked 
Mr.  Hamlin. 

"  Yes,  yes,"  replied  the  President,  smiling  in  his  own  quaint  way, 
"  take  it  to  Stanton  ;  take  it  to  Stanton.  I  am  glad  to  know  that  you 
are  both  satisfied." 

Without  a  moment's  delay  the  Vice-President  hurried  to  the  War 
Department,  found  the  secretary  in  his  private  room,  introduced  the 
officers,  and  told  him  the  news. 

"  No,  no,  it  can't  be  possible  ! "  exclaimed  Stanton,  with  suppressed 
excitement,  hardly  daring  to  believe  that  one  of  his  pet  schemes  was 
about  to  go  into  effect. 

"  Here  is  the  President's  order,"  was  Mr.  Hamlin's  simple  response. 
Hastily  the  secretary  read  it,  was  silent  for  a  moment,  and  then, 
throwing  aside  his  usual  gruffness  of  manner,  his  real  feeling  came 
to  the  surface.  Great  tears  welled  up  in  his  eyes  and  flowed  over 
his  careworn  face.  Then  convulsively  throwing  his  arms  about  Ham 
lin,  he  cried  out  with  all  the  earnestness  of  a  deep,  strong  nature, 
"  Thank  God  for  this  !  Thank  God  for  this  !  "  l 

1  This  incident  is  also  contained  in  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans. 


EMANCIPATION   OF  THE   SLAVES  433 

Mr.  Stanton  then  assured  the  officers  that  the  order  should  be 
issued  without  delay,  and  that  they  should  be  remembered.  They 
reported  that  they  were  willing  to  take  the  same  ranks  they  were  then 
holding,  but  the  thankful  secretary  warmly  asserted  "  that  would  not 
do  at  all,"  and  virtually  announced  his  intention  of  assigning  them 
all  to  higher  commands.  Mr.  Stanton  was  as  good  as  his  word,  and 
the  Ullmann  brigade  was  soon  organized,  with  the  officers  who  were 
partially  responsible  for  it  in  higher  commands.  While  the  Ullmann 
brigade  was  a  failure  in  its  formative  stage,  it  was,  after  all,  another 
illustration  of  the  old  adage,  "  A  poor  beginning  makes  a  good  end 
ing."  The  appointment  of  General  Ullmann  was  also  a  practical  illus 
tration  of  the  peculiar  political  difficulties  the  government  often  had 
to  contend  with  in  organizing  its  military  strength.  General  Ullmann 
was  the  Know-Nothing  candidate  for  governor  of  New  York  in  1854, 
and  the  element  he  represented  demanded  recognition.  To  satisfy  it, 
Secretary  Stanton  placed  Ullmann  in  command,  and  he  recruited  the 
brigade.  The  mistakes  made  were  stepping-stones  to  success,  and 
when  the  colored  troops  were  placed  on  the  right  footing,  they  amply 
vindicated  all  expectations  and  proved  their7  usefulness.  There  were 
nearly  300,000  colored  soldiers  in  the  Union  army  before  the  close 
of  the  war,  and  their  record  is  an  honor  to  their  race. 

While  this  volume  is  not  required  to  review  further  the  employment 
of  colored  soldiers,  it  would  not  be  complete  without  the  presenta 
tion  of  a  few  more  details  to  show  the  interest  Mr.  Hamlin  took  in 
this  important  departure.  Captain  Cyrus  Hamlin  assisted  General 
Ullmann  in  mustering  in  the  officers  appointed.  Two  regiments  were 
officered  by  men  appointed  from  Maine  regiments.  Captain  Hamlin 
was  appointed  the  colonel  of  one,  Captain  Appleton,  colonel  of  the 
other.  A  third  regiment  in  the  brigade  was  assigned  to  the  command 
of  Captain  Henry  G.  Thomas,  of  Portland,  Maine  ;  H.  C.  Merriam, 
I.  S.  Bangs,  Samuel  C.  Hamblen,  and  others  also  of  Maine,  received 
appointments  in  this  brigade.  Five  regiments  composed  the  Ullmann 
brigade,  and  they  were  mustered  in  in  March,  1863,  and  embarked 
on  April  10  for  New  Orleans.  Colonel  Hamlin  was  in  command  of 
the  Eightieth  Regiment,  and  after  serving  in  the  Department  of  the 
Gulf,  was  appointed  on  December  3,  1864,  brevet  brigadier-general, 
and  on  March  13,  1865,  he  was  brevetted  major-general  of  volunteers. 
He  remained  in  New  Orleans  after  the  war,  and  it  was  believed  that 
the  Republican  party  of  Louisiana  intended  to  nominate  him  for  gov 
ernor  in  1867,  but  when  the  convention  assembled  the  news  came 
that  General  Hamlin  had  been  seized  with  yellow  fever.  He  died 
after  a  short  illness.  Mr.  Hamlin  could  never  reconcile  himself  to 
the  loss  of  his  magnetic  and  promising  son.  Cyrus  seemed  constantly 
to  be  in  his  thoughts  in  the  twilight  of  his  old  age. 


434  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Colonel  Appleton  achieved  distinction  at  the  siege  of  Port  Hudson, 
where  he  led  a  charge  against  the  Confederate  works.  His  soldierly 
bearing  at  the  moment  when  he  stood  alone  in  the  presence  of  the 
enemy  won  the  admiration  of  friend  and  foe  alike,  and  was  regarded 
as  a  manifestation  of  remarkable  bravery  and  coolness.  A  Confed 
erate  officer  who  witnessed  the  incident  afterwards  said  that  he 
could  not  bear  to  see  a  young  man  so  brave  and  calm  die,  and  ordered 
his  men  not  to  fire.  Colonel  Appleton  was  brevetted  for  his  services, 
and  appointed  by  President  Grant  United  States  district  judge  for 
the  Eastern  District  of  Texas,  but  his  failing  health  prevented  his 
taking  office,  and  he  died  in  1874.  Thomas,  who  entered  the  army 
as  a  private  in  the  Fifth  Maine,  took  command  of  the  Second  United 
States  Colored  Troops  in  February,  1863,  and  rose  rapidly  in  rank. 
He  was  brevetted  many  times  for  his  services,  and  was  highly 
esteemed  as  a  soldier  of  unusual  bravery  in  the  field  and  efficiency  in 
organizing.  He  finally  attained  the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  and  at 
the  close  of  the  war  remained  in  the  regular  army.  Bangs  preceded 
Colonel  Hamlin  in  the  command  of  his  regiment,  and  was  afterwards 
brevetted  a  general  for  his  faithful  service  and  sterling  soldierly  qual 
ities.  Merriam  was  another  fine  officer  who  justified  Mr.  Hamlin's 
faith  in  him.  He  remained  in  the  regular  army,  and  at  the  outbreak 
of  the  war  with  Spain,  in  May,  1898,  President  McKinley  appointed 
him  a  major-general.  These  were  men  who  did  not  fear  ostracism  in 
the  face  of  duty. 

There  were  other  incidents  that  showed  Mr.  Hamlin's  interest  in 
the  uplifting  of  the  negroes  and  their  gratitude  to  him.  One  more 
must  suffice.  This  was  of  a  rather  touching  nature.  There  were 
some  poor  refugees  living  at  Victoria,  Vancouver  Island,  who  sought 
with  their  hard-earned  means  to  aid  their  race  in  their  struggle  up 
ward.  Among  them  were  some  women  who  formed  a  committee, 
with  Emily  Allen  as  president,  to  raise  money  to  this  end.  They 
succeeded  in  obtaining  six  hundred  dollars,  which  is  to  be  reckoned 
a  large  sum,  considering  the  circumstances  of  those  who  contributed 
it.  The  money  was  sent  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  with  the  request  that  he 
should  disburse  it  in  Beaufort,  South  Carolina,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  contrabands  there,  since  Beaufort  was  the  place  where  the  first 
colored  regiment  was  organized  "according  to  law."  The  commu 
nication  closed  :  "  Will  you  please  accept  our  thanks  as  a  people  for 
the  great  interest  you  have  taken  in  the  cause  of  humanity  ;  and 
though  many  miles  divide  us  from  those  who  have  the  burden  to 
bear  in  this  great  struggle  for  human  liberty,  our  hearts  are  with 
you  even  to  death."  l  Mr.  Hamlin  forwarded  the  money  to  General 
Rufus  Saxton,  the  military  governor  of  the  Department  of  the  South, 
1  New  York  Tribune,  June  2,  1863. 


EMANCIPATION   OF  THE   SLAVES  435 

who  rendered  highly  important  services  in  this  and  other  capacities. 
General  Saxton  cordially  accepted  all  missions  Mr.  Hamlin  asked  him 
to  perform.  His  reminiscences,  in  a  letter  to  the  author  dated  April 
20,  1898,  are  interesting  and  to  the  point  :  — 

"  I  well  remember  the  patriotic  and  statesmanlike  interest  he  [Mr. 
Hamlin]  always  manifested  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  freedom 
of  the  Department  of  the  South  and  in  the  organization  of  colored 
troops,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  what  his  action  hastened  the 
President's  order  to  Mr.  Stanton  for  their  arming.  ...  I  can  well 
remember  the  sorrow  we  all  felt  at  the  fatal  blunder  which  the  party 
made  in  placing  Andrew  Johnson  in  Hannibal  Hamlin's  place,  and 
how  the  party  was  led  to  repentance  in  sackcloth  and  ashes.  Mr. 
Hamlin  never  failed  to  give  the  unqualified  support  of  his  great  name 
to  the  work  of  the  freedmen  in  the  Department  of  the  South  under 
my  charge." 


CHAPTER   XXXIV 
MR.  HAMLIN'S  PART  IN  THE  WAR 

WHEN  Mr.  Hamlin  returned  to  Maine  after  he  had  seen  the  Eman 
cipation  Proclamation  he  found  the  political  pendulum  on  its  backward 
swerving,  and  he  gave  his  services  in  a  campaign  of  unique  interest. 
But  it  is  first  necessary  to  outline  the  variety  of  causes  that  had 
started  this  reactionary  movement  against  the  administration.  The 
generally  accepted  explanation  of  the  Republican  reverses  in  the  elec 
tion  of  1862  is  that  they  were  primarily  due  to  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  which  was  issued  in  September.  But  is  this  wholly 
true  ?  The  nation  was  engaged  in  a  tremendous  struggle  for  exist 
ence,  and  the  government  had  failed  thus  far  to  put  an  end  to  it.  No 
matter  how  colossal  the  difficulties  were,  the  mortifying  fact  stared  the 
North  in  the  face,  that  with  its  twenty  millions  of  people  and  practi 
cally  unlimited  resources  it  had  as  yet  failed,  after  a  year's  fighting,  to 
suppress  an  insurrection  among  eight  millions  of  people,  who  were 
blockaded  out  of  intercourse  with  their  foreign  sympathizers,  and  were 
restricted  as  to  resources.  All  this  militated  against  the  government, 
and  it  must  also  be  remembered  that  the  administration  was  not  en 
tirely  without  blame.  After  the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson  and  other 
victories  in  the  early  spring  of  1862,  "the  ill-advised  resolution  was 
taken  of  putting  a  stop  to  volunteer  recruiting  on  the  3d  of  April. 
As  the  waste  of  the  armies  went  on  without  corresponding  successes, 
the  error  which  had  been  committed  was  recognized,  and  recruiting 
was  renewed  in  June."  l  The  administration  shared  the  popular  delu 
sion  after  Donelson  that  the  end  of  the  war  was  near,  and  the  fierce 
continuation  of  the  conflict  and  failure  of  the  Union  arms  contributed 
to  turn  the  tide  against  it  long  before  the  Emancipation  Proclamation 
was  issued. 

Thus,  one  explanation  of  Republican  reverses  in  the  election  of  1 862 
was  the  fact  that  the  people  were  losing  confidence  in  the  administra 
tion.  It  is  certainly  pertinent  to  ask  whether  a  continuation  of  Union 
victories  after  Donelson  would  not  have  given  the  election  to  the  Re 
publicans.  But  the  military  record  of  the  year  was  more  unfavorable 
than  favorable  to  the  Union  cause,  and  discouragement  was  the 
obstacle  that  the  Republican  leaders  had  to  contend  with  from  the 
1  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vol.  vii.  p.  2. 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   PART   IN   THE  WAR  437 

beginning.  In  the  midst  of  the  campaign  came  the  draft,  and  while 
conscription  was  lawful,  and  an  absolute  necessity  at  this  time,  the 
government  could  not  have  committed  a  more  unpopular  act.  Al 
though  the  conscripting  was  not  general,  but  was  confined  to  certain 
States,  the  thing  itself  gave  the  malignant  -  Copperhead  element  a 
chance  to  charge  " despotism"  against  "Abe"  Lincoln's  administra 
tion,  and  to  prey  on  the  fears  of  the  multitude.  Finally,  the  want  of 
confidence  the  Republican  party  found  within  its  own  ranks  was  openly 
expressed  by  Horace  Greeley  in  his  ill-timed  and  impatient  outburst 
in  August,  which  he  called  the  "prayer  of  twenty  millions  of  people." 
Thus,  the  Republican  party  was  divided,  and  furthermore  it  was  weak 
ened  by  the  loss  of  thousands  and  thousands  of  its  followers  who  were 
at  the  front.  In  view  of  these  facts,  the  Emancipation  Proclamation 
may  be  looked  on  as  a  contributory  cause  to  the  defeat  of  the  admin 
istration  in  1 862,  but  not  as  the  primal  cause ;  and  it  could  have  been 
issued  with  safety  after  the  capture  of  Donelson. 

Mr.  Hamlin  returned  to  Maine  realizing  the  desperate  nature  of  the 
campaign  before  the  Republican  party.  He  was  urged  to  speak  in 
other  States,  and  advised  by  his  friends  to  keep  himself  more  in  the 
public  eye.  But  he  judged  it  best  for  him  to  remain  in  Maine,  and  do 
all  within  his  power  to  keep  the  Pine  Tree  State  at  the  head  of  the 
column  of  the  loyal  States  that  were  to  follow  her.  A  defeat  in  Maine 
at  this  critical  stage  might  have  precipitated  a  general  rout  in  the 
other  Northern  States,  and  utterly  demoralized  the  supporters  of  the 
administration.  Mr.  Hamlin,  therefore,  gave  his  services  to  his  party, 
and  worked  as  vigorously  among  the  people  as  he  ever  had  before. 
The  Republicans  nominated  as  their  candidate  for  governor  Abner 
Coburn,  whose  noble  and  wisely  bestowed  philanthropies  place  him 
among  the  public  benefactors  of  his  day.  The  Copperhead  element 
of  the  Democracy  selected  Bion  Bradbury  as  their  candidate,  while 
the  war  Democrats,  to  signify  their  displeasure  at  Bradbury's  nomina 
tion,  once  more  called  on  General  Jameson  to  rebuke  the  Copperhead 
sentiment  in  their  party.  General  Jameson  consented  to  lead  their 
ticket,  though  he  was  now  in  his  last  illness,  and  contributed  a  ser 
vice  in  his  dying  hours  which  was  among  the  most  patriotic  acts  of 
his  life. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  peculiarly  situated.  Knowing  that  the  patient 
President  was  only  waiting  a  decisive  Union  victory  to  strike  a  death 
blow  at  slavery,  the  attacks  on  Mr.  Lincoln  were  all  the  more  painful 
to  him  since  he  himself  could  say  nothing  to  lessen  the  storm  of 
criticism  that  was  beating  on  the  President's  head.  Once  when  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  asked  why  he  did  not  take  the  public  more  into  his  con 
fidence,  he  replied  significantly  that  there  were  times  when  the  public 
would  have  to  take  him  on  trust.  Mr.  Hamlin  had  to  follow  about  the 


438  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

same  line,  and  in  his  speeches  in  this  campaign  he  virtually  asked  the 
people  of  Maine,  who  had  long  known  him,  to  trust  him  as  the  sponsor 
for  the  President.  Thus,  at  a  great  meeting  at  Bangor,  on  the  4th 
of  July,  he  said :  "  You  may  sometimes  suppose,  far  away  from  the 
heat  of  conflict,  that  a  certain  policy  is  wjrong,  and  ask  why  another 
course  may  not  be  adopted.  But  we  must  have  patience  and  hope.  I 
want  to  impress  the  fact  upon  you  that  we  have  at  the  head  of  the 
nation  a  man  of  distinguished  ability  and  unsurpassed  integrity. 
You  may  repose  in  him  the  most  implicit  confidence.  His  efforts  to 
preserve  this  government  will  be  all  that  you  can  ask,  and  will  be  suc 
cessful ;  and  I  am  rejoiced  to  know  that  he  has  the  generous  confi 
dence  of  our  people  which  he  so  freely  and  justly  deserves." 

There  was  another  important  meeting  at  Bangor  on  July  27  to 
encourage  enlistment.  Mr.  Hamlin's  speech  was  one  of  many  that 
must  be  judged  by  the  peculiar  circumstances  under  which  they  were 
delivered.  He  knew  that  emancipation  was  coming,  that  conscription 
was  necessary,  and  finally,  that  General  McClellan,  not  President  Lin 
coln,  was  the  cause  of  delay  in  suppressing  the  rebellion.  Yet  he 
could  not,  considering  the  general  tension  of  feeling,  speak  out  his 
full  mind,  and  he  had,  therefore,  to  address  the  multitude  in  words 
and  phrases  that  would  bring  them  to  the  right  conclusion  without  his 
revealing  his  information.  While  this  speech  was  imperfectly  reported, 
often  leaving  sentences  jerky  and  unfinished,  nevertheless  it  is  worth 
reproducing  in  order  to  illustrate  the  method  of  address  Mr.  Hamlin 
had  to  adopt  in  this  emergency.  He  was  more  anxious  to  reach  men 
who  could  carry  only  a  few  ideas  than  to  deliver  a  polished  effort  for 
posterity  to  read.  This  accounts  for  the  somewhat  rough  joke  at  his 
own  expense  in  reference  to  the  employing  of  "  men  blacker  than 
himself"  as  soldiers.  His  purpose  was  to  clear  away  the  prejudice 
against  the  negro,  and  show  that  it  was  a  necessity  to  arm  him.  He 
clinched  this  idea  in  the  minds  of  the  crowd  by  the  method  described. 
He  said :  — 

"  We  receive  the  blessings  of  nourishment  so  common  without  appreci 
ating  them.  So  with  our  government.  We  have  not  appreciated  its  bless 
ings.  We  owe  everything  we  have  for  the  protection  of  the  government, 
and  in  return  we  have  a  right  to  its  protection.  I  know  the  goodness  and 
devotion  of  the  man  who  is  the  chief  ruler  of  the  country  to  the  people. 
He  will  look  simply  to  your  good.  I  have  a  right  to  demand  of  you  a 
more  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war.  When  the  ship  of  state  is  rocked 
in  the  tempest,  all  should  throw  aside  partisanship  and  come  to  the  rescue. 
I  say  we  want  to  send  forth  no  Federal  bayonets  to  protect  rebel  property. 
We  don't  fight  the  rebels  to  save  their  property.  We  want  to  save  our 
men  as  much  as  possible  if  it  is  done  by  men  a  little  blacker  than  I  am.  I 
wish  my  voice  could  reach  the  officials  at  Washington.  They  are  slow  to 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   PART   IN   THE   WAR  439 

move,  but  they  must  come  to  that  position  where  they  will  seize  every 
thing  to  our  advantage.1  We  want  to  show  Europe  that  we  will  come  up 
fully  to  sustain  this  government.  If  we  cannot  get  enough  men  volunta 
rily,  we  must  draft  enough.  We  have  a  country  to  preserve.  This  con 
test  is  to  test  the  virtue  of  Republican  government.  I  invoke  every  one  to 
look  at  the  responsibility  resting  on  him  at  this  crisis,  and  swear  to  support 
the  great  cause  of  free  institutions,  or  die  in  their  defense." 

The  result  of  the  Maine  election  shows  how  strongly  the  tide 
was  running  against  the  Republican  party  before  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation  had  been  issued.  Coburn  was  chosen  governor  by  the 
small  plurality  of  less  than  4000  votes,  while  the  year  before  Governor 
Washburn  was  reflected  by  nearly  14,000  plurality.  A  comparison 
of  figures  is  instructive  and  interesting.  In  1861,  under  pressure  of 
the  war  feeling,  Washburn  received  58,689  votes;  Dana,  the  regular 
Democratic  nominee,  only  19,801  ;  while  Jameson,  the  war  Democratic 
candidate,  had  21,935.  In  1862,  under  the  pressure  of  discourage 
ment,  Maine  gave  Coburn  only  42,744  votes,  Bradbury,  the  Copperhead 
candidate,  32,108,  and  Jameson  only  6764.  The  increase  in  Brad 
bury's  vote  of  more  than  12,000  over  Dana's  vote  in  1861  tells  the 
story.  There  were  men  who  bitterly  protested  against  being  called 
Copperheads  for  supporting  Bradbury,  but  they  were  to  be  judged  by 
their  acts  and  their  company,  not  by  their  professions.  They  helped 
a  man  whose  opposition  to  the  war  was  notorious. 

Following  the  election  in  Maine  came  the  battle  of  Antietam,  in 
which  McClellan  drove  Lee  back  and  inflicted  severe  losses  on  him. 
President  Lincoln  seized  on  his  long-sought  opportunity  to  proclaim 
the  downfall  of  slavery,  and  on  September  22,  1862,  his  preliminary 
Emancipation  Proclamation  was  issued.  This  was  the  burst  of  the 
sun  through  clouds  of  doubt  and  discouragement  that  had  long  hung 
over  the  devoted  anti-slavery  people.  Mr.  Hamlin's  feelings  may  be 
judged  from  the  following  characteristic  letter  :  — 

BANGOR,  September  25,  1862. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  do  not  know  as  in  the  multiplicity  of  the  corre 
spondence  with  which  you  are  burdened  this  note  will  ever  reach 
your  eye  ;  but  I  desire  to  express  my  undissembled  and  sincere  thanks 
for  your  Emancipation  Proclamation.  It  will  stand  as  the  great  act 
of  the  age.  It  will  prove  to  be  wise  in  statesmanship  as  it  is  patri 
otic.  It  will  be  enthusiastically  approved  and  sustained,  and  future 
generations  will,  as  I  do,  say  God  bless  you  for  this  great  and  noble 
act.  Yours  sincerely, 

H.  HAMLIN. 
To  the  President. 

1  The  omission  of  sentences  is  palpable  here.    This  was  aimed  at  McClellan. 


440  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Mr.  Lincoln  replied  :  — 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  September  28,  1862. 
HON.  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN: 

My  dear  Sir, — Your  kind  letter  of  the  25th  is  just  received. 
It  is  known  to  some  that  while  I  hope  some  from  the  proclamation, 
my  expectations  are  not  as  sanguine  as  those  of  some  friends.  The 
time . for  its  effect  Southward  has  not  come;  but  Northward  the 
effect  should  be  instantaneous.  It  is  six  days  old,  and  while  com 
mendation  in  newspapers  and  by  distinguished  individuals  is  all  that 
a  vain  man  could  wish,  the  stocks  have  declined,  and  troops  come 
forward  more  slowly  than  ever.  This,  looked  soberly  in  the  face,  is 
not  very  satisfactory.  We  have  fewer  troops  in  the  field  at  the  end 
of  the  six  days  than  we  had  at  the  beginning,  —  the  attrition  among 
the  old  outnumbering  the  addition  by  the  new.  The  North  responds 
to  the  proclamation  sufficiently  in  breath,  but  breath  alone  kills  no 
rebels. 

I  wish  I  could  write  more  cheerfully ;  nor  do  I  thank  you  the  less 
for  the  kindness  of  your  letter.  Yours  very  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

It  was  questioned  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter  whether  eman 
cipation  was  as  largely  responsible  for  the  disastrous  elections  of 
1862  as  some  historians  maintain.  That  it  contributed  to  the  general 
result  is  plain,  though  it  was  not  the  dominating  influence.  Horace 
Greeley  pointed  out  that  it  was  difficult  for  people  who  had  denied 
the  dangers  of  slavery  to  discover  in  a  year  that  slavery  was  the 
cause  of  the  rebellion.  In  large  States  like  New  York,  Pennsyl 
vania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  that  had  foreign  populations,  or 
were  adjacent  to  Southern  States,  and  had  been  strongly  affected 
with  the  pro-slavery  sentiment,  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  met 
with  disfavor  among  various  elements,  and  was  sufficient  to  swell  the 
tide  of  defeat  that  was  already  running  against  the  administration, 
as  was  reflected  in  the  result  in  Maine.  But  while  these  States 
defected  from  the  Republican  ranks  in  October,  and  notwithstand 
ing  the  moral  effect  of  their  conduct,  the  remaining  New  England 
States,  as  well  as  Iowa,  Kansas,  Minnesota,  California,  Oregon, 
Delaware,  and  Missouri,  in  the  following  November  stood  by  the 
President,  and  in  the  last  stage  of  the  electoral  contest  his  policy 
was  indorsed. 

This  was  probably  the  most  anxious  period  through  which  the 
patient  President  had  yet  passed.  While  he  was  eagerly  watching 
for  signs  of  encouragement,  he  rarely  allowed  himself  to  be  deceived. 
Now  that  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  was  issued,  he  waited  for 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   PART   IN   THE   WAR  441 

General  McClellan  to  strike  a  vigorous  blow,  and  once  more  it  was  the 
old  story  of  "  the  hope  deferred  "  and  "  the  heart  made  sick."  With 
out  victories  in  the  field  the  proclamation  was  without  force  ;  to  quote 
Mr.  Lincoln  at  a  previous  period,  "it  would  be  as  effective  as  the 
pope's  bull  against  the  comet."  The  battle  of  Antietam,  which  was 
fought  on  September  17,  seemed  to  exhaust  General  McClellan,  and 
he  relapsed  into  his  state  of  inactivity.  He  failed  to  follow  up  Lee 
and  clinch  the  victory  he  had  gained.1  He  refused  to  obey  President 
Lincoln's  order  of  October  6,  "to  cross  the  Potomac,  and  to  give  battle 
to  the  enemy  or  drive  him  South."  While  he  was  thus  inactive 
"Jeb"  Stuart  made  a  brilliant  circuit  of  the  Federal  army,  penetrat 
ing  even  into  Pennsylvania  and  recrossing  the  Potomac.  This  was 
the  second  time  Stuart  snapped  his  fingers  in  the  face  of  General 
McClellan,  and  President  Lincoln  evidently  concluded  that  the  time 
had  come  when  patience  ceased  to  be  a  virtue.  He  sent  for  Mr. 
Hamlin,  and  McClellan  was  the  subject  of  the  interview  that  fol 
lowed.2 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  one  of  the  first  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends  to  lose 
confidence  in  General  McClellan ;  and  while  he  had  earlier  suggested 
his  retirement  from  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
he  now  went  on  to  Washington  to  urge  his  dismissal.  He  had  fol 
lowed  the  course  of  McClellan  with  great  care,  and  besides  this  he 
had  sustained  close  relations  with  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of 
the  War,  as  well  as  with  Berry,  Kearny,  Hooker,  Heintzelman, 
Stanton,  and  others  who  had  authentic  information  at  their  disposal. 
Many  pages  might  be  written  on  this  subject,  but  the  purpose  is  to 
present  Mr.  Hamlin' s  own  opinions  without  reviewing  a  dead  contro 
versy.  He  knew  General  McClellan,  and  had  found  his  head  turned 
by  flattery ;  he  had  seen  him  adopt  almost  a  contemptuous  attitude 
towards  Mr.  Lincoln,  even  before  he  entered  on  the  disastrous  Penin 
sular  campaign.  Mr.  Hamlin's  patience  was  exhausted  when  Mc 
Clellan  refused  to  obey  the  President's  order  of  January,  1862,  and 
move  against  the  enemy,  and  he  proposed  that  McClellan  should  be 
removed.  Mr.  Lincoln  used  to  ask  as  a  poser,  "  If  not  McClellan, 
then  who  ?  "  Mr.  Hamlin  replied,  "  General  Charles  F.  Smith."  But 

1  Mr.  Hamlin's  feelings  may  be  judged  by  this  extract  from  a  letter  to  his  son, 
Major  Charles  Hamlin,  of  September  20,  1862:  "We  have  been  watching  the 
results  in  Maryland  with  great  anxiety,  and  we  now  have  the  unpleasant  informa 
tion  that  the  rebels  have  got  off.     This  should  not  have  been.     We  can  never  get 
them  in  such  a  trap  again.    I  know  of  no  remedy  but  to  dismiss  some  of  the  worth 
less  men  in  command.     Better  men,  rank  and  file,  were  never  in  any  army.     How 
much,  too,  do  I  wish  the  President  had  more  energy,  and  would  come  up  to  the 
just  demands  of  the  country.     He  will  do  it,  and  the  sooner  the  better." 

2  The  Bangor  Jeffersonian  simply  announced  that  the  President  had  summoned 
Mr.  Hamlin :  it  was  understood  to  consult  him  on  the  state  of  public  affairs. 


442  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

General  Smith's  untimely  death  after  Donelson  closed  the  incident.1 
He  had  been  commandant  at  West  Point. 

Mr.  Hamlin  spent  the  night  of  October  13  with  Mr.  Lincoln  at  the 
Soldiers'  Home,  and  they  sat  up  until  morning  discussing  General 
McClellan  and  the  plans  of  the  military  campaign.  This  was  a  con 
ference  of  extraordinary  interest.  Mr.  Hamlin  related  the  brief  facts 
to  his  son  Charles ;  but  his  unwillingness  to  descend  into  details  is 
to  be  regretted.  However,  the  bare  outline  is  enough  to  picture 
the  magnanimity  of  President  Lincoln  in  a  striking  light,  and  also 
to  satisfy  the  fair-minded  supporters  of  General  McClellan  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  generosity  and  fairness.  Mr.  Hamlin  found  the  President 
greatly  worried  over  the  military  situation  and  the  development  of 
the  McClellan  problem  into  a  political  issue,  yet  he  was  disposed  to 
be  just  as  fair  and  patient  as  he  was  with  the  South  when  its  leaders 
were  threatening  secession.  Indeed,  there  was  a  marked  parallel, 
and  Mr.  Lincoln  once  again  found  himself  obliged  to  listen  to  one 
who  had  originally  warned  him  against  his  course.  But  although  the 
President  had  had  numerous  provocations  to  remove  General  Mc 
Clellan,  he  would  not  take  the  last  step  until  he  felt  sure  that  he 
was  absolutely  justified  in  the  minds  of  his  advisers  and  the  Northern 
people.  On  this  point  he  talked  with  Mr.  Hamlin  precisely  as  he  had 
about  freeing  and  arming  the  slaves. 

Mr.  Hamlin  in  his  turn  gave  General  McClellan  full  credit  for 
building  up  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  but  maintained  that  his  use 
fulness  ended  there,  because  he  was  not  a  fighter  by  nature.  He 
reviewed  the  blundering  Peninsular  campaign,  and  asserted  that  it 
was  a  failure  from  beginning  to  end  because  McClellan  would  not 
hunt  for  the  enemy  and  strike  a  vigorous  blow.  He  pointed  out  that 
McClellan  had  declined  opportunities  to  hit  the  enemy  while  he  was 
engaged  in  a  controversy  with  the  administration  or  was  calling  for 
reinforcements,  all  of  which  was  subsequently  proved  before  the  Com 
mittee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War.  On  the  other  hand,  he  contrasted 
the  conduct  of  McClellan  with  that  of  Grant.  The  one  had  been 
supported  by  the  administration  with  almost  unstinted  resources,  and 
yet  had  to  be  urged  to  fight.  The  other  had  fought  his  way  up  to 
the  top,  and  only  asked  an  opportunity  to  fight.  But  while  McClel 
lan  remained  inactive  in  the  field,  he  was  active  in  meddling  with 
politics,  and,  worse  than  that,  had  been  disobedient  and  even  insolent 

1  This  incident  is  referred  to  in  order  to  give  an  idea  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  judgment 
of  officers.  Perhaps  no  more  appreciative  tribute  was  paid  to  this  fine  soldier 
than  by  General  Grant,  who  wrote :  "His  death  was  a  severe  loss  to  our  Western 
army.  His  personal  courage  was  unquestioned,  his  judgment  and  professional 
acquirements  were  unsurpassed,  and  he  had  the  confidence  of  those  he  commanded 
as  well  as  of  those  over  him."  Personal  Memoirs  of  U.  S.  Grant,  vol.  i.  p.  329. 


MR.   HAMLIN'S   PART   IN  THE  WAR  443 

to  the  President.  His  refusal  to  move  under  orders  and  his  presump 
tuous  letter  of  advice  to  Mr.  Lincoln  were  cited.  His  removal  was 
not  only  justified,  but  was  now  demanded.  "  I  summed  McClellan 
up,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin,  "  by  saying  that  while  he  was  the  first  man  to 
build  a  bridge,  he  was  the  last  to  cross.it." 

Mr.  Lincoln  practically  conceded  that  he  agreed  with  his  associate, 
and  yet  while  he  doubted  whether  McClellan  would  prove  himself  equal 
to  the  emergency,  he  nevertheless  felt  that  in  all  fairness  he  should 
give  McClellan  one  more  chance.  Although  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  go 
farther  into  the  details  of  the  conference  at  this  point,  it  is  reasonable 
to  suppose  that  this  final  opportunity  was  presented  in  the  now  well- 
known  letter  which  Lincoln  wrote  General  McClellan  on  the  same  day 
he  exhausted  the  subject  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  undoubtedly  he  dis 
cussed  this  with  the  Vice-President.  Mr.  Hamlin  spoke  of  it  as  not 
only  one  of  the  kindest  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  acts,  but  also  as  a  masterly 
military  plan,  which  a  commander  with  an  open  mind  would  have 
been  quick  to  seize.  But  without  venturing  farther  from  the  known 
facts  of  the  conference,  it  may  be  said  that  President  Lincoln  closed 
by  admitting  regretfully  that  he  feared  his  letter  would  do  no  good, 
and  that  he  would  soon  be  compelled  to  retire  McClellan.  Mr.  Ham 
lin  was  touched  at  this  additional  proof  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  magnanim 
ity,  but  firmly  advised  him  to  dismiss  McClellan  as  soon  as  possible, 
since  there  was  no  fight  in  him. 

Mr.  Hamlin  continued  to  remain  in  Washington  indefinitely  in  con 
sultation  with  the  President,  and  his  presence  at  the  capital  was  a 
subject  of  more  or  less  speculation.  The  "  New  York  Evening  Post " 
published  a  dispatch  on  October  14,  which  was  correct  as  far  as  it 
went,  but  fell  short  of  the  actual  truth.  It  said  :  — 

"  The  Vice-President  is  in  Washington  to  observe  the  condition  of  things 
here.  .  .  .  Mr.  Hamlin,  as  all  who  were  in  Washington  last  winter  know, 
is,  and  always  has  been,  in  favor  of  the  most  vigorous  war  measures.  He 
was  among  the  very  first  to  urge  emancipation  as  one  of  those  measures, 
and  of  course  approves  the  President's  proclamation  as  far  as  it  goes.  He 
would  have  it  go  farther,  but  is  very  well  satisfied  with  it  as  it  is,  if  it  is 
backed  up  with  vigorous  action.  The  opinions  of  the  Vice-President  on 
various  subjects  connected  with  the  prosecution  of  the  war  have  not  been 
concealed.  He  is  for  the  employment  only  of  generals  who  will  support 
the  anti-slavery  policy  of  the  government  with  hearty  vigor.  In  no  other 
way,  he  thinks,  can  that  policy  be  carried  triumphantly  through  the  ordeal 
it  must  pass,  with  the  whole  South  in  arms  against  it  on  the  one  hand, 
and  secret  traitors  and  deluded  Democrats  in  the  North  opposed  to  it  on 
the  other.  Success  in  the  field  of  battle  will  soon  show  the  strength  of  the 
new  policy,  in  his  opinion. 

"  Mr.  Hamlin  is  here,  among  other  things,  to  inquire  after  the  troops  from 


444  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Maine,  especially  the  sick  and  wounded.  He  went  out  last  night  to  the 
Soldiers'  Home,  and  by  the  invitation  of  the  President  spent  the  night 
there.  The  conference  between  the  two  distinguished  men  was  upon  the 
military  situation.  Mr.  Hamlin  represented  very  frankly  to  the  President 
the  uneasiness  of  the  country  at  large  at  delays  of  the  army  of  the  upper 
Potomac,  and  was  undoubtedly  informed  that  there  was  no  disposition, 
even  among  the  leading  generals,  to  go  again  into  winter-quarters." 

This  is  reproduced  principally  to  show  that  there  was  little  suspi 
cion  at  the  time  that  McClellan's  retirement  was  contemplated.  The 
order  for  his  removal  came  a  few  weeks  later,  and  created  surprise, 
and  the  President  was  charged  with  political  motives.  But  Lincoln's 
character,  the  record  of  his  acts,  and  his  perfect  magnanimity,  revealed 
in  the  conference  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  dispose  of  this.  It  has  been  said 
that  if  history  should  censure  Lincoln  for  anything  in  his  relations 
with  McClellan,  it  would  be  for  retaining  him  in  command  as  long  as 
he  did.  General  McClellan's  friends  complained  that  the  dismissal  was 
ill-timed.  Mr.  Hamlin's  opinion,  on  the  other  hand,  was  that  after 
McClellan's  delays,  his  fruitless  exploits,  his  repeated  overestimates 
of  the  enemy's  numbers,  his  liability  to  be  deceived,  his  opposition  to 
the  President,  and  his  foolish  propensity  to  meddle  in  politics,  there 
was  little  guarantee  that  he  would  now  act  with  success.  Circum 
stances  placed  President  Lincoln  in  an  extremely  difficult  position. 
While  he  realized  that  the  military  exigencies  required  the  removal  of 
McClellan,  his  own  magnanimity  compelled  him  to  give  McClellan 
another  chance.  Moreover,  it  was  General  McClellan  and  his  friends 
who  began  the  tacit  political  duel,  not  President  Lincoln,  and  even 
when  they  were  trying  to  cut  the  ground  out  from  beneath  his  feet, 
he  was  willing  to  give  McClellan  another  chance.  He  made  Mc 
Clellan  the  commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  could  not 
at  first  admit  that  he  was  a  failure.  McClellan  himself  compelled 
him  to  that  conclusion,  and  he  had  to  act. 

This  was  perhaps  the  most  important  incident  in  purely  military 
affairs  that  happened  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  intercourse  with  Mr.  Lincoln, 
next  to  the  arming  of  the  negroes.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  he 
felt  himself  the  "fifth  wheel  of  the  coach,"  and  did  not  obtrude  himself 
on  the  President,  nor  offer  him  advice  unless  forced  or  asked  to  do 
so.  Indeed,  he  urged  no  one  for  McClellan's  successor,  although  he 
thought  highly  of  Hooker,  and  privately  favored  his  appointment. 
But  in  his  accounts  of  his  relations  with  President  Lincoln  he  usually 
emphasized  his  fears  of  intruding  on  the  prerogatives  of  the  execu 
tive,  and  his  own  work  during  the  war  was  chiefly  confined  to  further 
ing  the  interests  of  men  who  had  come  under  his  personal  observation, 
and  watching  over  the  men  from  his  own  State.  He  continued  to 
follow  the  fortunes  of  the  Union  armies  with  great  care ;  but  this 


MR.    HAMLIN'S   PART   IN   THE  WAR  445 

need  not  be  reviewed,  and  while  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  is  strug 
gling  along  under  one  commander  and  another  until  the  coming  of 
Meade,  the  narrative  may  turn  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  work.  There 
were  many  stories  told  about  him  as  the  "  soldiers'  friend,"  and  they 
are  a  part  of  the  record,  since  they  throw  more  light  on  the  personal 
character  of  the  Vice-President. 

The  man  in  whom  Mr.  Hamlin  was  most  interested,  and  whose 
fortunes  he  served  to  advance  most,  was  Hiram  Gregory  Berry,  of 
Rockland,  Maine.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  Berry  was  a  Breckin- 
ridge  Democrat,  but  he  was  one  of  the  first  of  Maine's  men  to  enlist. 
Mr.  Hamlin  had  never  met  Berry  until  the  war  began,  but  when  he 
saw  this  soldierly,  massive,  and  lion-hearted  man,  he  took  to  him  at 
once,  and  in  this  instance  his  intuitions  were  correct.  Berry  had 
always  been  interested  in  military  affairs,  and  when  Sumter  was  fired 
on,  he  set  to  work  organizing  the  Fourth  Maine  Infantry.  He 
was  a  born  soldier  and  leader  of  men,  and  the  regiment  elected  him 
their  colonel.  Both  he  and  Jameson  of  the  Second  Maine  won  a  na 
tional  reputation  by  their  fine  work  at  Bull  Run,  and  both  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  administration.  Berry's  positive  fighting  genius 
was  recognized,  and  in  April,  1862,  he  was  appointed  brigadier- 
general,  and  in  January,  1863,  a  major-general  of  volunteers.  Mr. 
Hamlin,  it  is  needless  to  say,  induced  President  Lincoln  to  promote 
General  Berry.  But  he  was  killed  at  Chancellorsville  at  the  front 
of  his  division,  and  Hooker,  who  loved  and  appreciated  Berry,  said : 
"  There  lies  the  man  who  should  have  succeeded  me  as  the  com 
mander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac."  Stanton  also  told  Vice- 
President  Hamlin  that  Berry  had  been  selected  as  Hooker's  possible 
successor.  He  was  one  of  the  noblest  soldiers  Maine  produced,  and 
seemed  destined  to  a  shining  career. 

General  Hiram  Burnham,  of  Cherryfield,  was  another  Maine  man 
whom  Mr.  Hamlin  recognized  at  the  outset  as  a  coming  fighter,  and 
whom  he  supported.  Burnham  was  a  genuine  Maine  lumberman, 
hardy,  active,  brave,  and  modest,  a  born  leader  of  men.  He  went  out 
as  a  lieutenant-colonel  with  the  Sixth  Maine,  which  was  one  of  the 
finest  regiments  the  Pine  Tree  State  furnished.  Burnham  quickly 
demonstrated  that  he  was  a  natural  soldier,  and  soon  succeeded  to 
the  command  of  his  regiment.  In  action  his  bravery  and  soldierly 
bearing  brought  him  to  the  favorable  attention  of  his  superior  officers. 
He  led  the  charge  with  the  Sixth  Regiment  on  Marye's  Heights,  at 
Fredericksburg,  and  Burnham's  Light  Division  was  thereafter  famous. 
Halleck  did  not  promote  Burnham  as  soon  as  he  deserved,  but  Vice- 
President  Hamlin  induced  President  Lincoln  to  appoint  him  a  briga 
dier-general.  Grant  subsequently  recognized  the  stuff  Burnham  was 
made  of,  and  at  the  beginning  of  his  campaign  against  Lee  trans- 


446  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

f erred  him  to  General  Stannard's  Division  of  the  Eighteenth  Corps. 
Burnham  was  killed  at  Chapin's  Bluffs  on  September  28,  1864.  Like 
Berry  and  other  Maine  officers,  he  fell  at  the  head  of  his  men  while 
leading  a  charge.  That  is  his  best  epitaph. 

There  were  numerous  incidents  which  happened  during  the  first 
year  of  the  war  that  ought  to  be  related  to  show  how  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent  concerned  himself  in  the  welfare  of  the  common  soldier.  He 
would  go  from  Maine  to  Washington  to  render  personal  service  to 
men  in  the  ranks,  and  many  stories  of  his  devotion  to  the  plain  soldier 
are  still  told  at  the  camp-fire  reunions  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic,  of  which  he  was  a  member.  The  point  emphasized  was 
that  there  was  no  business  he  would  not  drop  if  he  could  on  the  call 
of  distress  from  a  soldier.  Here  is  one  illustration.  Frank  D.  Pullen, 
afterward  a  well-known  citizen  of  Bangor,  enlisted  in  the  army  as  a 
mere  lad.  While  stationed  at  Camp  Howard,  in  Virginia,  he  and 
others  in  his  regiment  were  seized  with  an  attack  of  diphtheria.  F. 
D.  Haviland,  a  prominent  resident  of  Waterville,  Maine,  who  was 
interested  in  young  Pullen,  heard  of  his  illness  and  went  to  Washing 
ton  to  see  what  could  be  done.  There  he  was  told  that  the  case 
was  likely  to  prove  fatal,  and  in  his  grief  he  resolved  to  go  to  Camp 
Howard  at  once.  But  not  knowing  the  ways  and  means  of  obtaining 
the  necessary  permits  he  was  puzzled,  until  it  was  suggested  that  he 
apply  to  the  Vice-President.  He  found  Mr.  Hamlin  in  the  Senate, 
and  after  he  had  learned  the  object  of  Mr.  Haviland' s  call,  all  he  did 
was  to  take  his  hat  and  say,  "  Come  on !  " 

Mr.  Pullen  said  :  — 

"  There  was  a  buzz  around  the  camp  when  it  was  learned  that  the  Vice- 
President  was  coming  to  see  some  plain  soldiers  who  were  sick  and  did 
not  know  him.  Uncle  John  Sedgwick  sent  him  an  escort,  but  he  forbade 
any  demonstration,  and  hurried  into  the  hospital  where  \ve  were  stretched 
out.  He  wanted  to  satisfy  himself  that  we  were  having  all  the  attention 
and  care  that  could  be  given  to  us,  and  at  the  same  time  to  give  us  a  little 
comfort  himself.  I  don't  remember  what  he  said  so  well  as  the  manner  in 
which  he  spoke  to  us.  I  had  once  been  given  up  for  dead,  and  his  pre 
sence  was  like  a  tonic.  He  sat  down  for  a  while  in  our  room  and  talked  to 
us  as  if  we  were  his  own  boys.  He  was  so  human,  so  gentle  and  kind.  I 
remember  how  the  boys  followed  him  with  their  grateful  eyes  as  he  walked 
softly  from  one  cot  to  another,  saying  something  cheerful  and  cheering  to 
each  of  us.  There  was  no  one  there  ever  forgot  that  scene  of  the  Vice- 
President  trying  to  comfort  the  poor  sick  chaps  in  that  hospital.  But  that 
was  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  the  boys  in  blue  idolized  him  because  he  was  their 
real  friend." 

Captain  Frank  D.  Garnsey,  of  Bangor,  who  went  out  with  the 
Second  Maine,  told  the  following  story.  Garnsey  and  Lieutenant 


MR.   HAMLIN'S    PART   IN   THE   WAR  447 

Sumner  F.  Kittredge,  of  Milo,  were  serving  on  picket  duty,  and  the 
latter  was  captured.  He  was  released  after  a  confinement  of  over  a 
year,  and  came  to  Washington  sick  and  badly  broken  down.  He 
found  Captain  Garnsey  there,  and  tried  to  obtain  the  back  pay  due  to 
him  so  that  he  might  go  home  at  once  to  gain  his  needed  rest  and 
medical  attendance.  But  the  official  to  whom  he  applied  happened  to 
be  one  of  those  self-sufficient,  pompous,  selfish  men,  whose  heads  are 
turned  by  the  little  power  that  accident  may  thrust  on  them.  He 
would  hardly  move  in  his  chair  when  the  feeble  soldier  asked  for  what 
was  his  due.  "  No,"  he  grunted,  "  I  won't  make  any  disbursements 
between  pay  days."  Lieutenant  Kittredge  appealed  to  Captain  Garn 
sey,  who  said,  "  We  '11  see  the  Vice- President."  "  You  see  Vice-Presi 
dent  Hamlin  about  this  trifling  affair  ? "  some  one  sneered.  "  You 
don't  know  Mr.  Hamlin,"  Captain  Garnsey  replied.  He  at  once  called 
at  the  senate  chamber,  and  on  sending  his  card  to  the  Vice- President 
was  immediately  admitted  to  his  presence.  Captain  Garnsey  simply 
related  the  facts  of  the  case,  whereupon  the  Vice-President  straight 
ened  up,  and  a  stern  look  came  over  his  face.  "  Where  is  this  offi 
cer?"  he  asked.  "Five  minutes'  walk  from  here,"  replied  Captain 
Garnsey  laconically.  Without  another  word  Mr.  Hamlin  took  his 
hat  and  started.  When  they  reached  the  destination  there  sat  the 
all-sufficient  officer  in  his  glory.  He  had  not  stirred.  "  Vice-Presi 
dent  Hamlin,"  said  Captain  Garnsey,  "  simply  eyed  that  man,  and 
the  look  that  came  out  of  his  big  black  eyes  was  sufficient  to  change 
the  major's  high-and-mighty  appearance.  He  began  to  sink  into  him 
self.  Mr.  Hamlin  began :  '  Are  you  the  man  who  refused  to  let  a 
sick  soldier  have  his  back  pay  because  you  were  not  willing  to  make 
a  disbursement  between  pay  days  ? '  The  major  admitted  in  a  weak 
voice  that  he  was.  'Well,'  Mr.  Hamlin  continued,  'you  make  him 
out  a  check  on  the  Treasury  at  once  for  every  cent  that  is  due  him, 
and  don't  you  delay  either,  or  I  will  know  the  reason  why.'  The 
major  was  simply  crushed,  and  in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell  the 
story,  he  made  out  a  check  and  handed  it  to  Vice-President  Hamlin, 
who  was  standing  there  as  grim  as  an  Indian  sachem." 

The  following  incident  was  often  related  by  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends 
to  illustrate  the  forgiving  and  generous  side  of  his  nature.  A  curious 
politician,  whose  name  was  "Jim"  Carle,  was  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin's 
most  bitter  personal  enemies.  Having  known  Mr.  Hamlin  for  many 
years,  he  seemed  to  think  that  his  acquaintance  gave  him  the  special 
right  to  be  personally  abusive.  Up  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war  Carle 
was  identified  with  the  pro-slavery  Democracy  in  Bangor  who  degen 
erated  into  rebel  sympathizers ;  but  when  the  conflict  began  an  inci 
dent  happened  that  changed  his  attitude  towards  Mr.  Hamlin.  He 
had  a  daughter  living  South,  and  he  became  very  anxious  about  her 


448  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

welfare.  He  went  to  Washington  and  tried  to  obtain  a  pass  for  her 
within  the  Union  lines,  but  he  failed,  and  in  his  distress  asked  a  friend 
what  to  do.  "  Go  to  the  Vice-President,"  was  the  reply.  "  But  I 
can't,"  said  Carle.  "  Try,"  was  the  answer,  and  pocketing  his  chagrin 
Carle  called  on  Mr.  Hamlin  and  stated  hjs  case.  Without  making 
any  promise  Mr.  Hamlin  at  once  went  to  the  War  Department,  and 
presently  returned  with  the  pass.  Handing  it  to  Carle,  he  said : 
"Jim,  you  have  been  abusing  me  all  your  life,  but  I  am  going  to  heap 
coals  of  fire  on  your  head.  Here  is  the  pass  that  you  want."  Carle 
burst  into  tears  and  asked  Mr.  Hamlin's  pardon  for  his  conduct.  His 
daughter  was  rescued  from  her  dangerous  position,  and,  like  the  fairy 
tale,  this  story  ends  with  Carle  as  a  firm  friend  of  his  benefactor  the 
rest  of  his  life. 

Another  touching  incident  was  related.  Mr.  Hamlin  often  went 
fishing  near  Burnham,  Maine,  where  a  friend  of  his,  named  Johnson, 
lived,  who  used  to  accompany  him  on  these  occasions.  Mr.  Johnson 
had  two  sons  in  the  army.  One  day  he  received  a  message  saying 
one  son  had  been  killed,  and  that  the  second  was  lying  dangerously 
ill  at  Fortress  Monroe,  and  must  be  removed  North.  Mr.  Johnson 
started  at  once  to  go  to  his  son,  but,  alas,  his  pocket  was  picked, 
and  he  found  himself  in  Washington  without  a  cent  of  money  when 
every  moment  was  worth  a  day  to  him  at  any  other  time.  His  first 
thought  was  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  he  made  his  way  to  his  room  with 
out  ceremony.  Although  the  hour  was  late  and  the  Vice-President 
was  just  retiring,  he  flung  on  his  clothes,  gave  Johnson  whatever 
money  he  had,  rushed  around  Washington,  routed  up  the  members 
of  the  Maine  delegation,  and  raised  more  money.  At  the  earliest 
moment  the  next  morning  he  hastened  to  the  War  Department,  and 
without  loss  of  time  procured  a  pass  from  Secretary  Stanton,  which 
enabled  Johnson  to  proceed  to  his  destination  on  the  first  steamboat 
to  Fortress  Monroe.  But  it  was  too  late.  The  boy  was  dead  when 
his  father  reached  him.  Yet  Johnson  never  forgot  Mr.  Hamlin's 
help,  and  often  told  the  story  with  tears  in  his  eyes. 

These  incidents  might  be  multiplied,  but  the  progress  of  the  story 
of  Mr.  Hamlin's  life  cannot  be  further  interrupted.  To  generalize  in 
the  words  of  another  writer :  "  Many  a  regiment  of  Maine  troops, 
and  many  an  individual  soldier  and  officer,  can  bear  abundant  testi 
mony  to  the  zealous  care  which  he  continually  took  of  their  interests. 
Had  his  position  been  a  different  one,  he  might  have  done  more. 
Situated  as  he  was,  however,  it  can  with  all  truth  be  said  that  he  did 
everything  which  was  in  the  power  of  man  to  do."  1 

1  Carroll's  Twelve  Americans,  p.  162. 


CHAPTER   XXXV 

MR.    HAMLIN    SUPPORTED    PRESIDENT    LINCOLN 

VICE-PRESIDENT  HAMLIN  probably  rendered  President  Lincoln  his 
most  disinterested  service  during  the  gloomy  winter  of  1862-63,  when 
the  fate  of  the  nation  appeared  to  be  trembling  in  the  balance.  The 
failure  of  the  Union  armies  to  make  progress  against  the  Confederacy, 
the  disastrous  defeats  they  sustained  at  Fredericksburg  and  in  other 
battles,  and  the  apparent  lack  of  a  policy  in  the  President,  all  com 
bined  to  stimulate  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  renomination,  and  a 
much  harder  fight  was  made  against  him  than  was  generally  known. 
His  success  and  apotheosis  silenced  many  who  had  been  his  private 
but  determined  opponents,  and  the  greater  Lincoln's  fame  became, 
the  more  reluctant  were  they  to  admit  their  position.  Thus  this 
phase  of  Lincoln's  administration  is  likely  to  remain  a  mystery.  One 
important  incident,  however,  may  be  now  disclosed  that  will  throw 
light  on  this  opposition  to  Lincoln  as  well  as  on  Mr.  Hamlin's  friend 
ship  for  him.  The  radical  leaders  in  Congress  offered  Mr.  Hamlin  a 
nomination  for  President,  but  he  declined,  and  helped  secure  Mr. 
Lincoln  his  renomination. 

But  the  circumstances  first  require  a  careful  statement  in  order 
that  this  incident  may  be  fully  understood  and  appreciated.  After 
history  had  taken  measure  of  Lincoln's  greatness,  there  was  a  disposi 
tion  to  underestimate  the  radical  element  around  him,  and  they  were 
unduly  censured  for  urging  the  President  to  a  more  rapid  pace.  But 
after  the  righting  of  the  conditions  of  this  period  has  fairly  taken 
place,  and  it  has  been  clearly  perceived  that  Mr.  Lincoln  grew  and 
wrested  his  greatness  out  of  the  struggles  around  him,  the  radical 
leaders  ought  to  stand  in  their  right  relations  to  him.  It  has  been 
said  that  "it  takes  a  great  deal  of  life  to  make  a  little  art ;  "  it  may  be 
said,  also,  that  it  takes  many  men  to  make  one  great  man.  Both  sides 
of  the  story  of  the  Lincoln  administration  show  that  the  President 
and  the  radicals  supplemented  and  learned  from  each  other,  no  matter 
what  their  personal  relations  may  have  been.  On  this  point  the  truth 
should  be  emphasized,  that  it  is  a  great  mistake  to  judge  public  men 
of  this  time  by  their  attitude  towards  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  writers  of 
this  period  do  not  fall  into  the  error  of  judging  John  Adams  by  his 
attitude  towards  Washington.  Surely  men  like  Chandler,  Wade, 


450  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Sumner,  Collamer,  Trumbull,  Hale,  Wilson,  Stevens,  Henry  Winter 
Davis,  and  others  have  each  his  own  place  in  history,  and  they  and 
their  colleagues  are  not  to  be  dismissed  by  a  single  stroke  of  the  pen. 
They  were  the  vigorous  leaders  of  the  day.  They  were  the  product 
of  a  stormy  period.  Some  of  them  were  gre^t  men.  Since  the  death 
of  Chandler  the  Senate  has  not  had  a  member  of  his  equal  in  force. 
Since  the  passing  of  Stevens,  the  House  has  not  had  a  leader  who 
exerted  so  much  power  as  he,  with  the  single  exception  of  Thomas  B. 
Reed,  of  Maine. 

But  it  is  not  necessary  to  defend  the  radical  leaders  of  Congress  of 
the  war  times.  They  were  patriots.  They  "had  no  axe  to  grind." 
They  were  as  anxious  to  save  the  Union  as  the  President  was.  They 
sometimes  differed  from  him.  Sometimes  they  were  right ;  some 
times  they  were  wrong.  But  they  were  not  always  wrong ;  nor  was 
President  Lincoln  always  right.  Their  opposition  strengthened  him, 
and  he  gained  in  the  contest  as  the  oak  does  in  its  battles  with  the 
gale.  The  majority  of  the  radicals  liked  President  Lincoln  personally, 
though  they  did  not  always  agree  with  him  or  understand  his  policy 
and  acts.  There  were  a  few  who  thought  that  the  great  Lincoln  was 
a  popular  myth,  though  their  hearts  softened  as  they  looked  back  on 
the  gentle,  patient  man  whose  way  to  his  martyrdom  was  beset  even 
with  party  strife.  They  were  in  the  smoke  of  the  conflict  then,  and 
it  was  no  time  for  sentimentalizing.  Their  business  it  was  to  act,  and 
let  history  judge  of  their  motives.  Mistakes  were  to  be  expected,  but 
if  they  tried  to  do  right  to  save  their  country,  and  if  they  strengthened 
the  President  even  through  their  opposition,  it  is  a  peculiarly  selfish 
spirit  that  would  exclude  them  from  the  glory  of  the  stirring  times 
in  which  they  lived.  An  historian  who  passes  over  men  who  were 
held  to  be  great  and  good  in  their  days,  because  they  are  not  named 
as  the  authors  of  great  acts  of  legislation,  is  blind  and  incompetent. 
This  would  deny  Thomas  H.  Benton  greatness,  and  yet  few  were 
more  effective  than  he  in  shaping  legislation.  Thus,  while  Stevens. 
Chandler,  and  others  of  this  period  have  few  specific  acts  of  legisla 
tion  to  their  credit,  they  had  few  equals  or  superiors  in  directing  Con 
gress  in  the  right  path,  and  Thaddeus  Stevens  was  one  of  the  few 
who  stood  only  second  to  Lincoln  in  greatness.  But  the  Republican 
party  will  never  forget  its  fathers. 

When  the  national  fortunes  were  at  a  low  ebb  in  the  winter  of 
1862-63,  an  incident  happened  that  impelled  the  radical  members  of 
Congress  to  act.  Others  cooperated  who  were  not  usually  in  sym 
pathy  with  them.  This  was  a  movement  to  retire  Mr.  Seward  from 
the  Cabinet,  and  it  promised  to  result  in  a  rebellion  against  President 
Lincoln.  This  was  the  culmination  of  the  general  distrust  in  which 
Secretary  Seward  was  held  by  the  leaders  of  the  stronger  element  in 


MR.    HAMLIN    SUPPORTED   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN      451 

Congress.  His  unfortunate  views  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  his 
support  of  McClellan,  his  disposition  to  compromise,  and  generally 
conservative  attitude  had  served  to  incline  leaders  in  Congress  to 
the  belief  that  he  was  the  chief  cause  of  the  President's  slowness. 
That  which  precipitated  action  was  his  unfortunate  letter  to  Charles 
Francis  Adams,  the  United  States  minister  to  England.  This  was 
written  on  July  5,  1862,  and  it  had  this  expression  in  speaking  of  the 
rebels  and  anti-slavery  leaders,  that  they  were  "  acting  in  concert  to 
gether  to  precipitate  a  servile  war,  .  .  .  the  latter  by  demanding  an 
edict  of  universal  emancipation  as  a  lawful  and  necessary,  if  not,  as 
they  say,  the  only  legitimate  way  of  saving  the  Union."  When  Sen 
ator  Sumner  showed  this  dispatch  to  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  following 
December,  he  was  surprised,  and  disclaimed  all  knowledge  of  it.1 

This  indiscreet  dispatch  inclined  even  Sumner  against  Seward, 
with  whom  he  had  enjoyed  very  cordial  relations.  The  Republican 
senators  held  a  caucus  on  December  18,  and  appointed  Collamer, 
Trumbull,  Howard,  Harris,  Grimes,  Pomeroy,  Fessenden,  Sumner, 
and  Wade  a  committee  to  call  on  the  President  and  suggest  the 
expediency  of  making  changes  in  the  Cabinet.  Mr.  Seward  was  not 
named,  but  it  was  perfectly  well  understood  that  he  was  meant,  and 
he  and  Chase  tendered  their  resignations.  This,  it  will  be  conceded, 
was  a  representative  committee,  including  the  radical  Sumner  and 
Wade  and  the  conservative  Collamer,  Harris,  and  Grimes,  with  others 
of  intermediate  standing.  It  well  reflected  the  feeling  against  Sec 
retary  Seward,  and  is  one  phase  of  the  opposition  to  President  Lin 
coln.  Of  these  senators,  Collamer,  Grimes,  Sumner,  and  Wade  were 
certainly  opposed  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  renomination,  and  others  were,  too, 
although  their  opposition  was  based  chiefly  on  their  objections  to  his 
policy  as  exemplified  in  this  instance.  Wade  was  open  and  vigorous, 
as  it  is  well  known,  while  the  other  senators  named  contented  them 
selves  chiefly  by  expressing  their  preferences  for  another  candidate, 
though  they  loyally  supported  Mr.  Lincoln  when  he  became  the 
nominee.2 

Mr.  Hamlin  sympathized  with  this  movement,  but  he  had  no  part  in 
it.  This  was  due  to  his  feelings  about  his  official  and  personal  rela 
tions  with  Mr.  Lincoln.  His  sense  of  courtesy  to  the  President 
prompted  him  to  refrain  from  participating  in  an  affair  that  did  not 
come  within  his  province.  Still  he  never  hesitated  to  place  himself 
on  record  when  his  convictions  were  formed,  and  in  this  instance  his 
friends  knew  what  they  were.  He  expressed  himself  briefly  to  his 
wife  on  December  19,  in  a  letter,  as  follows :  — 

"  There  has  been  a  considerable  excitement  here  growing  out  of  the 

1  Memoirs  of  Sumner,  by  E.  L.  Pierce,  vol.  iv.  p.  HI. 

2  The  Pomeroy  circular  calls  for  no  comment. 


452  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

resignation  of  Seward.  It  is  about  over,  and  I  think  nearly  all  our 
best  and  truest  men  are  rejoiced  at  it,  and  feel  confident  that  great 
good  will  result  from  it.  He  has  been  regarded  as  the  millstone  of 
the  administration.  It  is  not  yet  known  who  will  be  his  successor." 

But  there  was  to  be  no  successor.  President  Lincoln  had  come  to 
appreciate  Mr.  Seward's  peculiar  ability  as  an  advocate,  and  had 
learned  how  to  exercise  it  under  proper  restraint.  Mr.  Seward's  facile 
pen  was  of  great  use  to  him  in  inspiring  foreign  nations  in  the  ability 
of  the  United  States  government  to  conquer  the  rebellion.  That 
was  Mr.  Seward's  gift,  and  under  the  direction  of  the  wise  and  dis 
creet  President,  he  employed  it  well  and  honorably. 

But  while  Mr.  Lincoln  refused  to  let  Mr.  Seward  retire,  the  incident 
did  not  close  with  the  Secretary's  withdrawal  of  his  resignation.  The 
opposition  to  President  Lincoln's  aspirations  for  a  second  term  began 
now  to  take  definite  shape,  and  the  question  was,  who  should  be  the 
man.  One  day  in  the  winter  of  1863,  Vice-President  Hamlin  returned 
to  his  rooms  in  Washington  with  an  unusually  serious  look  on  his  face. 
His  wife  asked  him  what  the  matter  was,  and  after  some  meditation, 
he  told  her,  with  a  strict  injunction  of  secrecy,  that  his  radical  friends 
in  Congress  had  held  a  private  conference,  and  had  asked  him  to 
become  their  candidate  for  the  Republican  nomination  for  President 
in  1864.  But  he  said  he  gave  them  to  understand  that,  while  he  and 
they  had  always  been  good  friends,  and  though  he  appreciated  the 
sincerity  of  their  motives,  they  must  not  approach  him  on  the  subject 
of  the  presidency,  since  Lincoln  was  his  friend  and  he  was  Lincoln's 
friend.  While  he  thought  that  the  President  had  been  slow  in  start 
ing  in  the  right  direction,  he  was  moving  ahead  now,  and  with  the 
slaves  freed,  the  negroes  armed,  and  McClellan  dismissed,  events 
would  surely  soon  favor  the  Union.  "  I  am  loyal  to  Lincoln,  and  it  is 
our  duty  now  to  lay  aside  our  personal  feelings  and  stand  by  the  Presi 
dent." 

Mr.  Hamlin  evidently  intended  that  this  state  secret  should  die 
with  him.  When  in  his  last  days  the  sun  of  Lincoln's  fame  was  rising 
to  its  meridian,  he  well  saw  that  an  indiscriminating  world  would  un 
justly  censure  men  simply  because  they  had  not  accepted  Lincoln  in 
his  lifetime.  Only  once  more  did  he  refer  to  this  incident.  A  few 
years  before  his  death,  his  son,  General  Charles  Hamlin,  was  question 
ing  him  about  the  opposition  to  President  Lincoln's  renomination. 
He  said,  as  if  inadvertently,  "  The  radicals  offered  me  the  nomina 
tion."  But  when  he  was  pressed  to  reveal  the  facts,  he  meditated  a 
moment,  and  then  replied  firmly,  "  I  shall  not  say  anything  more 
about  it."  That  was  his  way.  Nothing  could  have  shaken  his  deci 
sion.  He  was  careless  about  his  own  fame,  but  cared  dearly  for  that 
of  his  friends.  He  had  understood  Lincoln  in  his  own  lifetime  better 


MR.    HAMLIN   SUPPORTED    PRESIDENT   LINCOLN      453 

than  they,  and  the  most  of  them  had  come  to  his  opinions  expressed 
in  1863.  But  surely  in  the  new  century,  with  all  the  acts  of  the  Lin 
coln  administration  before  them,  men  will  not  cease  to  honor  the 
robust  leaders  in  Congress  in  war  times,  because  they  once  in  despair 
turned  to  Mr.  Hamlin  to  lead  them.  They  were  not  men  who  said, 
"The  king  can  do  no  wrong." 

The  importance  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  declination  of  this  tender  of  sup 
port  for  the  presidency  may  be  better  appreciated  when  the  situation 
itself  is  minutely  presented  by  the  biographer  of  Sumner,  who  was 
unfavorable  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  continuation  in  office  :  — 

"  There  were  times  during  the  war  when  there  was  a  lack  of  enthu 
siasm  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  a  distrust  of  his  fitness  for  his  place  among 
public  men  who  were  associated  with  him.  Visitors  to  Washington 
in  1863-1864  were  struck  with  the  want  of  personal  loyalty  to  him. 
They  found  few  senators  and  representatives  who  would  maintain 
cordially  and  positively  that  he  combined  the  qualifications  of  a  leader 
in  the  great  crisis ;  and  the  larger  number  of  them,  as  the  national 
election  approached,  were  dissatisfied  with  his  candidacy.  An  indif 
ference  towards  him  was  noted  in  the  commercial  centres,  and  among 
the  most  intelligent  of  the  loyal  people.  Historians  and  biographers 
have  hesitated  to  reveal  the  state  of  opinion  concerning  him,  but  his 
torical  verity  loses  by  the  suppression.  He  was  thought  to  be  want 
ing  in  the  style,  in  the  gravity  of  manner  and  conversation,  which  are 
becoming  in  the  chief  of  a  great  nation.  His  habit  of  interrupting 
the  consideration  of  grave  matters  with  stories  was  attributed  to  lev 
ity,  and  offended  sober-minded  men  who  sought  him  on  public  busi 
ness.  A  man  of  '  infinite  jest,'  the  underlying  seriousness  of  his  nature 
was  not  readily  observed.  But  the  criticism  did  not  stop  here.  He 
was  felt  to  be  too  easy-going,  to  be  disposed  to  give  too  much  time  to 
trifles ;  to  be  unbusiness-like  in  his  methods,  slow  and  hesitating  where 
vigorous  action  was  required;  and  the  objection  in  general  was  that 
in  capacity  and  temperament  he  was  inadequate  to  the  responsibilities 
of  the  head  of  a  nation  at  such  a  momentous  period.  This  estimate 
was  held  honestly  by  many  clear-headed  and  patriotic  men  ;  nor  can 
their  sincerity  be  questioned,  although  the  final  judgment  of  mankind 
is  that  of  all  men  he  was  the  best  fitted  for  the  high  place  which  he 
filled  during  the  civil  war."  1 

But  a  careful  discrimination  is  to  be  made  between  the  various  times 
in  which  the  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  renomination  manifested 
itself.  It  was  natural  that  in  the  gloomy  winter  of  1863,  with  the 
recollection  of  Fredericksburg  fresh  in  mind  and  with  the  undaunted 
Confederacy  in  view,  the  vigorous  leaders  of  the  Republican  party 
should  doubt  the  expediency  of  reflecting  a  President  who  had  failed 
1  Pierce,  vol.  iv.  pp.  194,  195. 


454  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

to  conquer  a  rebellion  after  two  years'  fighting.  But  when  results 
came  from  Mr.  Lincoln's  carefully  laid  plans,  and  the  crushing  vic 
tories  of  Vicksburg  and  Gettysburg  followed  this  season  of  depression, 
men  who  had  doubted  the  President  now  felt  differently,  and  he  was 
borne  on  to  success  on  the  tide  of  victory*  Thus,  while  strong  and 
sincere  leaders  such  as  Chandler,  Collamer,  Sumner,  Wilson,  Grimes, 
Stevens,  Wade,  Davis,  Julian,  and  others  in  Congress  were  once  im 
pressed  with  the  apparent  necessity  of  selecting  a  new  man  for  Presi 
dent,  with  few  exceptions  this  turn  of  affairs  reconciled  them  to  Mr. 
Lincoln's  renomination.  Governor  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  David 
Dudley  Field,  John  Jay,  Wendell  Phillips,  Horace  Greeley,  William 
Cullen  Bryant,  Secretary  Chase,  and  many  other  distinguished  men 
were  also  identified  with  the  anti-Lincoln  movement  at  its  various 
stages.  Obviously,  a  discrimination  is  also  to  be  made  between  con 
servative  leaders  like  Collamer  and  erratic  antagonists  such  as  Greeley. 

While  the  hostility  to  'President  Lincoln  continued  to  grow  and 
cluster  around  Secretary  Chase,  Mr.  Hamlin's  faith  in  him  and  his 
statesmanship  continued  to  strengthen.  He  could  now  judge  him 
better  by  the  fruits  of  his  administration.  While,  for  example,  Mr. 
Hamlin  had  preferred  immediate  emancipation,  he  now  saw  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  more  conservative  policy  succeeding.  He  said  afterwards  in 
private  conversation  that,  waiving  the  question  of  the  superiority  of 
the  various  plans  to  exterminate  slavery,  the  fact  was,  Mr.  Lincoln 
succeeded  and  exhibited  consummate  statesmanship  in  steering  his 
way  through  the  most  perplexing  problems.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  also 
impressed  by  the  ability  the  President  had  revealed  in  military  affairs, 
though  of  course  he  did  not  fully  appreciate  it  until  later  years  when 
he  could  read  the  entire  record.  The  ultimate  knowledge  the  Presi 
dent  disclosed  of  the  military  operations,  his  own  plans,  his  judgment 
of  officers,  which  necessarily  entered  into  their  private  interviews, 
struck  Mr.  Hamlin  with  force,  and  caused  him  to  see  how  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  developing.  But  that  which  particularly  interested  the  Vice- 
President  was  the  wonderful  hold  he  had  obtained  on  the  masses  of 
the  people,  which  was  another  reflection  of  his  honesty,  democracy, 
and  faith  in  plain  mankind.  This  naturally  appealed  to  the  Vice- 
President. 

While  the  spring  campaign  of  1863  opened  unpromisingly  with  the 
disastrous  defeat  at  Chancellorsville,  it  proved  to  be  a  "poor  begin 
ning  with  a  good  ending."  The  simultaneous  victories  at  Gettysburg 
and  Vicksburg  were  the  sun  of  Union  success  bursting  through  clouds 
of  defeat.  At  Gettysburg,  Lee  met  his  Waterloo,  and  the  Confederate 
invaders  were  turned  back  from  Union  soil.  At  Vicksburg,  Grant 
won  his  Ulm,  and  by  opening  the  Mississippi  split  the  Confederacy 
in  twain.  It  is  necessary  to  dwell  on  these  battles  to  indicate  Mr. 


MR.    HAMLIN   SUPPORTED   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN      455 

Hamlin's  opinion  of  Grant.  An  interesting  study  of  Grant  and  Lee 
is  afforded.  Mr.  Hamlin  believed  Grant  to  be  the  Caesar  of  the  age, 
and  he  stood  by  the  conqueror  of  Donelson  from  the  time  he  won  his 
first  great  victory.  He,  like  many  other  practical  men,  upheld  Grant 
because  he  was  a  fighter,  and  approved  President  Lincoln's  confidence 
in  him.  But  without  anticipating  further,  it  may  be  said  that  Lee's 
defeat  at  Gettysburg  and  Grant's  success  at  Vicksburg  are  of  peculiar 
interest  to  these  pages,  since  the  circumstances  serve  to  contrast  these 
two  great  soldiers,  and  show  why  Mr.  Hamlin  continued  his  enthu 
siastic  support  of  Grant  until  the  end  of  the  war,  and  ranked  him  as 
the  great  captain  of  the  century. 

General  Lee  had  name  and  prestige  in  his  favor,  and  the  support 
of  the  Confederate  government,  when  he  took  charge  of  the  army. 
General  Grant  literally  had  to  fight  his  way  into  the  Union  army  and 
to  win  the  confidence  of  the  administration.  General  Lee  marched 
into  the  Union  territory  with  the  approval  of  his  government,  and 
with  one  of  the  finest  and  bravest  armies  that  man  ever  commanded. 
The  notion  that  they  were  a  "thin  line  of  ragged  and  half  starved 
men  "  is  maudlin  nonsense.  The  men  who  met  them  were  under  the 
impression  that  if  they  were  starving,  it  was  only  for  Yankees.  Gen 
eral  Lee  was  defeated  by  a  gallant,  but  admittedly  inferior  oppo 
nent.  The  mistakes  the  commanders  on  both  sides  made  —  allowing 
for  the  brilliant  work  of  Hancock  and  others  —  incline  historians  to 
the  opinion  that  Gettysburg  was  in  the  main  a  battle  of  the  ranks, 
and  a  conspicuous  all-round  example  of  genuine  American  bravery. 
General  Lee  was  not  on  his  own  soil ;  but  neither  was  Grant  on  his. 
Lee  had  good  roads  and  fallow  fields  through  which  to  travel,  and 
one  great  river  to  pass  ;  Grant  had  to  cut  his  way  partly  through  a 
wild  country  and  cross  great  rivers  and  other  bodies  of  water,  with 
Joseph  Johnston,  a  genius,  ahead  of  him.  Moreover,  in  carrying 
out  his  plans  he  had  to  disobey  Halleck's  orders,  and  yet  he  won  at 
Vicksburg  the  most  brilliant  campaign  of  the  war. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  in  Chicago,  presiding  over  the  deliberations  of 
the  National  Canal  Association,  in  company  with  General  Hiram 
Walbridge,  of  New  York,  when  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  began.  He 
hurried  to  the  scene,  since  his  son  Charles  was  assistant  adjutant- 
general  on  the  staff  of  General  A.  A.  Humphreys,  commanding  the 
second  division  of  the  Third  Army  Corps.  Mr.  Hamlin  arrived  the 
day  after  the  fighting  had  closed,  to  find  the  Union  lines  impregnable, 
the  enemy  in  retreat,  and  his  son  unharmed  and  recommended  for 
promotion.  His  presence  on  the  field  created  speculation,  and  some 
officers  appeared  to  think  that  it  was  another  case  of  "  Washington 
interference."  President  Lincoln  was  warning  General  Meade  that  he 
ought  to  follow  up  Lee  lest  he  should  escape.  Mr.  Hamlin  reached 


456  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  same  conclusion,  and  remained  on  the  field  in  hopes  of  seeing  the 
Confederate  army  annihilated.  But  while  there  was  doubt,  hesitation, 
and  a  division  of  opinion  in  the  Union  camp,  Lee  fled,  and  the  golden 
opportunity  was  lost.  One  who  was  with  Mr.  Hamlin  was  Noah 
Brooks,  the  historian,  who  was  to  have  been  President  Lincoln's  pri 
vate  secretary  during  his  second  term.  He  described  the  scene  at 
this  juncture,  and  rehearsed  interesting  incidents  as  follows  :  — 

"Meade's  headquarters,  on  my  return,  presented  a  chopfallen  ap 
pearance  ;  probably  the  worst  was  known  there  before  I  had  left  on 
my  own  private  and  special  reconnoissance.  Here  I  met  Vice-Presi 
dent  Hamlin,  who  was  also  a  visitor  at  Meade's  headquarters,  and  who 
had  been  taken  out  to  see  the  fight  (which  did  not  come  off)  at  a  point 
near  Williamsport.  As  we  met,  he  raised  his  hands  and  turned  away 
his  face  with  a  gesture  of  despair.  Later  on,  I  came  across  General 
Wadsworth,  who  almost  shed  tears  while  he  talked  with  us  about  the 
escape  of  the  rebel  army.  .  .  .  Vice-President  Hamlin  and  myself 
were  dispatched  by  General  Meade  in  an  ambulance  under  the  charge 
of  a  young  lieutenant  of  cavalry  by  the  turnpike  road  to  Frederick, 
where  we  took  a  train  to  Washington.  Columns  upon  columns  of  army 
wagons  and  artillery  were  now  in  motion  towards  Frederick,  crossing 
the  field,  blocking  the  roads,  and  interlacing  the  face  of  the  whole  coun 
try  with  blackened  tracks  which  heavy  wheels  cut  in  the  rich,  dark 
soil  of  Maryland,  saturated  with  days  of  rain.  Here  and  there  one 
passed  a  knot  of  wagons  inextricably  tangled  or  hopelessly  mixed  by 
the  roadside.  ...  At  one  point  our  driver  was  urged  by  the  lieuten 
ant  to  cut  in  between  two  trains  which  had  suddenly  parted,  and 
showed  a  long  clear  space  ahead.  As  he  was  whipping  up  his  horses, 
the  wagon-master  in  charge  of  the  tangled  teams  came  out  ahead  of 
us  and,  shaking  his  fist,  shouted  in  stentorian  tones,  *  Get  out  of  that ! ' 
Whereupon  our  lieutenant  stood  up  on  the  dashboard  and  shouted  in 
reply,  '  I  have  the  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  in  this  wagon, 
and  he  must  get  the  two  o'clock  train  from  Frederick.'  The  wagon- 
master,  nothing  daunted,  cried  back,  '  I  don't  care  if  you  have  got 
the  Saviour  of  mankind  in  that  wagon,  you  can't  come  up  here.' 
Even  the  tired  and  dejected  Vice-President  was  forced  to  smile 
grimly  at  the  resolute  wagoner's  reply.  Nevertheless  we  did  catch 
the  two  o'clock  train  from  Frederick  ;  and  the  next  day,  according 
to  the  President's  request,  I  reported  to  him  all  that  I  had  heard  and 
seen.  .  .  .  His  grief  and  anger  were  something  sorrowful  to  behold."1 

While  it  could  not  be  perceived  at  the  time  that  Gettysburg  and 

Vicksburg  marked  the  turn  of  the  war,  it  was  recognized  that  the 

Confederacy  had  received  a  vital  blow,  although  there  was  a  long 

struggle  ahead  to  crush  the  rebellion.     At  this  juncture  the  phase  of 

1  Washington  in  Lincoln's  Time,  pp.  95,  96. 


MR.   HAMLIN   SUPPORTED   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN      457 

the  contest  against  the  government  that  concerned  Mr.  Hamlin  most, 
since  it  came  more  within  his  province,  was  the  Copperhead  onslaught 
on  the  administration,  which  had  opened  up  after  the  adjournment  of 
Congress  and  was  now  raging  fiercely  in  the  Northern  States.  The 
behavior  of  Horatio  Seymour  and  other  leading  Democrats  at  this 
crisis  is  to  be  explained  on  the  ground  of  partisanship  and  in  some 
cases  of  secret  sympathy  for  slavery.  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  for  ex 
ample,  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Democracy  in  Congress  who 
steadily  and  at  every  step  resisted  constitutional  action  to  exterminate 
the  institution.  Mr.  Seymour  and  other  distinguished  men  bitterly 
resented  the  charge  of  Copperheadism ;  but  it  is  only  a  mild  reply 
to  say  that  their  statesmanship  belittled  their  intellectual  character. 
Their  desire  to  stop  the  war  was  as  short-sighted  as  it  would  be  to 
call  off  firemen  in  the  midst  of  a  conflagration  because  some  had 
been  killed. 

Mr.  Hamlin  had  several  conferences  with  Mr.  Lincoln  about  the 
coming  elections  shortly  before  leaving  Washington,  and  was  at  the 
capital  when  the  President  literally  extinguished  Vallandigham  and 
his  sympathizers  with  the  ridicule  that  his  adroit  letter  to  the  New 
York  Democracy  aroused.  Vallandigham  preached  treason  under 
the  pretense  of  vindicating  his  constitutional  rights,  and  Mr.  Lincoln, 
recognizing  his  value  to  the  Confederacy,  presented  him  to  the  rebels 
by  sending  him  through  their  lines.  There  was  a  prodigious  outburst 
of  wrath  from  the  Copperheads.  Seymour  called  the  President's  act 
"  revolution."  But  Mr.  Lincoln  knocked  the  ground  from  under  the 
Copperheads'  feet  by  asking,  "  Must  I  shoot  a  simple-minded  soldier 
boy  who  deserts,  while  I  must  not  touch  a  hair  of  the  wily  agitator 
who  induces  him  to  desert  ? "  He  clinched  his  advantage  by  agree 
ing  to  release  Vallandigham  on  condition  that  his  friends  would  sign 
pledges  recognizing  the  war  and  promising  their  support.  Thus  the 
Copperheads  were  caught  in  a  trap  which  they  had  set  themselves,  and 
Mr.  Hamlin,  for  one,  ranked  this  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant  achieve 
ments  to  be  placed  to  President  Lincoln's  credit.  But  aside  from 
this,  it  was  another  revelation  of  his  unique  power  of  statement,  and 
his  success  was  further  proof  of  his  nearness  to  the  Northern  heart. 

President  Lincoln  was  naturally  anxious  to  seize  the  advantage  he 
had  gained,  and  he  urged  on  the  party  leaders  the  necessity  of  waging 
the  most  vigorous  campaign  within  their  power.  He  also  thought 
that  Mr.  Hamlin  should  take  a  larger  part  in  the  contest  than  he  did 
the  year  before,  and  it  was  agreed  that  after  the  Maine  election  the 
Vice-President  should  go  to  New  York  at  least,  and  appear  as  the 
spokesman  of  the  administration.  Mr.  Hamlin  returned  home  in  July 
and  engaged  in  the  campaign  until  the  polls  were  closed.  The  lines 
were  once  more  closely  drawn  on  the  issue  laid  down  by  the  Copper- 


458  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

heads  and  their  nominee  of  the  last  year,  Bion  Bradbury.  The  Re 
publican  candidate  was  Samuel  Cony,  who  was  both  an  able  and  pop 
ular  leader.  Mr.  Hamlin's  speeches  were  in  substance  an  appeal  to 
the  loyal  Democrats  not  to  allow  party  prejudice  to  blind  them  to 
the  awful  consequences  that  would  follow  an  attempt  to  oppose  the 
government  in  the  exercise  of  its  lawful  measures.  He  held  that 
the  opponents  of  the  government  were  a  democracy  only  in  name, 
and  charged  that  the  leaders  were  insane  from  loss  of  power.  His 
predictions  of  success  in  Maine  were  borne  out  by  the  result.  Cony 
swept  the  State  by  18,000  majority  over  Bradbury,  and  thus  the  elec 
tions  were  auspiciously  opened. 

A  curious  evidence  of  the  bitterness  of  the  times  was  the  attacks 
the  Copperhead  press  made  on  Mr.  Hamlin  for  even  speaking  in  the 
campaign.  One  organ  in  New  York  city,  that  was  subsequently  sup 
pressed  for  a  short  time,  sneered  at  Mr.  Hamlin  for  "  stumping  the 
wilds  of  Maine,"  and  added  that  while  it  was  "  beneath  his  dignity," 
nothing  dignified  could  be  expected  from  such  an  administration. 
It  was  probably  George  William  Curtis  who  neatly  turned  this  in 
"  Harper's  Weekly,"  as  follows  :  - 

"  A  Copperhead  authority  complains  that  Vice-President  Hamlin 
lately  addressed  '  small  political  gatherings  at  the  cross-roads  and  in 
the  taverns  of  the  rural  districts  of  Maine/  The  critic  claims,  of 
course,  to  ,be  peculiarly  democratic.  But  he  has  yet  to  learn  that  at 
just  such  cross-road  and  district-school  room  and  tavern  parlor  meet 
ings,  the  public  opinion  is  educated  and  formed  which  governs  the 
country.  And  it  is  the  glory  of  our  system  that  no  office  exalts  a 
man  beyond  his  duties  as  a  citizen,  one  of  the  first  of  which  is  the 
instruction  and  enlightenment  of  his  neighbor.  When  John  Quincy 
Adams,  having  been  President,  goes  to  Congress  as  a  representative, 
he  illustrates  perfectly  the  truly  democratic  character  of  our  institu 
tions.  And  when  Mr.  Hamlin,  being  Vice-President,  confers  with 
his  fellow-citizens  upon  their  public  duty  in  a  time  of  great  national 
peril,  it  is  a  signal  example  which  every  faithful  American  will  emu 
late.  It  is  not  those  who  cry  '  Lord,  Lord,'  who  are  the  most  religious  ; 
nor  is  it  those  who  call  themselves  '  Democrats '  who  are  the  most 
democratic.  It  would  be  hard  to  find  in  our  history  two  men  more 
simply,  honestly,  and  entirely  democratic  than  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Hannibal  Hamlin." 

Maine  elected  Cony  by  nearly  18,000  majority,  which  was  a  gain  of 
about  14,000  votes  over  the  previous  year  for  the  administration.  In 
accordance  with  his  understanding  with  President  Lincoln,  Mr.  Ham 
lin  delivered  a  speech  at  Cooper  Union,  New  York  city,  on  Septem 
ber  30,  1863.  This  enters  into  the  record  in  part  as  evidence  of  his 
views  of  the  political  and  military  situation,  and  also  of  the  Copper- 


MR.    HAMLIN   SUPPORTED   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN      459 

heads.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  plain-spoken  in  his  allusions  to  the  Copper 
heads,  and  this  was  rendered  necessary,  whatever  the  apologists  of 
Seymour  might  say.  It  was  time  to  call  a  spade  a  spade,  and  it  was 
Mr.  Hamlin's  peculiar  mission  as  the  representative  of  the  Union 
government  to  expose  Copperheadism  in  its  true  light  to  the  mul 
titude.  But  first  he  gave  a  brief  review  of  the  political  exigencies  of 
the  times,  and  speaking  of  the  necessity  of  union  between  patriots 
he  said  :  "  We  are,  to  use  a  common  expression,  in  the  same  boat, 
and  if  the  boat  goes  down  for  us  it  goes  down  for  you ;  and  if  we 
sweep  it  to  the  desired  haven  of  rescue  amidst  the  breakers  of  a  lee 
shore,  we  arrive  there  together  with  you."  Predicting  success,  Mr. 
Hamlin  said  :  "  He  who  doubts  it  must  believe  that  God  has  deserted 
our  government  and  our  country.  Look  to  see  within  what  limits  we 
have  compressed  this  rebellion.  In  the  beginning  it  held  control  over 
830,000  square  miles  of  territory  ;  to-day  it  has  control  over  less  than 
300,000.  ...  As  we  compress  the  power  of  the  rebels  into  the  Gulf 
States,  as  we  diminish  the  area  over  which  they  have  command,  we 
diminish  in  greater  ratio  the  power  of  their  arms." 

Urging  the  necessity  of  a  union  between  the  patriots  of  both  par 
ties,  Mr.  Hamlin  declared  that  he  had  no  fellowship  with  him  who 
dwarfed  his  action  by  a  miserable  party  standard.  "  We  have  a 
country  to  save.  ...  It  is  an  hour,  it  is  a  day,  when  patriotism 
should  rise  superior  to  party.  .  .  .  The  little  I  have  seen  of  war  leads 
me  to  desire  peace,  but  I  want  that  peace  which  shall  be  purchased 
without  dishonor ;  I  want  that  peace  which  shall  leave  no  contest  for 
our  children's  children  hereafter;  I  want  no  peace  when  this  rebel 
lion  is  within  our  grasp  and  almost  beneath  our  feet.  I  want  no 
peace  which  might  revive  it ;  and  I  believe  that  the  surest  road  to 
accomplish  that  peace,  aye,  indeed,  the  most  rapid  and  certain  road 
to  peace,  is  by  recruiting  your  armies  and  fighting  for  peace.  Now, 
Mr.  President,  I  am  just  so  much  of  a  peace  man  that  I  am  willing 
to  fight  for  peace.  Nay,  more,  I  do  not  believe  for  a  single  moment 
that  any  peace  worth  having  lies  in  any  direction  than  that  of  arms. 
...  I  affirm,  my  friends,  and  give  it  as  my  opinion,  that  if  we  had  a 
common  union  at  the  North  and  a  common  loyalty  to  the  govern 
ment,  we  could  have  ended  this  war  months  ago  ;  but  this  aid  and 
comfort  the  rebels  have  received  from  their  Northern  allies  have  kept 
them  alive  and  active  for  months.  Now  come  together  and  strike 
one  gallant  united  blow  for  the  great  North  that  loves  the  whole 
country,  and  this  rebellion  may  be  crushed  out  in  its  last  vestige  in 
ninety  days." 

After  thus  summarizing  Union  victories  and  reminding  the  audi 
ence  that  "  that  mighty  artery  that  reaches  from  your  inland  seas  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  God's  own  highway,  over  which  your  own  com- 


460  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

merce  floats,  is  again  open  and  unobstructed,"  Mr.  Hamlin  said  :  "  It  is 
evident  that  in  a  limited  time  we  can  crush  out  the  rebellion  in  front 
with  arms,  and  at  the  ballot-box  beat  their  sympathizers  at  the  rear. 
And  what  are  the  duties  that  devolve  upon  us  to  do  this  ?  We  owe 
it  to  the  true  and  loyal  men  of  the  South  -^  men  who  have  been  good 
and  true  and  who  love  liberty  —  men  like  the  gallant  admiral  who  sits 
before  you  (Farragut).  If  there  were  no  other  earthly  considerations, 
the  brave  men  who  have  stood  up  amid  all  the  perils  that  surrounds 
them  in  the  rebel  States  demand  it  of  us,  and  we  owe  it  to  them  to 
be  true  to  our  government,  and  to  vindicate  their  rights  as  well  as 
our  own.  We  owe  it  to  our  gallant  army  in  the  field,  that  we  will 
send  recruits  to  them  to  enable  them  to  bear  on  our  standard  until  it 
floats  again  over  every  inch  of  our  own  domain.  We  owe  it  to  the  good 
mothers,  the  kind-hearted  sisters  and  wives,  whose  sons,  brothers,  and 
husbands  have  gone  forth  to  the  conflict.  We  owe  it  to  the  character 
of  our  institutions,  because  if  they  go  down,  they  go  down  in  eternal 
night  as  the  last  effort  for  free  government  in  the  world.  We  owe  it 
to  all  the  considerations  that  cumulate  upon  us  from  the  ages  of  the 
past ;  we  owe  it  to  the  uncounted  generations  of  the  future,  that  we 
in  this  day  of  our  country's  trial  do  our  duty  like  men  ;  and  woe ! 
woe!  be  unto  those  who  fail  to  do  their  duty  like  men." 

Turning  now  to  the  Copperheads,  Mr.  Hamlin  named  Horatio  Sey 
mour  as  a  leader  of  this  element,  and  predicted  that  the  defeat  they 
received  in  Maine  was  prophetic  of  their  fate  in  the  nation.  He 
summed  them  up,  showing  that  their  friends  in  the  South  counted  on 
them  to  divide  the  North,  and  added  :  — 

"  When  these  men  talk  along  your  streets  for  peace,  I  tell  you  to 
charge  it  upon  them  that  they,  and  they  alone,  are  guilty  of  this  pro 
crastination  in  the  return  of  peace  ;  there  is  no  doubt  about  it.  They 
are  the  same  class  that  we  find  in  New  England.  They  give  all 
the  aid  and  comfort  they  can  to  the  South ;  they  discourage  recruit 
ing  in  your  army  ;  they  are  preventing  enlistments  ;  they  stand  on 
the  corner  of  your  streets  and  throw  every  obstacle  in  their  power 
against  strengthening  the  armies  of  the  government.  Yes,  they  are 
still  doing  all  they  can  in  aid  of  the  rebellion,  and  I  tell  you,  my 
friends,  that  down  in  Maine  we  did  not  draw  any  distinction  between 
the  Tory  of  the  revolution  and  the  Copperhead  of  1863  ;  and  if 
there  were  any  to  discuss  the  relative  merits  of  the  two,  they  would 
not  be  found  in  favor  of  the  Copperheads.  .  .  .  Charge  it  upon  them, 
and  hold  them  up  to  the  public  odium  of  all  honest  and  loyal  men, 
and  I  tell  you  that  the  Empire  State  will  yet  roll  up  50,000  ma 
jority." 


CHAPTER   XXXVI 

THE    HISTORY    OF   JOHNSON'S    NOMINATION 

THE  action  of  the  Baltimore  Union  Convention  of  1864  in  renomi- 
nating  Mr.  Lincoln  and  in  retiring  Mr.  Hamlin  created  general  sur 
prise  at  the  time,  and  was  the  subject  of  controversy  after  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  death.  The  behavior  of  Johnson  while  President  caused  the 
party  that  had  honored  him  to  inquire  who  was  responsible  for  his 
nomination  for  Vice-President.  But  the  facts  were  not  given  to  the 
public  during  Mr.  Hamlin's  life  out  of  deference  to  his  wishes,  and 
they  are  now  presented  chiefly  because  an  attempt  was  made  after 
Mr.  Hamlin's  lips  were  closed  forever  to  represent  President  Lincoln 
as  the  cause  of  the  substitution  of  Andrew  Johnson.  This  was  a 
slander  on  the  honor  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  not  only  desired 
Mr.  Hamlin's  renomination,  but  he  also  endeavored  to  bring  it  about 
at  even  his  own  risk,  and  finally  he  was  terribly  disgusted  both  for 
political  and  personal  reasons  over  the  selection  of  Johnson  for  his 
associate.  Mr.  Hamlin's  reasons  for  maintaining  silence  will  be  read 
ily  appreciated  by  those  who  understood  his  character.  He  was  inex 
pressibly  pained  and  disgusted  at  Johnson's  conduct  as  President,  but 
he  believed  "  the  least  said  the  soonest  mended."  If  he  had  allowed 
it  to  be  known  that  Charles  Sumner  was  the  chief  cause  of  his  defeat, 
that  would  have  impaired  Mr.  Sumner's  usefulness,  and  increased  the 
animosity  in  the  Republican  party  without  accomplishing  any  good. 
Thus  the  causes  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  retirement  from  the  presidential 
ticket  in  1 864  remained  a  mystery,  except  to  those  who  were  respon 
sible  for  it,  and  a  few  others.  Their  silence  is  in  marked  contrast  to 
the  vociferous  professions  of  wiseacres  who  claimed  to  know  it  all, 
and  yet  kept  the  mystery  to  themselves  until  the  last  important 
figure  of  the  Lincoln  administration  had  passed  away.  History  need 
pass  no  comment  on  that.  The  facts  of  this  convention  tell  their  own 
story. 

The  general  belief  was,  until  the  day  before  the  convention,  that 
the  old  ticket  would  be  renominated  without  much  opposition.  The 
delegates  chosen  were  known  to  favor  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  Mr.  Hamlin's 
identification  with  the  administration  as  President  Lincoln's  friend 
and  trusted  counselor  made  it  natural  to  suppose  that  he  would  also 
share  in  the  indorsement  the  administration  was  to  receive.  Numer- 


462  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

ous  conventions  instructed  their  delegates  to  vote  for  the  old  ticket, 
and  the  newspapers  generally  predicted  that  it  would  be  renamed. 
At  the  same  time,  here  and  there  was  a  call  for  a  war  Democrat 
for  Vice-President,  and  several  States,  Indiana  for  one,  declared  for 
Lincoln  and  Johnson,  while  in  others  Da*niel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New 
York,  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  and  a  few  other  war 
Democrats  were  favorably  mentioned.  Yet  the  trend  of  affairs  was 
towards  the  old  ticket,  and  there  is  weighty  personal  evidence  to  be 
presented  in  addition  to  the  testimony  of  the  newspapers.  This  is 
emphasized  in  order  to  show  that  Johnson's  nomination  was  brought 
about  in  the  convention  and  at  the  last  moment,  by  an  intrigue  among 
the  New  England  delegates  and  a  stampede  movement,  rather  than 
by  a  preconcerted  movement  and  an  intrigue  in  the  White  House. 
But  the  most  important  point  to  be  brought  out  is  the  fact  that  John 
son's  nomination  was  one  outcome  of  the  hostility  to  Lincoln,  and  the 
President's  attitude,  therefore,  becomes  of  unusual  interest. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  frank  desire  for  another  term  is  well  known.  He 
and  Mr.  Hamlin  talked  with  each  about  the  probable  action  of  the 
Baltimore  convention.  There  is  no  necessity  for  saying  that  there 
was  no  understanding  between  them  of  reciprocal  support.  They 
were  not  that  kind  of  men.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  candidate,  and  knew 
that  Mr.  Hamlin  strongly  favored  him,  and  expected  his  renomina- 
tion.  Mr.  Hamlin  related  one  interesting  incident  in  his  intercourse 
with  Mr.  Lincoln  at  this  stage  of  the  canvass,  and  it  was  a  case  where 
acts  spoke  louder  than  words.  One  day  in  the  early  winter  of  1864, 
President  Lincoln  sent  for  him,  and  said  in  his  affable  way,  "  Hamlin, 
I  want  you  to  pick  out  some  bright,  likely  man,  to  look  after  dele 
gates  in  Maine,  and  keep  a  weather  eye  open  for  squalls  in  New  Eng 
land."  Mr.  Hamlin  promptly  suggested  James  G.  Blaine,  who  was 
then  serving  his  first  term  in  the  House,  and  had  come  under  the 
President's  favorable  notice.  He  was  also  chairman  of  the  Republi 
can  State  Committee  of  Maine,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  had  already  recog 
nized  him  as  a  coming  leader  of  brilliant  gifts  and  with  a  special 
talent  for  organization.  Mr.  Lincoln  appeared  pleased,  and  said  in 
his  quaint  way,  "  You  and  Cameron  l  fix  it  up  between  you."  In 

1  Simon  Cameron  was  loyal  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  the  latter  knew  it.  An  unscru 
pulous  attempt  was  made  by  an  interloper  to  falsify  Cameron's  position.  His 
story  was  that  Cameron  was  a  participant  in  a  deep  plot  to  nominate  Johnson. 
This  person  even  wrote  to  a  member  of  the  Cameron  family,  requesting  him  to 
say  nothing  about  Senator  Cameron's  position  towards  the  vice-presidency  con 
test.  He  also  produced  an  article  which  a  reporter  named  Burr  claimed  was 
authorized  by  Cameron.  The  reputation  of  this  reporter  who  peddled  alleged 
state  secrets  to  sensational  newspapers  would  alone  discredit  this  yarn.  Conclu 
sive  proof  of  Simon  Cameron's  loyalty  to  Mr.  Hamlin  is  adduced  by  the  follow 
ing  letter  that  he  wrote  to  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  the  original  of  which  was 


THE   HISTORY   OF   JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION          463 

this  manner  Mr.  Elaine  was  "fixed  up  "  as  one  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  man 
agers  in  New  England,  and  it  will  be  conceded  that  he  knew  what 
was  going  on. 

Mr.  Hamlin  had  other  interviews  with  Cameron,  Washburne,  Chan 
dler,  and  others  who  were  working  for  the  President's  renomination, 
and  he  made  suggestions  to  Mr.  Lincoln  regarding  the  management 
of  affairs  in  New  Hampshire  and  other  States.  But  he  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  "  no  politicians  or  political  combinations  of  any  kind  " 
could  defeat  Mr.  Lincoln,  because  he  had  the  support  of  the  people, 
and  for  this  and  other  reasons  he  did  not  find  it  necessary  to  take 
more  than  an  advisory  part  behind  the  scenes  in  the  canvass.  His 
office  necessarily  precluded  him  from  entering  publicly  into  the  con 
test  ;  but  with  practical  managers  like  Cameron  and  others  in  charge 
the  details  were  in  safe  hands.  Mr.  Hamlin  always  asserted  that 
President  Lincoln  won  his  renomination  fairly  and  squarely,  and  he 
resented  the  charge  that  it  was  due  to  timely  Union  victories  and 
the  liberal  use  of  patronage.  He  was  on  the  scene  at  the  time,  and 
had  long  realized  how  completely  Lincoln  had  won  the  public  heart. 
His  opinion  remained  the  same  all  his  life.  On  July  11,  1889,  he 
wrote  James  M.  Scovel,  once  a  prominent  politician  in  New  Jersey,  as 
follows  :  — 

"  In  my  judgment  the  renomination  of  President  Lincoln  was  not 
due  to  the  victories  of  our  armies  in  the  field.  Our  people  had  abso 
lute  faith  in  his  unquestioned  honesty,  and  in  his  great  ability,  the 
purity  of  his  life,  and  in  his  administration  as  a  whole.  .  .  .  They 
were  the  great  primary  causes  that  produced  the  result,  stimulated 
undoubtedly  by  our  victories  in  the  field.  Such  is  my  decided  opin 
ion,  and  I  have  no  doubt  about  it  as  I  express  it  to  you."  l 

But  the  surface  indications,  when  delegates  to  the  convention  were 
elected  were  misleading  in  one  important  respect.  While  Mr.  Ham 
lin  possibly  prevented  a  serious  revolt  against  President  Lincoln  in 
the  winter  of  1863,  his  declination  of  the  radical  nomination  did  not 
discourage  all  hostility  to  Mr.  Lincoln  among  certain  leaders.  Their 

furnished  this  volume  by  General  Francis  Fessenden,  of  Portland,  Maine,  son  of 
Senator  Fessenden :  — 

HARRISBURG,  June  15,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  strove  hard  to  renominate  Hamlin,  as  well  for  his  own  sake 
as  for  yours,  but  failed  only  because  New  England,  especially  Massachusetts,  did 
not  adhere  to  him. 

Johnson  will  be  a  strong  candidate  for  the  people,  but  in  the  contingency  of 
death,  I  should  greatly  prefer  a  man  reared  and  educated  in  the  North. 

I  hope  you  will  come  this  way  going  home. 

Truly  yours,  SIMON  CAMERON. 

HON,  W.  P.  FESSENDEN. 

1  Overland  Monthly,  November,  1891:  "Personal  Reminiscences  of  Abraham 
Lincoln." 


464  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

opposition  to  the  President  now  showed  itself  in  another  manner,  but 
its  meaning  was  not  clear  to  the  public  at  the  time.  A  movement 
was  started  to  nominate  a  war  Democrat  for  Vice-President,  and  the 
reason  given  was  that  it  would  be  good  policy  to  take  a  Democrat 
on  the  ticket,  since  it  might  further  strengthen  the  union  between 
the  Republicans  and  loyal  Democrats.  Many  good  men  supported 
this  movement  in  all  sincerity,  not  knowing  that  there  was  another 
purpose  back  of  it,  which  was  to  force  Secretary  Seward  out  of  the 
Cabinet.  Senator  Sumner  and  others  who  had  been  active  in  another 
attempt  to  compel  Mr.  Seward  to  resign  were  the  leaders  in  this  one 
also.  They  presented  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New  York,  as  their 
candidate,  and  argued  that  his  renomination  would  be  a  victory  over 
Mr.  Seward  and  his  friends,  and  would  force  his  resignation.  Thus, 
in  its  primary  stage,  the  contest  over  the  vice-presidency  was  a  fight 
directly  against  Mr.  Seward,  and  indirectly  against  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
Mr.  Hamlin. 

But  there  was  even  "  politics  within  politics  "  in  this  instance ;  and 
it  now  remains  to  explain  Charles  Summer's  course,  though  it  is  done 
with  reluctance.  While  Sumner  was  the  anti-slavery  knight,  he  was 
less  useful  outside  of  the  domain  of  agitation.  He  was  regarded  as 
impractical,  and  some  of  his  colleagues  plainly  charged  him  with  hav 
ing  arrogant,  overbearing,  and  snobbish  manners.  He  had  the  ora 
torical  temperament,  and  in  endeavoring  to  lead  the  Senate  he  came 
in  collision  with  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  who  was  his  opposite  in 
nature  and  the  ablest  debater  in  the  Senate.  Sumner  made  the  mis 
take  of  trying  to  override  Fessenden,  and  the  Maine  senator  resented 
it.  -A  coldness  grew  up  between  them,  and  finally  their  encounters 
developed  a  positive  mutual  dislike.  They  had  frequent  passages  at 
arms  in  the  Senate,  and  the  "  Congressional  Globe  "  amply  testifies 
to  their  bitterness  and  personality,  though  Sumner's  Boswell  ignores 
this  unpleasant  side  of  his  career.  Sumner  was  a  poor  debater  and 
always  got  the  worst  in  his  encounters  with  Fessenden.  This  in 
creased  his  dislike  of  Fessenden,  and  he  fell  into  the  grievous  error 
of  following  up  his  personalities  behind  the  scenes.  A  headstrong 
man,  he  could  not  brook  opposition,  and  the  result  was  that  in  this 
case  he  carried  his  quarrel  with  Fessenden  into  the  contest  over  the 
vice-presidency,  and  induced  Massachusetts  to  support  Dickinson. 

Mr.  Sumner  was  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  friend  at  this  time,  strange 
as  it  may  seem,  and  the  relations  between  the  two  were  far  pleasanter 
than  those  between  the  Vice-President  and  the  senator  from  Maine. 
Mr.  Hamlin's  feelings  about  the  vice-presidency  and  his  preference 
for  a  seat  in  the  Senate  were  also  well  known.  One  day  about  this 
time,  William  A.  Wheeler,  then  a  representative  from  New  York, 
called  at  the  Senate  to  invite  Mr.  Hamlin  to  take  luncheon  with  him 


THE   HISTORY   OF  JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION          465 

on  their  favorite  dish  —  "  gingerbread  and  cream."  He  found  Mr. 
Hamlin  all  alone  and  fast  asleep  in  the  Vice-President's  chair,  utterly 
worn  out  by  a  long-winded  debate.  "Wheeler,"  said  Mr.  Hamlin, 
"  I  will  take  luncheon  with  you  on  condition  that  you  promise  me  you 
will  never  be  Vice-President.  I  am  only  a  fifth  wheel  of  a  coach  and 
can  do  little  for  my  friends."  Sumner  took  Mr.  Hamlin  at  his  word, 
and  as  public  men  think  comparatively  little  of  the  vice-presidency, 
he  conceived  the  plan  of  retiring  Mr.  Hamlin  from  that  office  in  the 
expectation  that  the  people  of  Maine  would  return  him  to  the  Senate 
in  1865  instead  of  Fessenden.  Thus  Mr.  Sumner  figured  that  he 
would  hit  two  birds  with  one  stone,  as  it  were.  By  nominating  Dick 
inson  for  Vice-President  he  would  drive  Seward  into  private  life,  and 
by  sending  Mr.  Hamlin  back  to  the  Senate  he  would  get  rid  of  Fes 
senden.  Modern  opinion  of  Sumner's  practicability  was  expressed 
by  the  "Boston  Advertiser,"  which  said  on  December  31,  1897: 
"Sumner  was  an  unsafe  man,  doing  far  more  harm  than  good." 

Mr.  Hamlin  refrained  from  taking  any  part  whatever  in  the  contest 
over  the  vice-presidency.  It  came  to  him  unsought  in  the  first  place, 
and  now  he  felt  that  he  should  maintain  his  original  position.  He 
said  to  his  son  Charles  at  the  time  the  delegates  were  being  elected, 
that  he  should  make  no  effort  to  secure  a  renomination,  and  that  he 
should  be  content  with  whatever  action  the  convention  should  take. 
If  he  had  been  an  active  candidate,  it  may  be  safely  asserted  that 
there  would  have  been  at  least  an  interesting  contest  on  his  part. 
Chandler  and  others  of  his  friends  said  in  after  years  that  he  never 
asked  for  support,  but  appeared  simply  as  a  passive  candidate.  The 
majority  of  the  Republican  senators  favored  his  renomination,  and 
according  to  Chandler  expected  it.  There  were  a  few  known  excep 
tions,  the  principal  ones  being  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  Grimes,  of 
Iowa,  and  Foster,  of  Connecticut.  They  held  conferences  in  the 
Senate  lobby  several  weeks  before  the  convention  with  Chauncey  F. 
Cleveland,  a  former  governor  of  Connecticut,  and  a  few  other  men 
who  were  opposed  to  Mr.  Hamlin.  The  friends  of  the  Vice-President 
knew  of  this  at  the  time,  but  they  did  not  tell  him  about  it  until  after 
Johnson  had  become  President.  Thus  Mr.  Hamlin  had  at  the  time 
no  knowledge  of  the  intrigue  against  him,  or  he  would  probably  have 
shaped  his  course  differently  when  Charles  Sumner  asked  him  in  1865 
to  take  the  collectorship  of  Boston. 

The  opposition*  to  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  was  particularly  strong  in 
Massachusetts  and  New  York.  In  the  former  State,  Senator  Sumner, 
Governor  Andrew,  ex-Governor  William  Claflin,  Stephen  H.  Phillips, 
and  other  well-known  men  of  their  day  were  the  leaders.  In  New 
York,  Horace  Greeley,  William  Cullen  Bryant,  David  Dudley  Field, 
W.  Curtis  Noyes,  and  other  brilliant  men  were  sincerely  outspoken 


466  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

in  their  desires  for  another  candidate  for  President.  Greeley  went  to 
Washington  to  try  to  organize  a  movement  against  Mr.  Lincoln,  and 
one  of  the  stories  current  was  that  he  asked  Mr.  Hamlin  to  be  a  can 
didate.1  That  was  probably  rumor,  and  Greeley  may  have  done  no 
more  than  express  his  desire  in  an  impulswe  way  that  he  would  like 
to  have  Mr.  Hamlin  take  the  field  after  it  became  evident  that  Secre 
tary  Chase  was  out  of  the  contest.  But  the  New  York  men  had  the 
masterful  Thurlow  Weed  to  cope  with,  and  he  overcame  their  oppo 
sition  by  executing  a  coup  d'etat.  In  Massachusetts,  however,  the 
Sumner  men  had  control  of  the  machine,  and  they  held  a  secret 
meeting  in  Boston  a  short  time  before  the  convention  to  decide  on 
their  action.  Josiah  H.  Drummond  and  Charles  J.  Talbot,  both  dele 
gates  from  Maine,  were  present  and  discovered  strong  feeling  against 
the  renomination  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  But  it  was  agreed,  after 
discussion,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  could  not  be  beaten  and  that  Seward 
might  be  driven  out  of  the  Cabinet  by  nominating  Dickinson  for 
Vice-President.  Mr.  Talbot's  proposition  to  support  Mr.  Hamlin  was 
voted  down.2 

Thus  it  developed,  just  before  the  convention,  that  Mr.  Hamlin 
would  have  serious  opposition  in  Massachusetts,  and  his  friends  in 
that  State  acted  in  his  behalf.  One  of  his  strongest  supporters  in 
New  England  was  Governor  Andrew.  He  had  come  to  the  conclu- 

1  Whitelaw  Reid,  Greeley's  distinguished  successor  as  editor  of  the  New  York 
Tribune,  Parke  Godwin,  Theodore  Tilton,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Henry  M.  Field,  all 
wrote  the  author  that  Greeley  made  no  mention  of  this  to  them. 

2  In  the  Portland  Express  of  July  16,  1891,  Mr.  Drummond  gave  a  comprehen 
sive  account  of  the  influences  that  worked  against  Mr.  Hamlin.     Of  this  secret 
meeting  he  said  that  he  and  Mr.  Talbot  did  not  know  its  object  until  they  pre 
sented  themselves.     At  the  meeting   "  it  was  stated  that   many  of  the  radical 
Republicans  of  Massachusetts  were  dissatisfied  with  Lincoln's  administration, 
and  really  desired  that  a  more  radical  Republican  should  be  nominated,  but  it  was 
a  foregone  conclusion  that  Lincoln  would  be  renominated,  and  it  was  of  no  use  to 
make  an  attempt  to  nominate  any  one  else.  ...  It  was  stated  that  the  most  ready 
way  to  keep  Mr.  Seward  from  going  back  into  the  Cabinet  was  to  nominate  a 
Vice-President  from  New  York,  for  it  would  not  be  possible  to  have  the  Vice- 
President  and  Secretary  of  State  from  New  York.  .  .  .  When  we  arrived  at  Balti 
more  we  found  that  members  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation  had  been  busy  in 
attempting  to  carry  out  the  programme  above  suggested.     They  had  interviewed 
New  York  men,  and  learned  that  a  good  many  of  the  delegates  were  favorable 
to  the  nomination  of  Dickinson.  ...  I  found  that  there  were  two  well-defined 
parties  in  relation  to  the  question  of  the  vice-presidency,  and  that  the  friends  of 
Mr.  Seward  were  a  great  deal  excited.     They  were  determined  that  the  Vice- 
President  should  not  be  taken  from  New  York.  .  .  .  The  matter  was  one  of  con 
siderable  controversy,  closely  approaching  a  degree  of  anger  between  the  delegates 
from  Maine  and  some  of  the  delegates  from  Massachusetts.     The  latter  were 
accused  of  acting  upon  the  belief  that  if  Hamlin  were  not  renominated  he  would 
contest  the  senatorship  with  Pitt  Fessenden."     Mr.  Drummond  added  that  Sum 
ner  was  sent  for  and  came  to  Baltimore,  but  that  no  Maine  man  talked  with  him. 


THE   HISTORY   OF   JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION          467 

sion  that  President  Lincoln  was  the  majority  choice  of  the  party, 
and  in  his  chivalrous  way  withdrew  his  objections,  and  requested  his 
substitute  in  the  Massachusetts  delegation  to  represent  him  at  the 
convention.  But  when  he  heard  of  Sumner's  schemes  he  hurried  to 
Baltimore,  and  asked  the  delegates  of  his  State  to  support  Mr.  Ham- 
lin.  After  the  convention  he  met  General  Henry  G.  Thomas,  of 
Maine,  and  told  him  that  he  had  urged  Mr.  Hamlin's  renomination 
in  the  belief  that  he  was  the  choice  of  the  party  and  Massachusetts 
Republicans.  But  it  was  no  use  arguing  with  Sumner,  for  he  had  set 
his  heart  on  manoeuvring  Fessenden  out  of  the  Senate,  and  he  saw 
nothing  else.  Sumner  even  came  to  Baltimore  to  make  a  personal 
appeal  to  the  Massachusetts  delegates  to  help  him.  Henry  Wilson 
was  likewise  disturbed  when  he  heard  of  Sumner's  work,  and  also 
went  to  Baltimore  to  intercede  in  favor  of  Mr.  Hamlin.  But  he  first 
called  on  President  Lincoln  in  order  to  obtain  authority  for  using  his 
name.  He  was  one  of  Lincoln's  friends  and  knew  his  views.  He 
obtained  the  desired  authority.  The  story  may  be  told  in  the  words 
of  A.  J.  Waterman,  a  delegate,  and  the  attorney-general  of  Massachu 
setts  in  1888,  1889,  and  1890:- 

"  On  the  night  before  the  convention  Henry  \Vilson  came  to  the 
headquarters  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation,  and  his  conversation 
with  me  convinced  me  that  I  ought  to  support  Hamlin.  He  explained 
the  necessity  of  President  Lincoln's  abstaining  from  any  public  de 
claration  of  his  preference  for  the  second  office,  but  assured  me  that 
he  had  full  authority  to  represent  the  views  of  President  Lincoln  pri 
vately,  and  that  it  was  the  earnest  desire  of  Mr.  Lincoln  that  Hamlin 
should  be  renominated.  The  next  day  I  voted  for  Hamlin.  There 
is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  whatever  about  this.  Mr.  Wilson  was  posi 
tive  in  his  statements,  and  I  have  always  been  glad  that  I  voted  for 
Hamlin  instead  of  that  miserable  scamp,  who,  after  getting  the  presi 
dency,  showed  out  clearly  his  real  sentiments."  l 

The  action  of  the  Massachusetts  delegates  set  the  tide  against  Mr. 
Hamlin,  because  it  prevented  him  from  having  the  support  of  New 
England,  and  also  because  it  compelled  his  friends  in  the  New  York 
delegation  at  a  critical  moment  to  drop  him  for  Andrew  Johnson  in 
order  to  defeat  Dickinson.  This  is  best  told  in  the  words  of  Preston 
King.  He  was  Mr.  Hamlin's  friend,  but  was  compelled  to  leave  him 
for  Johnson. 

1  Interview  in  the  Boston  Traveler,  July  13,  1891,  and  confirmed  in  a  letter  to 
the  author,  February  23,  1897.  In  the  same  interview  Mr.  Claflin,  Mr.  Phillips, 
and  other  anti- Lincoln  delegates  were  quoted  as  saying  that  they  talked  with  Wil 
son,  but  that  he  said  nothing  about  Lincoln's  preference  for  Vice-President.  It 
was  hardly  likely  that  he  would  argue  with  men  who  were  opposed  to  Lincoln,  and 
were  engaged  in  a  movement  against  his  administration,  and  were  in  the  secret  of 
the  Sumner  scheme  to  prevent  Fessenden's  return  to  the  Senate. 


J 

468  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

After  the  unfortunate  exhibition  made  by  Vice-President  Johnson 
in  the  senate  chamber,  at  the  time  of  his  inauguration,  he  was  at  once 
taken  in  hand  by  his  friends  and  removed  to  Silver  Spring,  the  subur 
ban  residence  of  Montgomery  Blair,  as  a  retreat  where,  under  the 
care  of  these  friends,  prominent  among  whpm  was  Preston  King,  of 
New  York,  he  could,  in  comparative  seclusion  and  under  careful  treat 
ment,  be  restored  to  a  condition  of  mind  and  body  that  would  enable 
him  to  reappear  in  his  official  position  in  a  manner  creditable  to 
himself  and  the  high  office  to  which  he  had  been  elected. 

A  few  days  after  his  retirement  to  Silver  Spring,  Mr.  King  came 
to  the  Vice-President's  chamber  in  the  Capitol,  still  in  the  charge  of 
John  W.  Babson,  who  had  been  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  such  letters,  papers,  and  messages  as  might  have  been 
received  for  Mr.  Johnson.  Upon  his  entrance  into  the  chamber,  and 
meeting  the  familiar  face  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  secretary,  who  had  been 
present  at  many  interviews  between  Senator  King  and  Vice-President 
Hamlin,  he  appeared  disconcerted,  and  after  moving  about  the  room 
restlessly  for  a  time,  sank  into  the  Vice-President's  chair,  seemingly 
overwhelmed  with  depression.  His  personal  relations  with  Mr.  Bab- 
son  had  been  very  pleasant,  the  latter  having  been  accustomed  to 
call  at  the  room  of  the  Committee  on  Revolutionary  Claims,  of  which 
Mr.  King  was  chairman,  and  walk  home  with  the  senator,  particularly 
if  he  was  detained  till  after  dark,  their  residences  lying  in  the  same 
direction.  Mr.  King  was  well  aware  of  the  confidential  relations 
existing  between  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Babson,  and  it  was  to  Mr. 
Hamlin's  personal  representative  that  he  opened  the  conversation  by 
exclaiming  with  deep  feeling  and  in  a  tone  of  remorse,  "  I  am  more 
responsible  for  this  condition  of  things  than  any  other  man  in  the 
United  States."  After  this  startling  self-accusation,  he  relapsed  into 
silence ;  but  soon,  as  if  desirous  of  exculpating  himself,  he  continued 
as  follows  :  — 

"I  suppose  that  I  am  responsible  more  than  any  other  man  for 
Johnson's  elevation  to  the  presidency.  But  I  was  Hamlin's  friend, 
and  God  knows  it.  When  the  New  York  delegates  met  the  night 
before  the  convention,  I  made  a  private  canvass,  and  learned  that  the 
majority  personally  favored  Hamlin,  and  believed  that  he  ought  to 
have  a  renomination  if  Lincoln  had  one.  But  before  we  took  formal 
action,  we  heard  that  the  Massachusetts  delegation  had  refused  to 
support  Hamlin,  and  we  sent  a  messenger  to  find  out  what  the  truth 
was.  The  reply  he  brought  was,  '  Massachusetts  would  not  support 
Hamlin  under  any  circumstances.'  We  were  surprised,  and  some 
thought  there  must  be  a  grave  personal  reason  for  it.  If  Massachu 
setts  had  gone  for  Hamlin,  New  York  would  have  followed,  and  that 
would  have  set  the  tide  in  his  direction.  He  had  the  lead  up  to  that 


THE   HISTORY   OF  JOHNSON'S  NOMINATION  469 

time.  The  fight  was  between  Seward's  friends  and  enemies  over 
Dickinson.  I  wish  that  I  had  stood  out  stronger  for  Hamlin,  but 
perhaps  it  was  of  no  use.  Weed  and  others  were  for  Johnson  as  the 
best  man  to  beat  Dickinson  and  save  Seward.  We  took  an  informal 
ballot,  and  Dickinson  led.  The  Hamlin  men  mostly  went  over  to 
Johnson  on  the  '^formal  ballot,  and  that  nominated  him.  But  if  we 
had  stuck  to  Hamlin,  he  might  now  be  in  the  White  House."  l 

Preston  King's  statement,  therefore,  furnishes  the  explanation  of 
the  action  of  the  New  York  delegation.  Mr.  Seward  inspired  this, 
and  was  probably  actuated  wholly  by  motives  of  self-preservation. 
While  he  had  no  reason  to  be  tender  with  Mr.  Hamlin,  it  is  doubtful, 
at  least,  whether  in  favoring  Johnson  he  was  animated  by  any  feelings 
of  resentment  towards  Mr.  Hamlin.  He  was  large-minded  and  forgiv 
ing,  and  he  unquestionably  understood  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  opposition 
to  him  was  a  matter  of  opinion  rather  than  of  acts.  But  he  thought 
that  he  saw  a  way  to  cut  the  Gordian  knot  by  nominating  Johnson, 
and  when,  therefore,  his  enemies  attacked  him  with  their  cry  for  a 
war  Democrat,  he  resolved  to  give  them  a  Roland  for  their  Oliver,  by 
suggesting  Johnson,  who  was  a  Union  Democrat  "in  the  war  itself." 
This  was  practical  politics ;  it  was  New  York  politics.  Mr.  Seward 
undoubtedly  sounded  President  Lincoln  on  this  subject,  but  the  his 
torian  will  search  Mr.  Seward's  voluminous  writings  in  vain  to  find 
any  explanation  of  value  of  the  work  behind  the  scenes  that  made 
Johnson  Vice-President  No  man  realized  better  than  he  how  much 
the  Republican  party  craved  knowledge  of  the  responsible  authors  of 
Johnson's  access  to  power.  Yet  he  dismissed  the  subject  in  a  gen 
eral  way  and  spoke  only  in  guarded  language.  Thurlow  Weed,  his 
faithful  adviser,  also  avoided  this  subject,  though  in  his  reminiscences 
he  threw  light  on  many  interesting  conventions.  The  Baltimore  con 
vention  was  one  of  the  silent  regrets  of  that  picturesque  career. 

Thus,  when  the  convention  assembled  on  June  7,  Sumner's  intrigue 
had  already  precipitated  a  complicated  contest  over  the  vice-presidency 
that  was  entirely  beyond  the  control  of  any  one  man  or  delegation. 
The  final  result  was  decided  by  a  stampede  movement  for  Johnson, 
aided  by  a  series  of  incidents  such  as  naturally  happen  in  an  excited 
gathering  of  men,  and  was  not  due  to  outside  influence.  The  story 

1  The  cause  of  Preston  King's  tragic  death  by  suicide,  in  November,  1865,  was 
not  generally  understood.  The  explanation  was  that  he  lost  his  mind  worrying 
over  suits  that  were  brought  against  him  as  collector  of  the  port  of  New  York. 
But  the  probable  cause  was  that  he  became  insane  through  grieving  over  the  con 
duct  of  Johnson  and  his  own  responsibility  for  Mr.  Hamlin's  defeat.  While 
he  was  not  a  successful  financier,  he  had  strong  common-sense  qualities,  and  it 
is  not  probable  that  he  would  lose  his  reason  simply  from  thinking  that  he  was 
responsible  for  all  suits  brought  against  him  as  collector.  His  mind  was  already 
unhinged  when  he  entertained  that  delusion. 


470  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

that  President  Lincoln  conceived  and  executed  the  plan  to  nominate 
Johnson  appears  now  in  the  light  of  hearsay  and  fiction,  and  his  per 
sonal  attitude  proves  that  he  was  not  concerned  with  this  affair.  The 
men  who  attributed  the  nomination  of  Johnson  to  Mr.  Lincoln  thereby 
confessed  their  gross  ignorance  of  the  inside*  workings  of  the  conven 
tion.  But  while  the  honorable  public  will  not  tolerate  the  questioning 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  word,  it  becomes  necessary  to  present  a  record  of  his 
acts  and  words  at  this  juncture  to  refute  the  insinuation  that  he  was 
engaged  in  a  double-face  conspiracy  against  his  friend  and  associate. 
It  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  evidence  is  presented  by  men  who 
were  around  him  night  and  day,  knew  the  real  man,  and  were  known 
to  be  his  friends  and  associates.  The  other  story  was  developed  after 
Mr.  Hamlin's  death,  and  was  told  by  men  who  called  themselves  Lin 
coln's  confidential  advisers.  Mr.  Lincoln's  known  friends  repudiated 
even  this  latter  claim,  and  history  must  record  that  it  was  made  sus 
piciously  late  in  the  day. 

The  knowledge  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  countrymen  have  of  his  character 
will  readily  furnish  them  the  keynote  to  his  position  and  acts  in  this 
trying  moment,  when  he  learned  that  a  cabal  had  been  formed  to  retire 
the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Vice-President  in  order  to  strike  a  blow 
at  his  administration.  What  was  the  course  Mr.  Lincoln  would  natu 
rally  follow  in  this  emergency  ?  Would  he  be  likely  to  take  any  steps 
that  might  complicate  the  situation  ?  The  idea  that  he  absolutely  con 
trolled  the  convention  is  an  assumption,  and  is  not  borne  out  by  facts. 
He  was  morally  certain  of  his  own  renomination,  but  his  native  shrewd 
ness  and  caution  led  him  to  claim  no  success  until  he  had  grasped  it. 
He  well  knew  of  the  opposition  to  him,  and  when  he  found  that  it  had 
broken  out  in  a  fierce  contest  over  the  vice-presidency  on  the  eve  of 
the  convention,  he  proceeded  with  just  that  kind  of  caution  that  always 
marked  his  conduct  at  any  crisis.  He  waited  to  see  how  events  would 
shape  themselves,  plainly  in  the  hope  and  expectation  that  the  old 
ticket  would  be  renominated.  He  naturally  believed  that  if  he  was 
named  again,  Mr.  Hamlin  would  be  also,  and  prudence  required  him 
to  refrain  from  interfering.  He  adhered  to  this  policy  until  Charles 
Sumner's  course  compelled  him  to  act  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  behalf. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  personal  preferences  were  known  to  Mr.  Hamlin  and 
other  men  who  enjoyed  his  official  and  personal  confidence  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree.  They  were  Henry  Wilson,  Zachariah  Chandler,1  John 
G.  Nicolay,  John  Hay,  Noah  Brooks,  Burton  C.  Cook,  Simon  Cameron, 
and  Leonard  Swett.  There  were  peculiar  reasons  why  Wilson  and 
Chandler  should  know  the  President's  wishes.  They  were  among  the 
leading  radicals  who  had  pursued  an  independent  course  in  Congress, 

1  This  is  on  the  authority  of  Senator  Chandler  and  his  daughter,  the  wife  of 
Senator  Eugene  Hale,  of  Maine. 


THE   HISTORY   OF  JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION          471 

and  yet  had  thrown  their  influence  for  Mr.  Lincoln's  renomination 
when  he  most  needed  it.  Wilson's  delicate  mission  to  the  Massachu 
setts  delegation  is  convincing  proof  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  trust  in  him. 
Chandler  was  instrumental  in  obtaining  an  undivided  delegation  from 
Michigan  for  Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  Colonel  Nicolay  and  Major  Hay 
were  the  President's  private  secretaries,  and  it  has  been  well  said  that 
there  is  hardly  a  page  in  their  history  of  the  Lincoln  administration 
that  does  not  testify  to  the  President's  implicit  confidence  in  them. 
Noah  Brooks  had  known  Mr.  Lincoln  before  he  became  President, 
and  had  been  chosen  by  him  to  be  his  private  secretary  during  his 
second  term,  to  succeed  Mr.  Nicolay,  who  desired  and  had  earned 
a  foreign  consulship.  Mr.  Cook  was  an  eminent  lawyer  of  Illinois,  a 
close  friend  of  the  President  and  chairman  of  the  delegation  from 
that  State.  Cameron  was  Lincoln's  manager,  and  Swett  was  once 
his  law  partner. 

When  the  contest  for  the  vice-presidency  broke  out  at  the  eleventh 
hour,  it  was  natural  that  there  should  be  a  strong  difference  of  opinion 
among  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party  as  to  the  result.  Far- 
sighted  men  like  Lincoln,  Elaine,  and  Chandler  at  first  thought  that 
it  was  a  tempest  in  a  teapot  and  would  subside  after  the  President's 
renomination.  Colonel  Nicolay  wrote  General  Hamlin,  on  March  3, 
1897:  "Mr.  Lincoln  stated  to  me  his  wish  that  your  father  should  be 
renominated  at  Baltimore ;  that  privately  and  personally  he  would  be 
pleased  if  the  convention  would  renominate  as  a  whole  the  old  ticket 
of  1860.  I  have  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  he  confidently  expected 
this  would  occur."  Mr.  Blaine  was  also  of  the  same  opinion,  and  re 
ported  from  Baltimore  by  letter  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  the  day  before  the  con 
vention,  that  the  talk  about  a  war  Democrat  did  not  amount  to  much, 
and  that  he  was  confident  that  the  old  ticket  would  be  renominated. 
Chandler  felt  the  same,  and  although  he  was  one  of  the  closest  friends 
Mr.  Hamlin  ever  had  in  public  life,  he'  did  not  think  it  necessary  to 
do  any  work  at  Baltimore,  and  was  dismayed  at  the  news  of  John 
son's  nomination.  Secretary  Stanton  was  likewise  surprised.  Major 
Albert  E.  H.  Johnson  l  wrote  General  Hamlin  that  Stanton  favored 
the  renomination  of  the  old  ticket.  But  enough  evidence  has  been 
given  now  to  show  that  Lincoln  and  his  friends  expected  Mr.  Hamlin's 
renomination.  Now  let  us  see  what  Lincoln  did. 

The  nature  of  the  movement  for  Mr.  Dickinson,  however  friendly 
he  himself  may  have  been  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  eliminated  him  from  the 
discussion  of  the  President's  preference  for  his  associate,  and  the 
choice  was  narrowed  down  to  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Johnson.  The 
record  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  friendship  for  Mr.  Hamlin  speaks  for  itself, 
1  See  Major  Johnson's  comprehensive  letter  in  the  Supplement. 


472  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

and  inquiry  now  turns  to  Johnson.  This  is  entered  on  with  regret, 
but  the  interests  of  the  truth  compel  an  analysis  of  the  relations 
between  President  Lincoln  and  Andrew  Johnson.  The  truth  is,  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  no  illusions  about  Johnson.  He  knew  the  real  man,  and 
his  distrust  and  dislike  of  him  were  founded  on  a  knowledge  of  his 
character  and  record.  While  Johnson's  character  as  military  governor 
of  Tennessee  was  patriotic,  his  administration  troubled  Mr.  Lincoln 
at  times,  and  his  personal  behavior  caused  equal  apprehension  at  the 
White  House.  Johnson's  private  habits  and  his  associations  with 
men  and  women  of  a  certain  class  were  notorious.  President  Lincoln 
could  not  remove  Johnson  from  office  without  risking  trouble  in  Ten 
nessee  ;  but  he  was  compelled  to  restrain  Johnson,  and  to  this  end 
commissioned  General  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  a  few  weeks  before  the  Bal 
timore  convention,  to  remain  at  Nashville.  General  Sickles  in  author 
ized  interviews  explicitly  denied  that  his  visit  had  any  connection 
with  the  vice-presidency.  He  refused  to  publish  the  whole  story;  but 
he  did  say  of  Johnson  :  "His  administration  was  of  a  character  which 
seemed  to  Mr.  Lincoln  to  be  too  harsh."1 

Mr.  Lincoln's  personal  feelings  were  disclosed  by  his  wife  in  the 
following  incident  which  she  related  to  W.  H.  Herndon,  the  President's 
law  partner.  Speaking  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  feelings  about  Johnson,  she 
said :  "  He  greatly  disliked  Andrew  Johnson.  Once  the  latter,  when 
we  were  in  company,  followed  us  around  not  a  little.  It  displeased 
Mr.  Lincoln  so  much  that  he  turned  abruptly  and  asked  loud  enough 
to  be  heard  by  others,  '  Why  is  this  man  forever  following  me  ? '  At 
another  time  when  we  were  down  at  City  Point,  Johnson,  still  follow 
ing  us,  was  drunk.  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  desperation,  exclaimed,  '  For 
God's  sake,  don't  ask  Johnson  to  dine  with  us.' "  2 

Another  story,  related  by  S.  F.  Barr,  shows  how  Mr.  Lincoln  em 
ployed  his  habit  of  asking  questions  to  lead  people  to  his  point  of  view 
about  Johnson,  without  committing  himself,  although  another  interpre 
tation  has  been  placed  on  the  incident.  Thad.  Stevens  and  Simon 
Cameron  were  talking  with  the  President  about  Johnson,  and  he 
asked,  "Why  would  not  Johnson  be  a  good  man  to  nominate?" 
Stevens  replied  in  his  vigorous,  blunt  way,  "  Mr.  President,  Andrew 
Johnson  is  a  rank  demagogue,  and  I  suspect  at  heart  a  damned 
scoundrel."  Mr.  Lincoln  made  no  reply. 

When  the  delegates  began  to  pass  through  Washington  on  their 
way  to  Baltimore,  and  heard  that  a  sharp  contest  had  sprung  up  over 
the  vice-presidency,  some  of  them  naturally  pressed  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
intimate  his  choice.  But  he  adhered  to  his  policy  of  silence,  and  to 
no  delegate  did  he  express  his  wishes  at  that  time.  The  statements 

1  See  the  New  York  Times,  and  other  newspapers,  of  July  10  and  11,  1891. 

2  See  W.  H.  Herndon's  Life  of  Lincoln. 


THE   HISTORY  OF  JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION  473 

of  several  survivors  are  reviewed  comprehensively  in  another  part  of 
this  volume,  and  it  only  remains  to  add  here  that  he  authorized  no 
man  at  this  juncture  to  speak  for  him.  He  still  "expected  the  old 
ticket  would  be  renominated,"  to  quote  Colonel  Nicolay,  but  also  saw 
the  danger  of  interfering  with  a  body  of  men,  some  of  whom  were 
working  desperately  to  inflict  a  blow  at  his  administration.  This  was 
not  politics  on  his  part ;  it  was  statesmanship.  He  thought  that 
the  convention  would  take  "  one  thing  at  a  time,  and  the  big  things 
first."  His  renomination,  accomplished  in  spite  of  the  secret  opposi 
tion,  would  naturally  lead  to  Mr.  Hamlin's.  But  it  happened  that 
some  men  used  his  name  without  authority,  though  it  would  be  hard 
now  to  ascertain  who  they  were,  and  there  were  rumors  heard  at 
Baltimore  that  Mr.  Lincoln  privately  favored  Johnson.  It  is  easy  to 
see  how  overzealous  friends  of  candidates  would  in  a  moment  of 
excitement  make  assumptions  that  were  untrue.  For  this  reason  Mr. 
Lincoln  acted  in  order  to  clear  away  all  doubt  as  to  his  position.  He 
confided  to  trusted  friends  his  wish  that  Mr.  Hamlin  should  be  re- 
nominated. 

Burton  C.  Cook,  chairman  of  the  Illinois  delegation,  was  President 
Lincoln's  chosen  mouthpiece,  and  his  circumstantial  statement,  known 
confidential  relations  with  the  President,  and  his  own  high  standing 
and  character,  settle  Mr.  Lincoln's  preference  for  Mr.  Hamlin.  Mr. 
Cook  had  supposed  that  Mr.  Lincoln  desired  the  old  ticket  renomi 
nated,  and  was  puzzled  at  the  stories  he  heard,  and  also  at  the  request 
of  Leonard  Swett,  that  the  Illinois  delegation  should  cast  a  compli 
mentary  vote  for  Joseph  Holt.1  Mr.  Cook  asked  Colonel  John  G. 
Nicolay,  who  was  present,  to  obtain  an  explanation.  Colonel  Nicolay 
understood  the  President's  position,  and  accordingly  wrote  to  John 
Hay,  his  associate  in  the  White  House :  "  Cook  wants  to  know  confi 
dentially  whether  Swett  is  all  right ;  whether  in  urging  Holt  for  Vice- 
President  he  reflects  the  President's  wishes ;  whether  the  President 
has  any  preference,  either  personal  or  on  the  score  of  policy ;  or 
whether  he  wishes  not  to  interfere  even  by  a  confidential  intimation." 
Mr.  Lincoln  read  the  letter,  and  on  the  back  of  it  wrote  this  memo 
randum  :  "  Swett  is  unquestionably  all  right.  Mr.  Holt  is  a  good 
man,  but  I  had  not  heard  or  thought  of  him  for  V.  P.  Wish  not  to 
interfere  about  V.  P.  Cannot  interfere  about  platform.  Convention 
must  judge  for  itself."2  Swett's  course  will  be  explained  later. 

Mr.  Cook  was  not  entirely  satisfied  with  this  statement,  and  having 

1  Dr.  I.  A.  Powell,  an  Illinois  delegate  who  knew  Swett,  said  that  all  he  desired 
was  a  complimentary  vote   for    Holt.     When    Swett   heard   from    Mr.   Lincoln, 
through  Mr.  Cook,  he  supported  Mr.  Hamlin.     See   Washington  Star,  July  18, 
1891. 

2  Nicolay  and  Hay's  Life  of  Lincoln,  vol.  ix.  p.  73. 


474  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

long  been  on  intimate  terms  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  naturally  desired 
to  have  personal  information  from  him.  He  left  Baltimore  the  day 
before  the  convention  balloted,  and  saw  President  Lincoln  at  the 
White  House.  He  had  a  long  interview,  the  story  of  which  he  told 
as  follows  on  July  13,  1891  : l —  . 

"  President  Lincoln  did  not  oppose  Mr.  Hamlin' s  renomination,  and 
the  statements  of  Mr.  Nicolay  are  correct.  I  have  read  what  the 
newspapers  have  said  about  the  statement  concerning  Hannibal  Ham- 
lin  and  the  President,  and  I  can  fully  verify  the  denial  of  it  published 
by  Nicolay.  .  .  .  When  I  left  the  President  I  was  satisfied  that  he 
would  be  content  with  the  nomination  of  Hamlin ;  in  fact,  I  feel  that 
he  really  desired  it.  If  Lincoln  had  in  any  way  expressed  an  unequiv 
ocal  wish  that  Hamlin  or  any  one  else  be  nominated,  the  convention 
would  have  proceeded  on  those  lines.  When  they  asked  me  about  it, 
I  told  them  to  watch  the  Illinois  delegation  and  to  go  the  way  we  did, 
and  that  the  President  would  be  satisfied  with  the  action.  Hamlin 
led  the  convention  and  would  have  carried  it,  too,  had  it  not  been  for 
one  thing.  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  arose  at  a  critical  point 
and  made  a  rattling  speech  for  Johnson.  He  spoke  in  the  most  pas 
sionate  way  of  the  great  sufferings  that  had  been  endured  by  Union 
men  living  in  the  South.  It  was  that  speech  by  Maynard  that 
defeated  Hamlin,  and  by  no  means  any  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
President." 

There  were  other  men  of  weight  and  national  prominence  who  also 
investigated  the  story  of  Lincoln's  preference  for  Johnson  when  the 
convention  was  being  held.  One  was  Austin  Blair,  the  well  known 
war  governor  of  Michigan.  He  said  in  an  interview  of  July,  iSgi,2 
that  he  was  a  delegate  at  large  from  his  State,  and  was  chairman  of  a 
committee  appointed  to  investigate  the  report  that  Lincoln  wanted 
"Andy"  Johnson  for  Vice-President.  "I  distinctly  remember,"  said 
Governor  Blair,  "that  the  committee's  report  was  unanimous  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  taken  no  part  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  or  against  his  nomination, 
nor  for  anybody  else.  .  .  .  No,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  opposed  at  any 
time  to  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hamlin." 

The  result  of  President  Lincoln's  private  declaration  to  Mr.  Cook, 
and  the  investigation,  was  that  the  Illinois  delegation  stood  by  Mr. 
Hamlin  and  refused  to  make  a  change  for  Johnson  until  Maine  had. 
Moreover,  Leonard  Swett,  having  learned  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
decided  to  interfere  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  proceeded  to  labor  ear 
nestly  and  loyally  for  the  renomination  of  the  old  ticket.  His  faith- 

1  See  newspapers  of  this  date  for  Associated  Press  dispatches  giving  this  inter 
view  in  full. 

2  See  the  New  York  Sun  and  Brooklyn  Eagle  of  July  n,  1891,  the  Chicago 
Post  of  July  12,  and  other  newspapers,  for  this  interview  in  its  entirety. 


THE   HISTORY   OF  JOHNSON'S  NOMINATION  475 

ful  friend  and  confidant,  Josiah  H.  Drummond,  has  testified  fully  to 
Mr.  Swett's  loyalty  to  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Hamlin.  Drummond 
and  Swett  were  born  in  Maine,  grew  up  together,  were  classmates  at 
college,  and  corresponded  until  the  latter's  death.  At  the  conven 
tion  they  conferred  every  other  hour,  and  on  Mr.  Drummond's  author 
ity  it  is  announced  that  Leonard  Swett  was  true  to  Mr.  Hamlin.1 

The  proceedings  of  the  convention  demonstrate  that  Johnson's 
nomination  was  brought  about  by  a  series  of  incidents  that  originated 
among  Lincoln's  opponents,  and  were  successfully  guided  by  the  play 
of  circumstances  in  the  contest  between  Seward's  friends  and  enemies, 
with  the  sentiment  for  a  war  Democrat  as  the  ostensible  animating 
cause.  The  first  important  issue  brought  before  the  convention  was 
the  reception  or  rejection  of  certain  Southern  delegations  that  claimed 
seats,  and  these  came  from  Tennessee,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Flor 
ida,  Louisiana,  and  Arkansas.  Thad.  Stevens,  Simon  Cameron,  and 
other  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  took  the  ground  that  they  should  not 
be  admitted,  since  the  States  they  represented,  with  the  exception  of 
Missouri,  would  not  cast  a  vote  in  the  electoral  college.  But  the 

1  Mr.  Drummond,  in  a  personal  interview  with  the  author,  expressed  amaze 
ment  at  the  unwarranted  statement  that  Leonard  Swett  intrigued  against  Mr. 
Hamlin.  "  He  was  as  true  as  steel,"  said  Mr.  Drummond.  "  Illinois  adhered  to 
Hamlin  throughout,  and  utterly  refused  to  change  its  vote  from  him  until  after 
Maine  had  changed  her  vote.  I  was  in  constant  consultation  with  Swett,  and  I  had 
not  then,  and  never  have  had  since,  the  slightest  reason  to  believe  that  he  had  any 
knowledge  of  any  views  or  wishes  on  Lincoln's  part  that  any  other  man  than 
Hamlin  should  be  nominated.  It  is  true  that  Swett  told  me  at  the  time  that  Lin 
coln's  position  was  that  he  could  take  no  part  whatever  in  the  nomination  for  Vice- 
President,  or  indeed  in  any  matter  that  might  come  before  the  convention." 
Portland  Express,  July  16,  1891. 

There  is  a  mass  of  convincing  evidence  furnished  by  many  other  delegates  com 
pletely  exploding  the  story  that  President  Lincoln  was  responsible  for  Johnson's 
nomination.  Several  were  of  national  prominence.  The  most  comprehensive 
and  conclusive  review  of  the  convention  the  historian  will  find  on  this  point  was 
furnished  by  James  S.  T.  Stranahan  to  the  Brooklyn  Eagle  of  July  12,  1891.  He 
rejected  the  story  attributing  the  selection  of  Johnson  to  Lincoln,  and  charged  it 
to  the  division  in  the  New  York  delegation  and  to  other  influences,  such  as  Horace 
Maynard's  impassioned  speech  and  the  sentiment  of  recognizing  the  Southern 
Union  element.  He  himself  was  Mr.  Hamlin's  friend,  and  in  the  interview  he  ex 
plicitly  said  that  he  and  others  were  reluctantly  overborne  in  the  New  York  quar 
rel  to  support  Johnson  in  order  to  defeat  Dickinson.  He  declined  to  explain  the 
inside  causes  or  meaning  of  the  Dickinson  movement  for  fear  of  involving  other 
men  and  issues.  Mr.  Stranahan  added  that  his  vote  for  Johnson  was  one  of  the 
mistakes  of  his  life.  Other  important  interviews  repelling  the  same  story  were 
given  to  the  Boston  Traveler  of  July,  1891,  by  ex-Governor  Claflin,  Stephen  H. 
Phillips,  A.  J.  Waterman,  Moses  Kimball,  B.  W.  Harris,  and  Frank  B.  Fay. 
More  to  the  point  is  the  charge  made  by  Robert  Gardner,  a  delegate  from  Califor 
nia,  in  the  San  Francisco  Bulletin  of  July  12,  1891,  that  Johnson's  nomination 
was  due  to  Seward,  Weed,  Brownlow,  Raymond,  and  others. 


476  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

patriotism  of  the  brave  and  devoted  men  who  had  supported  the 
Union  cause  in  the  disaffected  States  had  intrenched  them  within 
the  affections  of  the  North,  and  in  this  case  the  convention  was  gov 
erned  by  the  heart  rather  than  by  its  head.  Yet  it  is  doubtful  if  they 
would  have  been  admitted  had  the  issue  not  TDeen  connected  with  the 
contest  over  the  vice-presidency.  The  committee  to  whom  this  was 
referred  reported  against  the  delegates,  but  Preston  King,  who  was 
chairman,  and  who  had  been  embroiled  in  the  fight  against  Seward, 
made  a  minority  report  in  their  favor.  To  quote  Mr.  Stranahan  : 
"  King  and  Dickinson  were  not  on  the  best  of  terms,  and  there  was 
some  unfriendly  feeling,  too,  between  the  former  supporters  and  an 
tagonists  of  Mr.  Seward."  1 

When  King  made  his  report,  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  fol 
lowed  with  an  impassioned  speech  in  behalf  of  the  Southern  Union 
men  and  Johnson.  He  described  the  heroism  of  his  compatriots  in 
words  that  thrilled  the  audience,  and  he  aroused  the  delegates  to  a 
high  pitch  of  enthusiasm  when  he  spoke  of  Andrew  Johnson  as  a  man 
who  "  stood  in  the  furnace  of  treason."  This  graphic  figure  of  speech 
expressed  the  feelings  the  convention  had  for  the  loyal  Union  leaders, 
and  it  undoubtedly  carried  many  wavering  delegates  over  to  the  John 
son  column.  No  matter  what  actual  merit  this  speech  may  possess, 
it  has  passed  into  history  as  a  political  classic,  and  the  evidence  is 
conclusive  that  it  had  a  decisive  effect  on  the  convention.  The  state 
ments  of  well-known  men  who  were  present,  such  as  Mr.  Stranahan, 
Mr.  Drummond,  Mr.  Cook,  and  many  others,  bear  witness  to  this. 
The  testimony  of  Theodore  Tilton,  who  was  then  the  brilliant  editor 
of  "The  Independent,"  is  of  interest.  Writing  to  General  Hamlin, 
from  Mentone,  France,  on  March  31,  1896,  Mr.  Tilton  said  :  "I  was 
present  at  the  nominating  convention,  and  can  testify  that  the  sub 
stitution  of  Andrew  Johnson  for  Hannibal  Hamlin  was  done  through 
the  urgency  of  the  Tennessee  delegates,  particularly  Judge  Maynard, 
on  the  ground  that  Johnson's  popularity  as  the  loyal  governor  of  a 
border  State  would  strengthen  the  Republican  ticket  throughout  the 
North.  It  was  a  case  of  practical  politics,  and  involved  no  reflections 
on  your  father's  name  or  qualifications.  I  need  not  tell  you  that 
many  thousands  of  Republican  voters — after  President  Johnson's 
impeachment  and  narrow  escape  from  conviction  —  confessed  with 
sorrow  and  shame  that  the  old  ticket  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  ought 
never  to  have  been  altered."  2 

1  Brooklyn  Eagle,  July  12,  1891. 

2  The  distribution  of  the  votes  to  admit  or  reject  the  Southern  delegation  dis 
proves  the  theory  that  there  was  a  widespread  "conspiracy  "  or  uplot  "  to  nomi 
nate  Johnson.     An  examination  of  the  official  report  of  the  convention  drawn  up 
by  D.  F.  Murphy,  and  published  by  Baker  &  Godwin,  of  New  York  city,  shows 


THE   HISTORY   OF   JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION  477 

When  it  was  time  to  nominate  the  ticket,  the  Johnson  and  anti- 
Lincoln  men  had  become  unruly,  and  the  presiding  officer  —  Governor 
Dennison,  of  Ohio  —  complicated  the  situation  by  losing  his  head.1 
There  was  sharp  manoeuvring  to  get  the  floor.  Simon  Cameron  en 
deavored  to  anticipate  all  other  aspirants.  He  sent  a  resolution  in 
writing  to  the  chair,  calling  on  the  convention  to  renominate  the  old 
ticket.  The  supporters  of  Johnson  and  the  opponents  of  Lincoln 
joined  in  a  tumultuous  outcry,  and,  to  restore  peace,  Cameron  with 
drew  his  resolution.  A  call  of  the  States  was  decided  on,  and  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  was  renominated  with  only  the  votes  of  Missouri  against 
him.  The  vice-presidency  was  now  acted  on.  Cameron  presented 
Mr.  Hamlin's  name.  There  was  great  excitement,  and  the  vote  of 
each  State  as  announced  was  greeted  with  wild  cheers.  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  at  first  in  the  lead  despite  the  break  among  the  anti-Lincoln 
men  in  the  New  England  delegations.  When  Illinois  was  reached, 
and  Burton  C.  Cook  threw  its  vote  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  this  was  recog 
nized  as  signifying  President  Lincoln's  personal  preference,  and  Mr. 
Hamlin's  friends  thought  that  he  was  sure  of  a  renomination.  But 
it  is  the  unexpected  that  happens,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  was  cheated  out 
of  the  vice-presidency,  and  the  presidency  also,  by  the  unscrupulous 
action  of  William  M.  Stone,  then  governor  of  Iowa,  He  falsified 
the  vote  of  his  State  and  turned  the  tide  to  Johnson. 

When  Iowa  was  called,  Stone  jumped  to  his  feet  quick  as  a  flash, 
usurped  the  functions  of  the  chairman  of  his  delegation,  and  cast  the 
vote  of  Iowa  for  Andrew  Johnson,  —  sixteen  votes.  The  delegation 
was  divided  between  Messrs.  Hamlin,  Dickinson,  and  Johnson,  and  the 
night  before  had  elected  Daniel  D.  Chase  its  chairman  and  spokes 
man  in  spite  of  the  desire  of  Stone  to  fill  these  functions  himself. 
The  sentiment  of  the  Iowa  delegation  was  therefore  unfavorable  to 
Johnson,  and  it  was  known  to  the  contending  parties.  Thus  this 

that  the  division  in  various  States  was  at  variance  with  their  vote  on  the  vice- 
presidency.  New  York,  for  example,  voted  66  ayes ;  Massachusetts,  26  noes ; 
Indiana,  24  ayes,  2  noes;  Maine,  3  ayes,  11  noes;  Pennsylvania,  31  ayes,  21  noes; 
New  Hampshire,  10  noes;  Illinois,  32  ayes.  New  York,  Illinois,  Indiana,  and 
other  States  changed  their  vote  before  the  result  had  been  announced.  Their  first 
ballots  revealed  a  strong  division.  New  York,  for  instance,  stood  48  ayes,  18 
noes  ;  Indiana,  18  ayes,  8  noes.  Thus  it  will  be  perceived  that  Illinois,  which 
supported  Mr.  Hamlin,  favored  seating  these  delegations,  while  New  York,  which 
was  unanimous,  was  badly  divided  on  the  vice-presidency.  These  are  specimen 
illustrations,  and  a  further  examination  of  the  votes  of  other  States  furnishes  more 
evidence  to  the  same  point.  The  delegates  from  Tennessee,  Louisiana,  and 
Arkansas  were  admitted  with  the  right  to  vote,  while  those  of  Virginia  and  Flor 
ida  were  received  on  the  floor  without  the  right  to  vote.  North  Carolina  was  ex 
cluded.  Thus,  Johnson  had  a  clear  gift  of  15  votes  from  Tennessee,  10  from 
Arkansas,  and  7  from  Louisiana,  or  32  in  all. 

1  Washington  in  Lincoln's  Time,  p.  154,  by  Noah  Brooks,  an  eye-witness. 


478  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

apparent  reversal  of  decision  misled  the  convention,  and  although 
Chairman  Chase,  Peter  Melendy,  and  other  Iowa  delegates  sprang  up 
and  tried  to  expose  Stone's  outrageous  fraud,  in  the  confusion  they 
failed  to  get  recognition  from  the  chair  and  the  tide  rose  for  Johnson. 
Simon  Cameron  momentarily  checked  the  flood  by  throwing  Pennsyl 
vania's  vote  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  the  first  ballot  gave  Johnson  200, 
Hamlin,  150,  Dickinson  108,  with  a  scattering  divided  among  Butler, 
Rousseau,  and  others.  The  confusion  continued,  and  with  Governor 
Dennison  still  rattled  the  Iowa  men  could  not  expose  Stone's  ras 
cality.  While  they  were  shouting  for  recognition  and  denouncing 
Stone,  as  the  balloting  ended,  Kentucky,  supposing  Johnson  was 
honestly  in  the  lead,  changed  her  vote,  and,  to  use  a  political  expres 
sion,  the  procession  of  States  to  the  Johnson  column  began,  and  he 
was  nominated.1 

That  there  was  a  vulgar  conspiracy  to  defraud  Mr.  Hamlin  out  of 
a  renomination  is  clearly  shown  by  the  facts.  Although  Stone  was 
governor  of  Iowa,  yet  he  had  fallen  so  greatly  in  the  favor  of  his 
party  that  he  was  unable  to  obtain  an  election  as  a  delegate  to  the 
convention.  Iowa,  moreover,  favored  the  renomination  of  the  old 
ticket.  Stone,  however,  begged  so  hard  for  a  vindication  that  he  was 
allowed  to  go  to  Baltimore  as  an  alternate,  and  was  taken  into  the 
delegation  when  a  vacancy  ensued.  He  called  on  President  Lincoln 
and  sought  to  extort  some  expression  from  him  favorable  to  Johnson. 
He  admitted  in  his  long,  rambling  story2  of  this  interview  that  he 
received  no  intimation  whatever  that  Lincoln  was  for  Johnson.  But 
he  nevertheless  industriously  spread  the  impression  that  President 
Lincoln  favored  Johnson ;  and  the  audacious  fraud  he  perpetrated  on 

1  The  distribution  of  votes  on  the  first  ballot  was  as  follows :  Johnson :  New 
Hampshire  i,  Vermont  5,  Massachusetts  2,  Connecticut  12,  New  York  32,  New 
Jersey  2,  Maryland  2,  Louisiana  7,  Arkansas  10,  Missouri  2,  Tennessee  15,  Ohio 
42,  Indiana  26,  Wisconsin  2,  Iowa   16,  California  5,  West  Virginia  10,  Kansas  2, 
Nebraska  3,  and  Nevada  6.     Hamlin  :  Maine  14,  New  Hampshire  4,  Vermont  2, 
Massachusetts  3,  Rhode   Island,  3,  New  York  6,  Pennsylvania,  52,  Maryland   i, 
Illinois  32,  Michigan   16,  Wisconsin  4,  Minnesota  5,  California  5,  Kansas  2,  and 
Nebraska   i.      Dickinson:    New    Hampshire    3,  Vermont  i,  Massachusetts  17, 
Rhode  Island,  i,  New  York  28,  New  Jersey  12,  Delaware  6,  Maryland  11,  Loui 
siana  7,  Wisconsin   10,   Minnesota  3,  Kansas  2,   Nebraska  i,  and  Colorado  6. 
Butler:  Massachusetts  2,  Rhode  Island  2,  Missouri  20.     Rousseau:  Kentucky  21. 
Burnside  :  Rhode  Island  2.     Colfax:  Oregon  6.     Holt:  Massachusetts  2.     This 
gave  Johnson  a  lead  of  50  votes  and  insured  his  nomination.     Kentucky  at  once 
changed  her  vote  and  gave  it  to  Johnson.     Oregon  threw  him  6  more  and  Kansas 
the  same.     At  this  point  Johnson  had  233  votes,  and  as  these  changes,  accom 
panied  by  enthusiastic  demonstrations,  unmistakably  pointed  to  Johnson's  nomi 
nation,  Simon  Cameron  then  gave  up  the  contest  and  Pennsylvania  joined  the 
Johnson  procession.     The  final  result  was  Johnson  494,  Dickinson  17,  and  Ham 
lin  9. 

2  Washington  Post,  July  20,  1891. 


THE   HISTORY   OF  JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION          479 

the  Iowa  delegation  demonstrates  the  utter  worthlessness  of  his  word 
and  also  his  willingness  to  lend  himself  to  the  base  purposes  of  base 
men.  The  entire  story  of  this  wretched  conspiracy  will  never  be 
known.  One  incident,  however,  may  be  added.  A  teller  informed 
Mr.  Hamlin  that  he  heard  a  Johnson  man  exclaim  before  Illinois  had 
voted  :  "  Hamlin  is  ahead.  Something  must  be  done  to  head  him 
off."  Several  Johnson  men  at  once  hurried  from  the  platform  to 
the  floor  of  the  convention,  and  shortly  after  Stone  falsified  the  vote 
of  Iowa,  although  it  cannot  be  asserted  that  there  was  any  connection 
between  these  acts. 

There  is  overwhelming  evidence  that  Stone  falsified  Iowa's  vote. 
Congressman  N.  C.  Deering  of  that  State  attended  the  convention  as 
Mr.  Hamlin's  friend,  and  gave  the  facts  presented.  He  also  polled 
the  delegation  and  said  that  the  majority  were  for  the  old  ticket. 
For  the  detailed  account  offered,  the  author  is  indebted  to  Peter 
Melendy,  a  delegate  from  the  sixth  Iowa  district,  afterwards  United 
States  marshal  and  also  mayor  of  Cedar  Rapids,  and  a  man  of  high 
standing  in  Iowa.  Mr.  Melendy' s  authentic  written  account  was 
placed  in  possession  of  Charles  Aldrich,  curator  of  the  Historical 
Department  of  Iowa.  In  this  Mr.  Melendy  showed  that  Stone  twice 
falsified  the  vote  of  Iowa.  The  first  time  was  when  Allen,  of  Indiana, 
presented  Johnson's  name.  Stone  jumped  up  and  shouted:  "Iowa 
seconds  Indiana's  nomination."  He  was  severely  rebuked,  but  tricked 
the  delegation  when  the  vote  was  called  for.  Mr.  Melendy  thought 
the  vote  would  have  stood,  Hamlin  4,  Dickinson  4,  Johnson  8.  He 
was  for  Dickinson,  and  he  thought  that  Johnson  would  have  received 
no  votes  if  Stone  had  not  been  on  the  delegation.  Mr.  Aldrich,  one 
of  the  oldest  editors  in  Iowa,  and  a  man  of  prominence,  wrote  the 
author,  May  17,  1898  :  "The  State  of  Iowa  was  very  united  in  favor 
of  the  old  ticket,  —  Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  The  nomination  of  John 
son  was  a  surprise,  and  an  unwelcome  one."  James  Harlan,  the 
friend  of  Lincoln  and  appointed  to  his  Cabinet,  wrote  Mr.  Aldrich 
May  10,  1898  :  "My  impression  as  to  the  facts  is  that  the  Iowa  dele 
gates  were  almost  unanimous  in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  Hamlin 
until  they  were  made  to  believe  that  President  Lincoln  had  said  that 
he  thought  that  it  would  be  wise  to  nominate  a  war  Democrat.  ...  I 
do  not  know  that  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  made  such  a  statement.  ...  I  do 
know  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  stanch  friend  of  Mr.  Hamlin." 

There  was  another  important  disclosure  made  a  few  days  after  the 
convention  that  furnished  the  key  to  Johnson's  nomination.  General 
Charles  Hamlin  happened  to  be  passing  through  Baltimore,  and 
there  met  Frank  B.  Fay,  one  of  the  Massachusetts  delegates,  who 
has  since  been  mayor  of  Chelsea  and  the  agent  of  the  Massachusetts 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children  —  a  man  of  high 


480  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

character.  General  Hamlin  was  well  acquainted  with  Mr.  Fay,  having 
often  seen  him  at  his  headquarters  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
Knowing  that  Mr.  Fay  was  a  delegate  to  the  convention,  General 
Hamlin  asked  him  this  question  :  "  Why  was  my  father  retired  from 
the  presidential  ticket  ?  " 

Mr.  Fay  replied  in  substance  :  — 

"  Charles  Sumner  and  the  Massachusetts  delegation  desired  another 
candidate.  They  were  not  opposed  to  Mr.  Hamlin  for  personal  rea 
sons.  Mr.  Sumner  desired  to  prevent  William  Pitt  Fessenden  from 
returning  to  the  Senate.  He  thought  that  the  best  way  to  accom 
plish  this  would  be  to  nominate  a  new  man  for  Vice-President,  because 
he  thought  that  Mr.  Hamlin  would  be  returned  by  the  people  of 
Maine  to  the  Senate,  and  Mr.  Fessenden  would  be  retired  to  private 
life.  Mr.  Sumner  appealed  to  the  Massachusetts  delegates,  and 
insisted  that  they  should  advocate  the  nomination  of  a  war  Democrat 
for  Vice-President  in  order  to  bring  more  Democrats  to  the  support 
of  the  Republican  ticket.  The  majority  of  Massachusetts  dele 
gates  voted  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson.  Ginery  Twitchell  and  I  voted 
for  Joseph  Holt.  The  Massachusetts  men  had  no  objection  to  Mr. 
Hamlin  on  any  personal  score,  but  acted  in  accordance  with  Mr. 
Sumner' s  desires  and  wishes."  1 

The  Hon.  Henry  L.  Dawes,  for  many  years  the  senior  senator 
from  Massachusetts  and  Mr.  Hamlin's  lifelong  friend,  wrote  General 
Hamlin  from  Springfield  on  April  18,  1896,  in  part  as  follows  :  — 

"  You  have  the  correct  idea  of  what  influenced  the  Massachusetts 
delegation  in  the  course  they  pursued  at  the  convention.  It  was  so 
understood  at  the  time,  and  I  have  never  had  any  occasion  to  doubt 
it.  After  the  convention  the  two  delegates  from  my  congressional 
district  came  over  to  Washington  and  called  on  me.  I  was  not  in  a 
very  pleasant  mood  over  what  had  been  done  and  the  agency  our  dele 
gation  had  had  in  it,  and  berated  them  right  roundly.  Their  justifica 
tion  was  along  the  lines  indicated  in  your  letter  [Sumner's  course]. 
They  left  me,  to  call  on  Mr.  Sumner,  and  on  their  return  said  to  me 
rather  exultingly,  '  What  do  you  think  Mr.  Sumner  says  about  it  ? 
He  says  he  only  wished  that  the  ticket  was  turned  around  '  "  (Johnson 
and  Lincoln). 

The  most  comprehensive  and  authoritative  confidential  report  that 
was  made  to  Mr.  Hamlin  came  from  Senator  Morrill,  of  Maine,  who 
with  Senator  Fessenden  worked  in  the  convention  to  secure  the  re- 
nomination  of  the  old  ticket.  Mr.  Morrill  wrote  Mr.  Hamlin  on  June 
9,  the  day  after  the  convention,  when  all  the  details  were  fresh  in 
his  mind.  He  said  :  — 

1  Mr.  Fay  authorized  the  publication  of  this  interview  in  a  letter  to  General 
Hamlin  of  August  19,  1896,  after  reading  the  manuscript. 


THE   HISTORY   OF   JOHNSON'S    NOMINATION          481 

"  You  know  the  result.  I  take  an  early  moment  to  state  the  con 
trolling  influences  which  led  to  it.  Monday  night  at  ten  o'clock 
Pennsylvania,  under  lead  of  Mr.  Cameron,  had  declared  her  solid  vote 
for  you.  New  York  stood  28  for  you,  the  balance  between  Dickinson 
and  Johnson.  New  Jersey  voted  for  you ;  Michigan,  Minnesota, 
Wisconsin,  for  you.  Iowa  divided  for  you  and  Johnson.  Illinois 
expressed  her  favor  for  the  old  ticket,  but  did  not  like  to  interfere. 
Ohio  held  back  for  Todd  in  a  contingency.  Maryland  and  Delaware 
would  vote  for  you. 

"  It  seemed  a  sure  thing.  I  called  upon  the  Massachusetts  delega 
tion  and  heard  that  they  had  been  together,  had  made  no  nomination, 
and  was  told  that  they  would  do  you  no  harm,  but  wanted  to  wait  a 
little.  It  indicated  you  in  time.  So  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  and 
New  York  waited  expression  with  Massachusetts. 

"  Tuesday  morning  early  I  learned  from  Mr.  Weed  that  gentlemen 
from  the  Massachusetts  delegation  had  late  the  night  before  called 
upon  their  delegation  [New  York],  had  said  to  them  that  the  Massa 
chusetts  delegates  were  opposed  to  you,  and  would  take  the  lead  for 
Dickinson.  They  threw  the  New  York  delegation  into  confusion. 
Those  who  had  voted  for  you  were  willing  to  go  for  Dickinson,  and 
upon  the  representation  that  New  England  would  not  support  you, 
but  could  not  hold  their  men  for  Dickinson  except  upon  a  new  man, 
and  therefore  went  for  Johnson.  The  Massachusetts  delegation  had 
made  some  revelation  to  Maryland,  New  Jersey,  Ohio,  and  other 
delegations,  and  the  result  was  that  those  States  changed  their  sup 
port  to  others.  I  hoped  that  this  would  still  leave  you  in  a  plu 
rality  on  the  first  ballot,  although  the  division  of  New  England  was 
made  great  use  of  with  Western  delegations. 

"  On  the  ballot  at  the  start  you  had  145  [150],  Johnson  somewhat 
more,  the  balance  being  divided  between  Dickinson  and  some  three 
or  four  others.  As  the  Western  States  were  called,  Johnson  went 
ahead,  showing  a  majority.  When  Pennsylvania  asked  to  change  her 
vote  for  Johnson,  others  followed.  Following  Pennsylvania  and  those 
who  had  been  with  us,  we  gave  our  vote  to  Johnson. 

"  Illinois  held  her  vote,  and  soon  gave  it  to  you,  changing  to  John 
son  after  we  had  voted. 

"  There  was  really  no  feeling  of  opposition  to  you,  but  there  was  a 
sort  of  feeling  that  something  might  be  done  to  strengthen  the  war 
Democrats.  Massachusetts  delegates  were  of  this  opinion,  and  un 
wisely,  in  bad  taste,  and  in  an  underhand  way  endeavored  to  divide 
New  England  and  take  the  lead  for  Dickinson. 

"  It  was  their  efforts  and  representations  that  New  England  was 
not  for  you  that  broke  up  New  York,  and  transferred  your  vote  for 
Dickinson ;  so  that  of  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  and  others.  Todd,  of 


482  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Ohio,  was  active  with  Massachusetts  delegation,  thinking  that  it  [the 
vice-presidency]  might  come  to  Ohio.  I  censure  [the]  Massachusetts 
delegation  for  not  standing  by  New  England,  as  would  have  been  the 
propriety  of  the  thing  and  the  decency  of  the^thing,  and  which  would 
have  given  New  England  some  power  over  the  question  for  you  —  a 
sure  thing.  I  do  not  doubt  but  for  the  movement  of  Massachusetts 
you  would  have  gone  through.  Connecticut  was  against  you,  but 
that  would  not  have  damaged  us  much,  as  she  is  generally  with  New 
York. 

"  Massachusetts  intrigued  for  Dickinson  with  New  York.  That 
broke  up  the  order  of  things  for  you.  We  then  were  committed  to 
chance.  To  keep  Seward  in  the  Cabinet  his  friends  would  take  [the] 
Vice-President  out  of  New  York,  and  went  for  Johnson,  not  suppos 
ing  he  would  be  nominated  on  [the]  first  ballot.  The  Massachusetts 
delegates  are  not  pleased  with  the  result,  and  those  with  whom  I  have 
talked  think  they  did  not  act  wisely. 

"  I  wish  I  could  feel  that  we  had  not  made  a  bad  mistake.  We 
have  two  Western  men  for  candidates,  and  one  of  them  in  an  insur 
rectionary  State." 

President  Lincoln's  personal  attitude  now  furnishes  the  final  proof 
of  his  preference  for  the  old  ticket.  Major  Albert  E.  H.  Johnson, 
a  lawyer  of  high  standing  and  character,  long  connected  with  the 
Washington  bar,  was  Mr.  Stanton's  private  secretary.  His  positive 
and  circumstantial  account  of  the  government's  secret  telegraph  ser 
vice  proves  that  President  Lincoln  sent  no  dispatches  directing  the 
action  of  the  Baltimore  convention,  or  received  any  from  confidential 
agents  asking  for  instructions  on  the  vice-presidency.1  But  more  im 
portant  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  conduct  and  words  when  he  learned  of  John 
son's  nomination.  There  was  a  group  of  brilliant  young  men  in  Mr. 
Stanton's  confidential  service  at  this  time,  who  have  since  risen  to 
prominence  in  the  electrical  world,  — Thomas  T.  Eckert,  Charles  A. 
Tinker,  Albert  B.  Chandler,  and  D.  Homer  Bates.  General  Eckert 
became  president  of  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company,  Mr. 
Tinker  the  general  superintendent,  and  Mr.  Chandler  president  of 
the  Postal  Telegraph  Company.  General  Eckert  and  Mr.  Tinker 
were  both  in  the  telegraph  office  at  Mr.  Stanton's  office  when  Mr. 
Lincoln  received  the  dispatch  announcing  Johnson's  nomination.  At 
the  time  they  made  note  of  the  fact  that  President  Lincoln's  attitude 
was  that  of  a  disappointed,  even  disgusted  man,  and  they  related  the 
incident  to  their  colleagues  and  others. 

Two  incidents  plainly  demonstrate  President  Lincoln's  disgust  at 
having  Johnson  for  an  associate.  Noah  Brooks,  who  was  anxious  to 

1  See  elaborate  interviews  in  the  Washington  Evening  Star  of  July  12,  1891, 
and  New  York  Evening  Post  of  July  13,  1891. 


THE   HISTORY   OF   JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION          483 

have  Mr.  Hamlin  renominated,  was  warranted  by  his  long  acquaint 
ance  with  Mr.  Lincoln  in  approaching  him  on  this  subject.  But  he 
found  the  President  "rigidly  non-committal,"  and  "he  could  not  be 
induced  to  express  any  opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  selection  of  a 
candidate  for  Vice- President."  1  Yet  after  the  convention,  when  Mr. 
Brooks  once  more  saw  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  he  was  then  willing  to  admit 
that  he  would  have  been  gratified  if  Mr.  Hamlin  could  have  been 
renominated."  While  Mr.  Brooks  was  at  the  convention,  the  emer 
gency  arose  that  compelled  the  President  to  interfere  and  depart 
from  his  non-committal  policy.  Mr.  Brooks  added,  by  way  of  com 
ment,  "  I  have  always  been  confident  that  Lincoln,  left  to  himself, 
would  have  chosen  that  the  old  ticket  of  1 860  —  Lincoln  and  Hamlin 
—  should  be  placed  in  the  field.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  he 
had  resolved  to  leave  the  convention  entirely  free  in  its  choice  of  a 
candidate  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket."  In  connection  with  this, 
Mr.  Brooks  placed  in  evidence  the  testimony  of  General  Thomas  T. 
Eckert,  the  explicit  meaning  of  which  is  known  only  to  the  historians. 
The  facts  are  as  follows :  President  Lincoln  came  to  the  military 
telegraph  bureau  after  he  had  learned  of  his  own  renomination,  to 
find  out  who  was  to  be  his  associate.  The  men  present  were  Major 
Eckert  and  Charles  A.  Tinker.  Major  Eckert  handed  him  the  dis 
patch  announcing  Johnson's  nomination,  and,  to  quote  from  Mr. 
Brooks' s  interesting  book,  Lincoln,  on  learning  that  Johnson  was  the 
nominee  for  Vice-President,  "  made  an  exclamation  that  emphatically 
indicated  his  disappointment  thereat.  Major  Eckert  afterwards  con 
firmed  this  statement  with  a  hearty  laugh."  2 

Mr.  Tinker  also  supplied  more  information  that  shows  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  displeased  over  the  news,  and  did  not  act  like  one  who  had  favored 
Johnson.  Mr.  Tinker  received  the  dispatch  from  the  wire,  and  the 
President's  doubting  manner  and  words  made  so  strong  an  impression 
on  him  that  he  stepped  into  Major  Johnson's  room  and  related  to  him 
what  he  had  heard  and  seen.  He  said  that  Mr.  Lincoln,  after  read 
ing  the  telegram,  soliloquized  aloud  :  — 

"  Well,  I  thought  possibly  he  might  be  the  man.  Perhaps  he  is  the 
best  man  —  but"  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  finish  the  sentence.  He 
passed  out  of  the  office,  leaving  Mr.  Tinker  "  impressed  with  the  sig 
nificance  of  the  unfinished  sentence,  which  in  the  light  of  subsequent 
events  became  a  thrilling  prophecy."  3 

This  completes  the  record  of  the  convention.  Senator  Merrill's 
letter  proves  that  the  final  action  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation 

1  Washington  in  Lincoln"1  s  Time,  pp.  151,  52. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  1 60. 

8  Abraham  Lincoln —  Tributes  from  his  Associates,  from  The  Independent,  p. 
1 60. 


484  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

was  a  surprise,  and  Mr.  Drummond's  statement  that  Sumner  was  sent 
for  shows  that  he  determined  that  result.  Simon  Cameron's  confi 
dential  account  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  a  few  weeks  after  the  convention, 
placed  the  responsibility  for  the  nomination  of  Johnson  on  Massachu 
setts  and  New  York.  He  did  not  then  know  of  Sumner's  course, 
but  was  aware  of  the  fact  that  there  was  an  intrigue.  Mr.  Hamlin 
repeated  the  substance  of  the  interview  to  his  son  Charles,  and  said, 
"  Cameron  was  true  to  me."  He  said  the  same  thing  in  later  years, 
and  never  doubted  his  friend's  loyalty.  Cameron  said  to  Mr.  Drum- 
mond  at  the  time  he  cast  Pennsylvania's  vote  for  Johnson,  that  there 
was  no  use  in  prolonging  the  contest,  and  to  Congressman  John  Scull 
of  his  delegation  he  remarked,  "  The  Republican  party  has  made  a 
great  mistake."  The  story  "  Ben  "  Butler  told,  that  Lincoln  offered 
him  the  vice-presidency,  will  be  believed  only  by  those  who  believed 
in  that  extraordinary  character.  He  said  that  he  declined.  But 
when  did  the  public  know  Butler  to  decline  any  political  office  ?  The 
alleged  interview  with  Cameron  corroborating  this  yarn  was  written 
by  a  reporter  whose  Copperhead  affiliations  and  miserable  habits  dis 
credit  him.  Cameron  knew  how  to  manoeuvre  candidates  to  divide 
the  field,  and  Butler  was  a  pawn  to  hold  Massachusetts  delegates  from 
going  to  Dickinson.1 

The  evidence  presented  proves  that  President  Lincoln  not  only 
desired  the  renomination  of  the  old  ticket,  but  also  expected  it  up  to 
the  last  moment,  when  he  intervened  and  sought  to  accomplish  it. 
The  final  judgment  of  men  who  were  actually  on  the  scene,  and  were 

1  Butler's  friends  pushed  him  for  the  nomination.  A.  H.  Bullock,  afterwards 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  favored  him,  but  the  Massachusetts  delegates  refused 
to  support  him.  He  received  two  votes  from  his  own  State.  See  statement  of 
Stephen  H.  Phillips  in  the  Boston  Traveler,  July  13,  1891.  The  query  arises, 
Would  Lincoln  favor  a  man  who  could  command  no  support  in  his  own  State? 
The  impression  the  Butler  story  made  on  reliable  and  honest-minded  men  may  be 
judged  from  this  extract  from  Senator  Dawes's  letter  to  General  Hamlin,  before 
mentioned.  He  wrote  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  war  Democrats:  "  He  was  very 
anxious  to  broaden  out  the  basis  of  the  Republican  party  by  bringing  into  its  ranks 
all  the  *  war  Democrats '  he  possibly  could.  On  this  subject  I  had  frequent  talks 
with  him.  On  a  special  occasion,  when  Frank  Blair,  Jr.,  got  into  trouble  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  his  case  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  which  I 
was  chairman,  Mr.  Lincoln  sent  for  me,  and  went  at  length  over  the  whole 
matter  of  what  should  be  our  policy  towards  such  war  Democrats  as  the  three 
Blairs,  General  Butler,  and  others  of  that  stripe.  I  did  after  that  what  I  could  in 
getting  that  kind  of  persons  into  our  ranks.  I  always  thought  that  those  responsi 
ble  for  the  result  we  are  considering  made  use  of  this  known  sentiment  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln  as  to  war  Democrats  in  general  to  aid  them  in  carrying  out  their  particular 
projects,  and  that  this  was  all  the  connection  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  had  with  it.  You 
know  the  story  General  Butler  was  in  the  habit  of  telling.  .  .  .  There  is  no 
amount  of  evidence  sufficient  to  make  me  believe  that  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  wanted 
General  Butler  on  the  ticket." 


THE   HISTORY   OF  JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION          485 

known  to  be  the  friends  of  the  President  and  Vice-President,  is  impor 
tant.  One  prominent  figure  is  John  Conness,  who  was  senator  from 
California,  but  who  subsequently  removed  to  Massachusetts.  He  was 
Mr.  Hamlin's  friend,  and  he  knew  the  facts.  He  wrote  General  Ham- 
lin  on  February  21,1 896  :  — 

"  When  the  Baltimore  convention  renominated  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the 
first  office,  and  put  the  name  of  Andrew  Johnson  in  the  place  of  Han 
nibal  Hamlin,  I  was  surprised  and  pained.  .  .  .  The  movement  had 
its  origin  in  New  England,  .  .  .  and  a  movement  was  made  for  Daniel 
S.  Dickinson,  of  New  York,  as  the  ideal  war  Democrat,  but  this  was 
met  with  opposition  from  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Weed,  who  could  not 
afford  to  build  up  Mr.  Dickinson  in  their  State.  ...  To  attribute  this 
work  to  Abraham  Lincoln  is  little  less  than  cruel ;  for  it  was  not  in 
his  line,  and  did  not  comport  with  his  character  or  motives.  No  man 
living  had  better  opportunity  to  know  Lincoln's  mind  than  Noah 
Brooks.  He  had  those  close  relations  of  friendship  and  confidence 
with  the  good  President  which  enabled  him  to  know  his  mind  thor 
oughly.  Your  father  was  one  of  the  many  pure  and  noble  men  of 
the  period  that  it  was  my  fortune  to  know,  and  his  memory  is  very 
dear  to  me." 

The  words  of  Senator  Conness  are  a  dignified  and  significant  re 
buke  to  the  eleventh-hour  theory  that  President  Lincoln  conceived 
and  executed  the  plan  to  drop  Mr.  Hamlin  from  the  ticket,  and  that 
the  latter  was  hostile  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  Their  friendship  is  traditional 
and  sacred  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  were  admitted  to  their  confidence. 
Their  cordial  relations  were  widely  commented  on  at  the  time  as  an 
exception  to  the  rule,  and  to  the  end  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  life  he  remained 
in  the  public  eye  Lincoln's  friend  and  counselor.  The  public  well 
knew  that  if  Mr.  Hamlin  had  opposed  President  Lincoln,  or  had  been 
a  member  of  a  cabal,  the  country  would  have  known  of  it.  When 
he  fought  it  was  in  the  open  field.  His  opposition  to  Presidents 
Tyler,  Polk,  Fillmore,  Pierce,  Buchanan,  Johnson,  and  Hayes  was  as 
outspoken  as  his  support  of  Lincoln,  Grant,  Garfield,  Arthur,  and 
Harrison.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  to  those  who  knew  Mr.  Ham 
lin,  that  he  never  would  have  allowed  the  public  to  rest  under  any 
misapprehensions  concerning  his  relations  with  Mr.  Lincoln.  His 
word  that  he  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  friend  was  sufficient  for  those  who 
understood  him,  and  they  well  know  that  honest  criticism  was  not 
hostility. 

But  of  all  the  honorable  and  fair-minded  men  who  surrounded  the 
President  and  Vice-President,  what  one  ever  reflected  on  the  relations 
between  them  ?  What  did  the  trustworthy  historians  who  were  on 
the  scene  say  ?  Blaine,  who  was  one  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  managers,  and 
who  was  at  the  convention,  graphically  described  the  controlling  influ- 


486  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

ences  in  his  "  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,"  and  attributed  the  selec 
tion  of  Johnson  to  the  Seward-Dickinson  feud  and  the  sentiment  for 
a  war  Democrat,  and  he  added,  "  The  whole  country  saw  that  the 
grounds  upon  which  Mr.  Hamlin  was  superseded  were  not  in  deroga 
tion  of  the  honorable  record  he  had  made  m  his  long  and  faithful 
career."  1  Mr.  Elaine  knew  the  facts.  But  more  important  than  this 
is  the  explicit  statement  of  F.  W.  Seward,  son  of  the  secretary,  in 
his  "  Seward  at  Washington  : "  "  Vice-President  Hamlin  retained  the 
confidence  of  the  party,  and  there  was  no  ground  of  objection  to  his 
renomination  also.  But  it  was  thought  wise  to  endeavor  to  draw 
additional  support  to  the  ticket  by  nominating  a  war  Democrat  for 
the  second  place.  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  was  proposed  and  warmly 
urged,  but  it  was  finally  decided  to  give  stronger  emphasis  to  the 
action  by  taking  Andrew  Johnson,  who  was  not  only  a  war  Democrat 
but  a  Southern  Unionist."  2  This  is  a  diplomatic  revelation  of  Mr. 
Seward's  position,  that  he  had  no  objection  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  but  was 
compelled  by  circumstances  in  the  fight  against  him  to  take  up  John 
son.  There  is  no  intimation  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  involved  in  this. 
It  is  the  testimony  of  the  fair-minded  historian.3 

In  one  of  Mr.  Hamlin' s  later  speeches  in  the  Senate  he  enunciated 
his  belief  that  a  man  was  known  both  by  the  friends  and  enemies  he 
made.  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  are  known,  and  have  testified.  Now  a 
few  words  about  his  enemies.  One  at  this  time  was  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy.  He  was  a  false  friend,  and  pursued  Mr.  Hamlin  with  the 
traditional  bitterness  of  that  kind  of  a  man.  He  not  only  influenced 
the  Connecticut  delegates  against  Mr.  Hamlin  as  much  as  he  could,  but 
also  made  personal  reflections  on  him  in  after  years.  He  kept  a  diary 
from  which  he  published  some  records  that  were  colored  and  magni- 

1  Vol.  i.  p.  552. 

2  P.  225. 

8  Of  the  remaining  distinguished  men  who  can  speak  with  authority  concerning 
the  Lincoln  administration,  there  are  few  whose  word  carries  as  much  weight  with 
the  public  and  the  historians  as  that  of  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana.  He  was  a 
radical  member  of  the  House,  and  was  brought  into  intimate  relations  with  both 
the  President  and  Vice-President.  His  service  on  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct 
of  the  War  afforded  him  peculiar  opportunities  to  know  the  actual  relations 
between  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  wrote  the  author,  from  Irvington,  on 
June  27,  1897:  — 

"The  story  about  your  grandfather's  secret  opposition  to  Lincoln  is  new  to  me. 
I  do  not  give  it  any  credit,  and  I  can  think  of  no  reason  for  such  opposition. 
I  always  understood  him  to  be  most  friendly  to  Lincoln.  ...  As  to  the  Chase 
movement  in  1864,  it  was  very  formidable  at  one  time,  and  very  many  men  wished 
it  well  who  did  not  feel  inclined  to  join  it  openly.  The  public  does  not  know,  and 
never  will  know,  the  extent  and  bitterness  of  the  feeling  at  that  time  against  Lin 
coln.  I  took  note  of  it  at  the  time  in  my  journal,  and  in  referring  to  it  I  am 
astonished  at  what  I  say.  But  it  has  no  reference  to  your  grandfather,  and  it 
would  astonish  everybody  to-day  if  it  were  published." 


THE   HISTORY   OF  JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION          487 

fied  by  his  personal  dislike  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  thereby  discount  other 
utterances  not  yet  given  to  the  public.  But  this  was  well  understood 
at  the  time.  Elaine,  who  knew  of  the  actual  relations  between  Welles 
and  Hamlin,  described  him  as  a  man  who  "  possessed  a  strong  intel 
lect,  but  manifested  little  warmth  of  feeling  or  personal  attachment 
for  any  one.  He  was  a  man  of  high  character,  but  full  of  prejudices  and 
a  good  hater.  He  wrote  well,  but  was  disposed  to  dip  his  pen  in  gall." 
Another  enemy  was  an  assistant  secretary  of  war,  whose  singularly 
perverse  disposition  to  see  honest  men  in  unspeakable  criminals  such 
as  "  Boss  "  Tweed,  and  dishonest  men  in  Presidents  such  as  Grant 
and  Cleveland,  renders  his  ideas  about  Mr.  Hamlin  an  unintentional 
tribute  to  the  sincerity  of  his  devotion  to  Lincoln.  Mr.  Hamlin 
could  not  have  chosen  better  enemies  to  supplement  the  opinions  of 
his  friends. 

Thus  the  evidence  presented  clearly  exonerates  President  Lincoln 
from  connection  with  the  nomination  of  Johnson,  and  shows  that  the 
theory  that  he  was  responsible  for  it  was  based  on  the  uncertain  foun 
dation  of  hearsay,  assumption,  and  malice.  The  curious  feature  of  the 
affair  was  the  illustration  it  afforded  of  the  desire  men  had  to  shine 
in  the  rising  sun  of  Lincoln's  brightening  fame.  Any  slight  pretext 
served  their  purpose  to  thrust  themselves  before  the  public  as  the , 
"  confidential  friends  "  of  the  martyr  President.  But  as  their  stories 
are  all  based  on  a  false  premise,  they  are  easily  toppled  over,  though 
it  is  not  worth  the  space  to  analyze  them  in  this  narrative  of  fact. 
One  of  the  pillars  in  this  weak  structure  of  gossip,  artifice,  and  im 
agination  was  the  assumption  that  Henry  J.  Raymond  was  delegated 
by  Mr.  Lincoln  to  work  for  Johnson  at  the  convention.  While  Mr. 
Raymond  may  have  expressed  the  opinion  that  Lincoln  favored  John 
son,  it  is  very  doubtful  if  he  ever  told  anybody  in  direct  terms  that 
Lincoln  actually  informed  him  of  this  in  so  many  words.  There  is  an 
important  difference.  Raymond's  actual  knowledge  of  President  Lin 
coln's  position  and  preferences  may  now  be  definitely  settled.  It  is 
announced  herewith  on  the  authority  of  Noah  Brooks  that  the  day 
before  the  convention  Henry  J.  Raymond  asked  him  this  question : 
"  Do  you  know  who  is  Lincoln's  choice  for  Vice-President  ?  I  can 
not  find  out."  This  supports  Nicolay  and  Hay.  Lincoln  did  not 
wish  to  interfere. 

With  the  documentary  evidence  thus  presented,  and  the  testimony 
of  living  men  in  corroboration,  it  is  inconceivable  how  President  Lin 
coln  could  have  worked  out  a  plot  to  nominate  Johnson,  though  his 
pure  and  honest  character  itself  forbids  the  supposition.  But  every 
detail  was  investigated,  and  the  result  is  that  Lincoln,  Cameron,  Swett, 
Sickles,  and  all  others  who  were  said  to  be  in  it  are  exonerated.  Even 
the  juvenile  theory  that  Swett  used  Judge  Holt  as  a  foil  was  examined, 


488  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN 

and  it  was  disproved  by  Judge  Holt's  statement  alone,  which  was  to 
the  effect  that  he  had  no  knowledge  of  any  such  plan.  This  trick  to 
gull  the  public  by  the  unwarranted  use  of  Leonard  Swett's  name  was 
effectually  exposed  by  Mr.  Drummond,  and  it  is  ridiculous  in  light  of 
the  fact  that  Judge  Holt  received  only  two  votes  in  the  convention. 
He  was  not  even  a  candidate.  It  remained  for  a  Philadelphia  politi 
cian  in  control  of  a  newspaper  to  assert  that  he  was  "  President  Lin 
coln's  confidential  adviser,  and  saw  him  at  all  times  and  all  hours." 
The  impression  his  story  made  on  sober-minded  and  truthful  news 
papers,  as  exemplified  in  the  "New  York  Tribune,"  may  be  judged 
of  the  two  laconic  comments  the  "  Tribune "  made  on  this  claim. 
One  was  :  "  Mr.  Lincoln  may  or  may  not  have  desired  Mr.  Hamlin's 
renomination,  but  the  '  Tribune '  does  not  believe  that  he  lied  about 
it."  The  other,  which  was  equally  happy,  was  :  "  Mr.  Lincoln  ap 
peared  to  have  more  confidential  advisers  than  George  Washington 
had  nurses."  1 

Mr.  Hamlin  remained  in  public  life  many  years  after  his  retirement 
from  the  vice-presidency,  and  during  that  time  he  was  associated  with 
many  men  who,  with  him,  knew  the  real  Lincoln,  —  Stanton,  Chandler, 
Elaine,  Washburne,  Fessenden,  Morrill,  Cameron,  Stevens,  Wade, 
Sumner,  Wilson,  Trumbull,  Doolittle,  and  many  others.  The  most  of 
these  men  knew  how  Andrew  Johnson  was  nominated,  and  that  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  had  no  part  in  it.  While  it  was  a  delicate  subject  to 
approach,  yet  if  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  the  cause  of  Johnson's  nomina 
tion,  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  would  have  told  him.  But  they  knew  the 
truth,  and,  without  anticipating,  it  may  be  said  that  during  the  stormy 
days  of  Johnson's  impeachment  and  the  troubles  over  the  first  Grant 
administration,  there  were  some  encounters  behind  the  scenes  in  the 
Senate  the  public  men  never  heard  of,  and  which  it  would  not  be  best 
to  reveal  entirely.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  Fessenden  and  Chandler 
openly  charged  Sumner  with  being  responsible  for  Johnson's  eleva 
tion  to  the  presidency,  and  heaped  some  awful  reproaches  on  his  head. 
Thus  Mr.  Hamlin  believed  until  the  last  that  Lincoln  was  true  to 
him.  Once,  when  he  was  an  old  man,  and  no  longer  had  a  firm  grip 
on  himself,  he  was  astonished  to  hear  a  Mr.  Pettis,  of  Pennsylvania, 
say  that  Lincoln  whispered  to  him  that  Johnson  was  his  choice.  He 
wrote  a  polite  note,  saying  that  he  was  "  sorry  to  be  disabused ; "  but 
when  he  thought  over  Lincoln's  great  kindness  and  loyalty  to  him,  he 
said  to  his  wife  :  "  Pettis  must  have  imagined  he  heard  Lincoln  say 
that.  I  am  sorry  I  wrote  him.  Lincoln  was  my  friend ;  I  am  sure 
of  it." 

1  See  also  editorials  in  the  Chicago  Inter-Ocean  of  July  10,  1891,  the  New  York 
Evening  Post,  Boston  Advertiser,  and  other  like  journals,  rejecting  this  person 
and  his  stories. 


THE   HISTORY   OF  JOHNSON'S   NOMINATION          489 

Mr.  Hamlin's  knowledge  of  President  Lincoln's  character,  faith  in 
him  as  a  friend,  and  information  of  the  inside  workings  of  the  Balti 
more  convention  were  sufficient  to  cause  him  to  reject  this  story;  and 
at  the  same  time  his  belief  that  Lincoln  was  true  to  him  was  positively 
confirmed  by  the  appearance  of  the  official  record  of  his  administra 
tion,  written  by  his  faithful  literary  executors,  —  John  G.  Nicolay  and 
John  Hay,  afterwards  ambassador  of  the  United  States  at  the  couic 
of  St.  James  and  secretary  of  state  in  President  McKinley's  Cabinet. 
A  striking  proof  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  faith  was  the  journey  he  took  to 
New  York  in  the  evening  of  his  old  age,  to  ask  the  nation  to  make 
Lincoln's  birthday  a  holiday,  which  is  an  interesting  incident  by  itself. 
While  the  country  long  ago  accepted  this  record  of  Lincoln's  admin 
istration  as  authoritative,  Mr.  Hamlin's  opinion  of  it  is  not  inapropos. 
In  one  of  the  very  few  newspaper  interviews  he  authorized,  he  said  to  ,  y 
E.  J.  Edwards,  a  journalist  of  high  standing  and  character  :  "  I  have 
been  reading  that  Life  of  Mr.  Lincoln  which  was  written  by  Colonel 
Nicolay  and  Major  Hay.  I  have  read  it  carefully  from  beginning  to  end, 
and  I  often  take  it  up,  and  read  and  reread  some  passages  contained 
in  it,  which  suggest  to  me  some  of  the  most  solemn  and  tender  mem 
ories  of  my  official  life.  ...  I  think  that  Colonel  Nicolay  and  Major 
Hay's  book  is  the  Life  of  Lincoln  which  will  remain.  .  .  .  The  state 
ments  contained  in  it  are  accurate.  ...  In  my  own  case  the  reading 
confirms  and  strengthens  the  impression  which  I  first  had  concerning 
Mr.  Lincoln's  character."1 

Mr.  Nicolay  has  voluntarily  rendered  history  an  important  service 
in  reviewing  stories  that  would  represent  the  Emancipator  in  a  false 
light.2  He  demonstrates  with  ease  that  on  their  face  these  stories  of 
the  politicians  are  inconsistent  and  improbable.  His  review  authorita 
tively  closes  the  incident,  and  is  another  warning  that  history  always 
overtakes  the  untruth.  The  review  is  a  grave  where  men  fell  whose 
desire  for  "  reflected  greatness "  overcame  their  discretion,  and 
tempted  them  to  present  themselves  as  authoritative  witnesses  even 
at  the  expense  of  Lincoln's  honor,  and  in  the  face  of  an  array  of 
weighty  names  and  overwhelming  evidence.  Mr.  Hamlin  died  in  the 
full  belief  that  Abraham  Lincoln's  life  was  unsullied  by  an  act  or 
word,  and  this  must  be  the  verdict  of  all  time. 

1  Philadelphia  Press,  February  26,  1891. 

2  See  Supplement  by  John  G.  Nicolay,  and  also  letter  by  John  Hay  in  support. 


CHAPTER   XXXVII 

COLLECTOR  OF  BOSTON 

MR.  HAMLIN  appeared  to  suffer  no  loss  of  prestige  in  his  party  nor 
to  be  deeply  wounded  at  his  retirement  from  the  presidential  ticket. 
He  accepted  the  action  of  the  convention  and  supported  Lincoln  and 
Johnson  with  characteristic  loyalty,  whatever  he  may  have  thought 
of  the  causes  of  his  displacement.  Indeed,  he  took  advantage  of  the 
first  opportunity  presented  to  signify  his  approbation  of  the  ticket. 
This  was  in  a  speech  he  made  on  June  n,  at  the  ratification  meeting 
held  in  Bangor.  He  spoke  of  Lincoln  as  one  "  whom  the  people 
loved  "  and  "  who  had  been  renominated,  and  would  be  reflected  in 
obedience  to  their  will."  He  repeated  his  well-known  belief  that 
"the  President  was  a  man  of  eminent  abilities,  of  rare  and  un 
surpassed  integrity,"  and  predicted  that  "  he  would  administer  the 
government  wisely  and  well,  and  lead  the  nation  out  of  its  present 
difficulty  and  plant  it  on  the  eternal  principle  of  liberty." 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  not  unmindful  of  the  fact  that  "  many  had  com 
plained  that  the  President  was  too  slow,"  while  others  had  also 
complained  that  "he  had  been  too  fast,  or  even  rash  in  his  acts." 
But  with  a  people  who  were  active  and  impatient,  he  who  provoked 
no  discussion  or  produced  no  division  of  opinion  would  be  more  than 
human.  Mr.  Hamlin  believed  that  Lincoln  had  steered  the  right 
course,  and  said  :  "  Amid  the  perils  that  have  surrounded  the  ship  of 
state  he  has  guided  her  with  the  hand  of  a  skillful  pilot,  and  will  soon 
reach  the  quiet  haven  of  peace." 

Mr.  Hamlin  next  referred  to  Johnson's  nomination,  and  said  the 
convention  which  was  composed  of  all  parties  had  deemed  it  wisest 
to  take  for  Vice-President  a  man  who  had  been  identified  with  the 
Democratic  party,  and  "the  honored  and  incorruptible  patriot,  An 
drew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,"  had  been  nominated.  He  knew  John 
son  well,  and  "  a  purer  patriot "  did  not  live  in  the  land.  He  was 
eminently  "  fit  to  discharge  the  duties  of  President,  should  he  in  the 
providence  of  God  be  called  to  do  so."  Amidst  the  traitors  in  the 
Senate  from  his  own  section  "  he  stood  unmoved,  true  to  the  Union, 
and  unconditionally  loyal  to  his  country." 

Mr.  Hamlin  finally  sketched  Johnson  graphically  as  one  who  stood 
"  faithful  among  the  faithless,"  and  who,  "  separated  from  home,  his 


COLLECTOR  OF  BOSTON  491 

property  confiscated,  his  sons  imprisoned,  and  his  wife  and  children 
driven  to  the  mountains  for  the  preservation  of  their  lives,"  had 
"proved  his  loyalty  and  patriotism  beyond  a  doubt." 

Mr.  Hamlin's  eulogies  of  Lincoln  and  Johnson  seem  to  have  won 
him  a  higher  regard  from  his  party,  judging  from  the  comments  evoked. 
Space  can  be  spared  for  only  one  selection,  which  is  taken  from  a 
letter  written  by  John  W.  Forney  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  was  supposed 
to  be  on  intimate  terms  with  President  Lincoln.  This  is  interesting, 
considering  the  far-fetched  story  that  he  and  Cameron  1  were  parties 
to  a  "  deep  and  mysterious  conspiracy,"  plotted  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  to 
nominate  Johnson.  Forney  wrote  on  June  20,  when  his  recollection 
of  the  convention  was  fresh,  and  before  the  public  mind  was  befogged 
by  arbitrary  interpretation  of  Lincoln's  words  regarding  the  vice- 
presidency.  Among  other  things  Forney  said  :  "  You  had  a  right  to 
look  to  a  renomination.  I  do  not  know  whether  you  desired  it ;  cer 
tainly  you  never  intimated  such  a  thought  to  me,  but  it  would  have 
been  logically  right  if  it  had  been  freely  conferred.  Hence  the  value 
of  your  manly  words  about  Andy  Johnson.  I  am  very  proud  of  the 
vote  of  Pennsylvania  in  your  favor,  and  when  I  have  the  honor  to  see 
you  I  shall  give  you  some  items  on  this  point.  I  was  at  Baltimore 
all  the  time,  and  helped  a  little,  but  saw  more.  Cameron  was  your 
friend  after  himself,  but  old  Thad  (Stevens),  who  did  n't  want  to  be 
Vice-President,  was  really  for  you.  New  England  was  not  a  unit  for 
anybody  and  was  not  for  you.  But  what  of  it  ?  To  be  Vice-Presi 
dent  is  clearly  not  to  be  anything  more  than  reflected  greatness." 

Consistent  with  their  record,  the  Democrats  who  had  directly  or 
indirectly  opposed  the  war  nominated  General  George  B.  McClellan 
for  President  and  George  H.  Pendleton  for  Vice-President,  and  in  con 
vention  declared  the  war  a  "  failure. "  2  But  no  assemblage  of  men 
in  the  political  history  of  this  country  were  exposed  to  ridicule  more 
quickly  than  the  deliverers  of  this  treasonable  utterance.  While  they 
were  in  session  news  came  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Morgan,  and  be 
fore  they  had  lost  their  solemn  faces,  the  tidings  of  Farragut's  vic 
tories  in  Mobile  staggered  them.  But  Copperhead  humiliation  was 
rendered  complete  even  before  the  campaign  was  fairly  opened,  with 
Grant,  Sherman,  and  Sheridan,  all  smashing  the  Confederacy  at 
Petersburg  and  Atlanta,  and  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  The  great 
President  was  now  master  of  the  military  and  political  situation. 
Moreover,  the  soldiers  of  the  Confederacy,  who  had  been  deceived 

1  Forney  and  Cameron  were  political  rivals  in  Pennsylvania,  and  Forney's 
tribute  to  Cameron's  loyalty  to  Mr.  Hamlin  is  convincing  evidence. 

a  It  is  to  the  credit  of  General  McClellan  that  in  his  letter  of  acceptance  he 
refuted  the  treasonable  platform  of  his  party. 


494  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

of  trouble  for  posterity,  and  which  should  preserve  liberty  for  all  time 
to  come.  He  described  the  military  situation  by  saying,  "  Grant  has 
the  rebellion  by  the  throat ;  gallant  Phil  Sheridan  is  pressing  it  on 
the  rear ;  Farragut  has  got  it  on  the  front,  and  Sherman  is  piercing 
its  heart."  He  predicted  that  the  people  would  be  true  to  "  that  able 
and  honestest  of  all  men,  Abraham  Lincofn,  and  to  Andrew  John 
son,  than  whom  no  purer  patriot  breathed  the  pure  air  of  freedom." 

The  magnitude  of  the  Union  victory  and  the  Copperhead  defeat, 
which  resulted  in  Lincoln's  reelection,  cannot  be  overestimated. 
Every  free  State,  with  the  solitary  exception  of  New  Jersey,  cast  its 
electoral  vote  for  the  Union  ticket,  while  of  the  border  States,  Mary 
land,  Missouri,  and  West  Virginia  also  supported  it.  Only  three 
States  of  the  twenty-two  voting  declared  the  war  to  be  a  "failure." 
Lincoln  had  212  votes  in  the  electoral  college,  and  McClellan  but  21. 
No  unpatriotic  party  ever  received  a  more  deserved  rebuke  than  the 
Copperhead  organization  in  this  instance.  For  years  the  Democratic 
party  was  unable  to  recover  its  prestige  on  account  of  the  odium 
which  it  justly  earned  during  the  war,  and  it  did  not  regain  prestige 
until  new  voters  came  on  the  scene  with  better  ideas  of  the  prin 
ciples  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson,  and  sought  to  give  the  party  a 
republican  status. 

There  was  an  incident  connected  with  the  election  in  Maine  that 
is  recorded  with  regret.  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  had  confidently  sup 
posed  that  the  legislature  would  return  him  to  the  Senate,  and  they 
based  their  expectation  on  the  belief  that  he  was  the  choice  of  the 
people.  A  vacancy  was  created  in  the  Senate  by  the  resignation 
of  Mr.  Fessenden  to  become  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  the  legis 
lature  chosen  in  September  was  called  on  to  elect  his  successor. 
It  was  generally  believed  that  Mr.  Fessenden  would  remain  in  the 
Cabinet,  and  that  Mr.  Hamlin  would  thus  have  a  clear  field.  This 
was  his  own  opinion,  and  had  he  supposed  that  Mr.  Fessenden 
planned  to  enter  the  contest  he  would  have  taken  the  details  of  his 
campaign  into  his  own  hands.  But  Mr.  Fessenden  gave  no  sign  of 
desiring  to  return  to  the  Senate,  and  when  there  was  a  call  for  Mr. 
Hamlin  to  speak  for  the  party  throughout  the  doubtful  States,  he 
consulted  with  some  who  professed  to  be  his  friends.  One  who 
held  a  high  position  at  this  time  said  :  "  You  are  needed  on  the 
stump.  There  will  be  no  contest  against  your  election  to  the  Sen 
ate  ;  but  if  you  do  not  feel  sure  I  will  manage  your  campaign  for 
you,  and  keep  you  closely  informed."  Mr.  Fessenden,  however, 
found  his  duties  as  secretary  of  the  treasury  irksome,  and  became  a 
candidate  for  the  Senate  while  Mr.  Hamlin  was  in  the  West.  The 
one  who  had  promised  to  organize  Mr.  Hamlin's  canvass  failed  him, 
and  thus  at  the  start,  when  men  were  arraying  themselves  in  the 


COLLECTOR  OF   BOSTON  495 

contest  for  senator,  and  the  politicians  were  laying  wires,  Mr.  Ham- 
lin's  manager  failed  him,  and  virtually  threw  the  contest  into  the 
hands  of  his  opponents.  When  Mr.  Hamlin  surveyed  the  situation 
he  withdrew  his  name.  This  incident  lent  peculiar  interest  to  the 
senatorial  fight  of  1 869,  when  Mr.  Hamlin  was  returned  to  the  Sen 
ate  over  Lot  M.  Morrill. 

When  Congress  convened  in  December,  1864,  Mr.  Hamlin  returned 
to  Washington,  to  close  his  official  life  at  the  capital,  fully  expecting 
to  retire  to  private  life.  An  incident  happened  which  served  to  embar 
rass  both  Mr.  Lincoln  and  himself,  although  it  is  now  of  interest  in 
showing  the  President's  friendship  for  Mr.  Hamlin.  A  movement 
was  started  in  Maine  to  have  him  appointed  secretary  of  the  treasury. 
He  wrote  his  wife  on  February  23  :  "I  deeply  regret  to  see  that  the 
members  of  our  legislature  have  seen  fit  to  recommend  me  for  a 
place  in  the  Cabinet.  I  requested  them  not  to  do  it,  and  I  am  very 
sorry  they  have  done  so.  Nothing  will  come  of  it,  and  it  will  only 
place  me  in  a  false  attitude  of  seeking  a  place,  which  is  not  the  case, 
for  I  do  not  want  such  a  place."  On  February  26  he  again  alluded 
to  the  subject :  "  I  suppose  my  true  friends  thought  that  they  were 
doing  me  a  service  when  they  passed  the  resolution  you  refer  to. 
But  ...  I  regret  that  they  said  a  word.  I  feel  deeply  anxious  as  to 
what  I  am  to  do  and  how  we  are  to  get  along.  I  see  no  way  but  for 
me  to  go  to  work  on  my  land  and  get  all  I  can  out  of  it.  ...  I  would 
not  ask  a  favor  of  the  administration.  .  .  .  But  I  will  not  trouble 
you  about  these  matters,  but  will  invoke  you  to  be  of  good  cheer." 

Mr.  Hamlin's  friends,  however,  insisted  on  presenting  his  name 
to  the  President,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  offered  Mr.  Hamlin  the  Treasury 
portfolio.  This  was  unexpected,  and  all  the  more  gratifying  on  that 
account.  Mr.  Hamlin  gave  a  very  brief  account  of  the  incident,  and  it 
cannot  be  said  what  his  own  disposition  was ;  however,  it  is  reason 
able  to  conclude  that  he  would  have  accepted  the  offer  had  not  certain 
contingencies  arisen.  He  was  one  of  the  most  considerate  of  men  in 
speaking  of  those  with  whom  he  did  not  sustain  cordial  relations,  and 
never  gave  his  grievances  to  the  public.  While  Thurlow  Weed  and 
a  few  others  got  hold  of  a  little  gossip  connecting  Mr.  Hamlin  with 
the  Treasury  Department  and  the  French  mission,  the  facts  were 
known  only  to  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Hamlin.  They  may  be  disclosed 
now  simply  as  an  episode  that  arose  between  two  distinguished  men 
who  were  brought  in  collision  to  some  extent  by  the  force  of  circum 
stances.  Mr.  Lincoln  contemplated  reorganizing  his  Cabinet,  and  for 
this  and  other  reasons  he  desired  to  have  Mr.  Hamlin  remain  at  Wash 
ington  in  his  councils.  It  is  not  probable  that  Mr.  Seward  would  have 
remained  at  the  head  of  the  State  Department,  and  Mr.  Hamlin's  en 
trance  in  the  Cabinet  would  have  rendered  Mr.  Welles* s  retirement 


496  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

necessary.  But  Mr.  Fessenden  objected  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  appointment, 
and  further  speculation  is  rendered  futile  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  death.  All 
Mr.  Hamlin  said  to  his  son  Charles  was  that  President  Lincoln  called 
him  one  day  to  the  White  House,  and  in  sorrow  informed  him  that 
Mr.  Fessenden  had  threatened  war  if  he  should  appoint  Mr.  Hamlin 
to  the  Cabinet.  Mr.  Lincoln  showed  a  godti  deal  of  feeling,  and  said, 
perhaps  thinking  of  the  Baltimore*  convention,  "You  have  not  been 
treated  right.  It  is  too  bad,  too  bad.  But  what  can  I  do  ?  I  am  tied 
hands  and  feet."  As  Mr.  Hamlin  had  not  originally  desired  a  seat  in 
the  Cabinet,  he  allowed  the  affair  to  drop.  The  newspaper  gossips  of 
the  day  published  far  and  wide  Mr.  Hamlin's  earnest  and  sincere  ex 
pression  of  friendship  for  Mr.  Lincoln  on  his  departure  from  Washing 
ton,  as  evidence  of  his  satisfaction  in  the  President's  attitude  toward 
him. 

An  account  of  the  personal  and  official  relations  between  Mr.  Lin 
coln  and  Mr.  Hamlin,  however  brief,  would  not  be  complete  without  a 
few  facts  about  the  special  favor  the  President  showed  Mr.  Hamlin  in 
dealing  with  the  practical  politics  involved.  Mr.  Hamlin  necessarily 
felt  delicate  in  presenting  claims  to  Mr.  Lincoln  on  behalf  of  his  friends 
since  his  own  office  commanded  no  power.  In  his  account  to  his  son, 
General  Charles  Hamlin,  he  said :  "  I  asked  Lincoln  for  only  a  very 
few  government  offices,  and  he  never  refused  me  a  single  personal 
favor."  Excluding  military  positions,  the  whole  number  of  federal 
offices  Mr.  Hamlin  asked  of  President  Lincoln  was  in  half  a  dozen. 
Perhaps  the  most  important  was  that  of  naval  officer  at  Washington, 
which  was  filled  by  Samuel  P.  Brown,  of  Orland,  Maine,  whose  long 
tenure  of  office  and  conceded  administrative  ability  amply  warranted 
Mr.  Hamlin's  choice.  Another  appointment  was  that  of  Shepherd 
Pike,  who  was  an  associate  of  Horace  Greeley,  and  whose  selection 
as  minister  to  the  Hague  was  partially  due  to  the  Vice-President's 
desires.  A  third  case  was  of  peculiar  interest  to  Mr.  Lincoln  himself. 
The  entire  congressional  delegation  from  Maine  had  united  on  a  man 
of  their  own  choice  for  collector  of  internal  revenue  in  a  certain  dis 
trict.  John  West,  of  Franklin,  was  also  a  candidate.  All  Mr.  Hamlin 
did  was  to  inform  the  President  that  Mr.  West  was  one  of  the  first 
influential  politicians  in  Maine  to  help  him  inaugurate  the  Lincoln 
movement  in  their  State,  which  took  a  substantial  vote  away  from 
Seward.  Mr.  Lincoln  smiled,  and  by  way  of  reply  at  once  nominated 
Mr.  WTest,  to  the  great  amazement  of  Senators  Fessenden  and  Merrill. 
They  were  utterly  dumfounded,  in  fact,  until  they  happened  to  look 
up  at  the  Vice-President  and  saw  a  twinkle  in  his  eye.  Mr.  Hamlin's 
choice  of  men  for  officers  in  the  army  has  been  already  detailed.  The 
record  of  the  men  he  supported  speaks  for  itself.  He  was  disap 
pointed  in  only  a  few  instances. 


COLLECTOR  OF  BOSTON  497 

Mr.  Hamlin  relinquished  the  vice-presidency  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1865,  when  a  most  distressing  incident  happened  which  clearly  ex 
plained  President  Lincoln's  repugnance  for  Andrew  Johnson,  and  his 
exclamation  of  disgust  when  informed  of  his  nomination  for  Vice- 
President.  When  Johnson  came  to  Washington  to  be  inaugurated, 
hfi  was  arrnmpaniejBlfiylent-hnsiasl-irLiriends  and  admirers  from  Ten-~~ 
nessee.  There  was  a  great  deal  of  drinking  and  jubilation  among 
"them,  and  Johnson  was  already  on  the  verge  of  another  spree  when 
the  day  came  for  him  to  be  inducted  into  office.  He  called  at  the  ) 
senate  chamber  shortly  before  the  hour  of  inaugural,  and  found  / 
Vice-President  Hamlin  and  General  Charles  Hamlin  waiting  for  him  ' 
in  the  former's  private  room.  There  was  a  cordial  conversation,  J 
and  then  Johnson  said,  "Mr.  Hamlin,  I  am  not  well,  and  need  a 
stimulant.  Have  you  any  whiskey  ?  "  "  No,"  replied  Mr.  Hamlin, 
"  when  I  became  Vice-President,  I  gave  an  order  prohibiting  the  sale 
of  liquor  in  the  senate  restaurant;  but  if  you  desire,  I  will  send 
across  the  street  for  some  whiskey."  Mr.  Johnson  expressed  his  wish 
for  liquor,  and  a  messenger  procured  him  a  bottle.  He  filled  a  table 
glass  up  to  the  brim,  and  drank  it  down  without  any  water.  He  then 
resumed  conversation,  and  began  to  tell  Mr.  Hamlin  of  his  ambition 
to  make  the  effort  of  his  life  when  taking  the  oath  of  office.  While 
talking  on  this  theme,  he  poured  out  another  glass  full  to  the  brim, 
and  rapidly  poured  that  down.  Mr.  Hamlin  afterwards  said  to  his 
son  that  this  made  him  a  little  apprehensive,  but  knowing  that  John 
son  was  a  hard  drinker,  he  supposed  that  he  could  stand  the  liquor  he 
had  taken.  There  was  up  to  this  time,  indeed,  nothing  to  indicate 
that  the  whiskey  had  affected  Johnson. 

A  moment  later,  word  was  given  that  it  was  time  for  the  inaugural 
procession  to  start.  Vice-President  Hamlin  offered  Mr.  Johnson  his 
arm,  and  they  started  to  leave  the  room,  with  General  Hamlin  follow 
ing  them.  They  had  hardly  stepped  out  of  the  room  when  Johnson, 
excusing  himself  hurriedly,  turned  back,  almost  running  into  Gen 
eral  Hamlin.  The  general  naturally  turned  around  to  see  what  the 
matter  was,  and  saw  Johnson  step  up  to  the  table  where  the  whis 
key  was  and  pour  down  a  third  tumblerful.  He  then  hurried  back  to 
the  senate  chamber  and  took  his  seat  on  the  dais  next  to  Mr.  Ham- 
lin^who  now  delivered  his  valedictory  address,  which  was  a  brief  and 
appropriate  review  of  his  relations  with  the  Senate  as  its  presid 
ing  officer,  and  an  acknowledgment  of  the  kindness  shown  him,  and 
also  his  thanks  for  its  vote  of  commendation  for  his  services-  in 
the  chair.  While  Mr.  Hamlin  was  speaking,  as  it  was  afterwards 
learned,  the  heat  of  the  senate  chamber  affected  Johnson,  and  when 
Mr.  Hamlin  called  on  him  to  take  the  oath  of  office,  he  had  become 
so  drunk  that  he  made  a  miserable  spectacle  of  himself.  Before 


498  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

those  around  him  had  realized  what  the  matter  was,  Johnson  was 
making  an  incoherent,  drunken,  maudlin  harangue.  He  ejaculated 
disconnected  sentences  :  "  Your  President  is  a  plebeian  —  I  am  a  ple 
beian  —  glory  in  it  —  Tennessee  has  never  gone  out  of  the  Union  —  I 
am  going  to  talk  two  and  a  half  minutes  on  that  point,  and  want  you 
to  hear  me  —  Tennessee  was  always  loyal*  We  all  derive  our  power 
from  the  people.  I  want  you  to  hear  me  two  and  a  half  minutes  on 
that  point."1 

When  Johnson  began  his  speech,  his  condition  was  not  noticeable, 
and  his  stammering  was  attributed  to  his  natural  feelings.  He  was  a 
very  excitable  man,  and  in  the  heat  of  debate  or  speechmaking  would 
often  be  carried  away  by  the  excess  of  his  feelings.  But  as  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  listened,  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  man  was  under  the 
influence  of  liquor.  /Leaning  forward  quietly,  to  attract  as  little  atten 
tion  as  possible,  'Mr.  Hamlin  took  hold  of  Johnson's  coat,  pulled  it 
gently,  and  whispered,  "  Johnson,  stop  !  "  But  this  had  no  effect ; 
Johnson  was  thoroughly  excited,  and  wound  up  for  a  speech.  He 
blundered  on,  and  possessed  of  the  idea  that  he  must  explain  his  polit 
ical  principles,  turned  to  men  on  the  dais.  "  Mr.  Secretary  of  War," 
he  said  to  Mr.  Stanton,  "you  derive  your  power  from  the  people." 
Then  pausing,  he  asked,  "  Who  is  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ?  "  some 
one  replied,  "  Mr.  Welles,"  and  Johnson  addressed  him  in  a  similar 
strain.  By  this  time  the  spectators  had  comprehended  the  meaning  of 
Johnson's  behavior.  President  Lincoln,  who  had  entered  the  senate 
chamber,  grasped  the  situation,  and  a  look  came  over  his  face  none 
forgot  who  saw  it.  Charles  Sumner  covered  his  face  with  his  hands, 
and  bowed  his  head  down  on  his  desk.  Other  senators  likewise 
buried  their  faces  in  their  hands,  or  in  other  ways  revealed  their  dis 
gust.  The  entrance  of  the  presidential  party  created  a  diversion,  and 
taking  advantage  of  it,  Mr.  Hamlin  and  others  managed  to  choke 
Johnson  off  long  enough  to  enable  the  Vice-President  to  announce 
that  he  would  administer  the  oath  of  office  to  his  successor.  Mr. 
Hamlin  read  the  oath  by  sentences,  Johnson  following  him,  stumbling 
and  repeating  himself.  /After  the  inaugural  was  over,  Johnson  at 
tempted  to  speak  again,  but  Mr.  Hamlin  and  another  man  walked  him 
around  for  a  while,  and  finally  turned  him  over  to  Preston  King,  who 
took  him  in  charge.  The  regrettable  truth  is,  Johnson  continued  in 
his  spree  for  another  week. 

While  Mr.  Hamlin  was  resting  at  home,  the  Union  armies  were 
steadily  overpowering  the  Confederacy,  and  in  April  the  glad  tidings 
were  flashed  over  the  North  that  Lee  had  laid  down  his  arms  at 
Appomattox.  l£  the  jubilations  which  followed  at  Bangor,  Mr. 

1  New  York  Herald,  March  5,  1865.  The  real  speech  was  not  recorded  in  the 
Congressional  Globe. 


COLLECTOR   OF   BOSTON  499 

Hamlin  made  several  short  addresses,  and  his  utterances  were  of 
heartfelt  thanksgiving.  But  a  few  days  later  joy  was  turned  into 
gloom  when  the  news  came  that  the  good  President  had  been  mur 
dered  by  a  fanatic.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  walking  down  street  early  on 
the  morning  of  April  1 5,  when  the  fearful  intelligence  had  reached 
Bangor.  A  crowd  of  sorrowful  men  were  standing  before  a  newspa 
per  bulletin  board,  and  as  Mr.  Hamlin  approached,  they  surrounded 
him.  The  tears  were  streaming  down  his  cheeks,  and  his  voice 
choked  when  he  tried  to  speak.  All  he  could  say  was,  "He  was  a 
good  man  ;  he  was  a  great  man."  Mr.  Hamlin  stood  for  a  moment, 
reading  the  bulletin  board,  and  after  he  had  somewhat  regained  his 
composure,  some  one  respectfully  inquired  what  kind  of  a  President 
Mr.  Johnson  would  make.  H.  C.  Ouimby,  a  well-known  citizen  of 
Bangor,  who  was  present,  said  Mr.  Hamlin  promptly  replied  in  his 
sincere  way :  "  I  think  that  he  will  make  a  good  President,  and  that 
•the  country  will  be  safe  in  his  hands."  Mr.  Quimby  added  that  Mr. 
Hamlin's  sincerity  impressed  all  present  with  a  larger  sense  of  his 
generosity,  since  there  was  but  a  common  feeling  that  Mr.  Hamlin 
ought  to  have  been  in  the  White  House  at  that  moment. 

When  a  public  meeting  was  held  in  Bangor  a  few  days  later,  to  take 
action  on  the  death  of  President  Lincoln,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  present, 
but  when  called  on  to  speak,  could  not  trust  his  feelings.  He  attended 
the  funeral  at  Washington,  but  did  not  accompany  the  mourners  to 
Illinois.  His  family  well  remembered  that  his  attitude  was  that  of  a 
man  who  had  lost  his  best  friend.  While  he  did  not  say  much,  in 
accordance  with  his  nature,  Lincoln's  name  was  never  mentioned  in 
his  presence  without  evoking  a  few  words  of  an  affectionate,  almost 
reverential  nature.  His  manner  told  the  story  of  his  sense  of  per 
sonal  loss.  He  mourned  the  man,  and  no  one  ever  heard  him  intimate 
a  regret  over  the  changed  condition  of  circumstances  which  found  him 
in  private  life  and  another  where  his  friends  thought  he  should  have 
been.  The  only  public  function  he  fulfilled  at  this  time  was  to  deliver 
the  Fourth  of  July  oration.  His  chief  duties  were  to  take  care  of  his 
little  farm.  This  kind  of  life  was  a  solace  to  him,  and  out  of  the 
shadow  of  Lincoln's  assassination  he  seemed  to  be  happy.  He  fell 
naturally  into  the  life  of  a  country-squire,  and  repeated  his  oldtime 
saying,  that  when  he  entered  politics  he  "  spoiled  the  making  of  a  good 
farmer." 

The  most  important  incident  with  which  Mr.  Hamlin  concerned 
himself  during  this  brief  interval  of  retirement  was  the  movement 
to  establish  a  state  college  of  agriculture  and  mechanical  arts  along 
the  lines  he  had  advocated  when  he  became  governor  of  Maine,  and 
on  which  Justin  S.  Morrill  subsequently  framed  his  land  grant  bill. 
This  project  did  not  at  first  meet  with  much  favor  in  Maine.  There 


500  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

was  an  objection  on  the  ground  of  expense,  the  farmers  doubted 
whether  the  institution  could  make  good  agriculturalists  out  of  their 
sons,  and  the  other  colleges  were  generally  thought  to  be  sufficient. 
Mr.  Hamlin  took  the  fair  position.  He  was  a  friend  of  the  classical 
college,  and  for  many  years  was  a  trustee  of  Colby.  He  believed  that 
a  classical  course  was  of  advantage  to  those,  at  least,  who  intended 
to  enter  the  so-called  learned  professions  ;  he  also  sent  two  sons  to 
Colby  and  one  to  Bowdoin,  who  became  lawyers ;  but  as  all  students 
did  not  wish  to  become  lawyers,  doctors,  ministers,  or  teachers,  he 
did  not  believe  that  all  students  required  a  knowledge  of  Latin  and 
Greek.  While  he  believed  that  the  classical  college  filled  a  useful 
field,  he  also  thought  that  there  was  room  for  another  college  which 
would  enter  more  closely  into  the  life  of  the  multitude.  He  recog 
nized  the  value  of  a  classical  education,  but  he  was  nevertheless  of 
the  opinion  that  one  could  acquire  a  larger  acquaintance  with  the 
practical  and  ideal  sides  of  life  and  better  mental  discipline  from  a 
thorough  study  of  his  own  tongue  than  of  a  dead  tongue ; l  still,  he 
never  took  part  in  this  time-worn  controversy,  but  sought  to  aid  the 
various  institutions  he  supported  in  their  respective  spheres  of  use 
fulness. 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  lent  his  aid  to  the  state  college  plan,  there 
was  a  lively  controversy  over  the  site  to  be  chosen.  The  friends  of 
Bowdoin  and  Colby  each  wished  to  attach  the  new  institution  to  their 
respective  colleges.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  convinced  that  it  ought  to  have 
an  independent  site  and  separate  existence.  He  favored  Orono  as 
the  location,  and  when  he  was  elected  president  of  the  board  of 
trustees  bent  his  energies  to  these  ends.  The  decisive  meeting  was 
held  at  Augusta,  when  it  appeared  that  the  result  would  be  a  tie. 
He  learned  that  a  trustee  who  did  not  intend  to  be  present  favored 
Orono.  He  called  on  this  trustee,  and  when  the  vote  was  taken 
Orono  was  chosen.  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  continue  an  official  connec 
tion  with  the  Maine  State  College  after  this,  but  he  maintained  a 
strong  interest  in  it.  He  saw  it  grow  from  a  feeble  affair  of  a  dozen 
students  into  a  populous  and  useful  institution,  developing  on  the 
same  lines  as  Cornell  and  other  universities,  which  are  typical  pro 
ducts  of  American  life  and  fill  a  great  field. 

This  life  was  not  to  continue,  however ;  Charles  Sumner  was  con 
science-stricken,  and  desired  to  atone  so  far  as  he  could  for  the  wrong 
he  had  done  Mr.  Hamlin.  Of  his  own  accord  he  initiated  a  move 
ment  to  make  Mr.  Hamlin  collector  of  the  port  of  Boston,  on  the 

1  Harvard  University  began  about  this  time  under  President  Eliot's  administra 
tion  to  extend  the  elective  system,  and  preference  is  now  given  to  the  English 
language  as  the  basis  of  the  academic  course  at  Cambridge,  rather  than  to  Latin 
and  Greek. 


COLLECTOR   OF   BOSTON  501 

ground  that  his  long  services  and  inadequate  compensation  demanded 
his  appointment  to  this  lucrative  position.  The  collectorship  of  Bos 
ton  was  then  worth  from  $20,000  to  $30,000  a  year.  The  salary  was 
$10,000,  and  the  fees,  commissions,  and  perquisites  allowed  on  seiz 
ures  and  other  things  incidental  to  the  custom  service  sometimes 
doubled  or  even  trebled  the  salary.  Mr.  Hamlin  had  no  knowledge 
of  Sumner's  action,  and  at  this  time  did  not  know  the  peculiar  rea 
sons  for  Sumner's  opposition  to  his  renomination  for  Vice-President. 
He  may  have  known  in  a  general  way  that  Sumner  favored  Dickinson, 
but  naturally  supposed  that  it  was  on  grounds  of  policy.  His  rela 
tions  with  Sumner  were  therefore  friendly  at  this  time,  or  otherwise 
he  would  never  have  placed  himself  under  obligations  to  him.  But 
the  main  consideration  with  Mr.  Hamlin  now  was  to  provide  for  the 
future.  He  had  a  family  of  young  children  to  bring  up,  and  there 
were  other  calls  on  him.  The  collectorship  thus  unexpectedly  offered 
to  him  solved  the  problem.  The  following  letter,  which  Sumner  wrote 
Mr.  Hamlin  on  August  22,  1865,  gives  all  the  necessary  details:  — 

MY  DEAR  HAMLIN,  —  It  seemed  to  Wilson  and  myself  that  before 
deciding  on  your  course  you  ought  to  know  the  history  of  the  recent 
change  at  our  custom-house,  and  we  hoped  for  an  opportunity  of 
speaking  of  it  freely  in  a  personal  interview.  As  you  may  not  be 
here  very  soon,  I  will  give  the  narrative. 

Some  time  ago  Mr.  Hooper  [Congressman  Samuel  Hooper,  of  Bos 
ton]  received  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  stating  that 
the  administration  desired  to  change  the  three  officers  at  the  custom 
house  whose  salaries  were  large,  and  he  asked  him  to  confer  with  the 
two  senators  and  Mr.  Rice,  and  send  him  the  names  which  we  should 
agree  upon  for  the  places.  We  concluded  to  confine  the  conference 
to  those  indicated,  and  I  invited  the  whole  delegation  to  meet  at  my 
house  for  this  purpose. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  delegation  I  stated  that,  on  general  grounds, 
I  was  against  a  change  —  that  I  doubted  its  policy,  but  that  I  should 
cooperate  cheerfully  with  the  delegation  in  making  the  desired  recom 
mendations.  I  then  proceeded  to  propose  Mr.  Hamlin  for  collector. 
It  was  evident  at  once  that  there  was  a  strong  disposition  in  all  the 
delegation  towards  Mr.  Hamlin  ;  but  it  was  remarked  that  the  naval 
office  was  easier  in  its  duties,  and  with  absolutely  the  same  emolu 
ments  as  the  collectorship  ;  that  the  naval  officer  might  be  absent  for 
weeks  without  any  inconvenience  at  the  office,  while  the  collector 
ought  to  be  at  his  office  continually ;  and,  further,  that  the  collector- 
ship  was  to  a  certain  extent  a  political  office,  affecting  our  local 
Massachusetts  politics,  and,  therefore,  most  properly  filled  by  a  Mas 
sachusetts  citizen.  These  topics  were  discussed  at  length,  when  the 


502 


HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 


delegation  overruled  my  proposition  and  recommended  Mr.  Lord  for 
collector  and  Mr.  Hamlin  for  naval  officer.  Mr.  Hooper  and  myself 
were  appointed  a  committee  to  communicate  this  result  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury. 

Some  days  later  Mr.  Hooper  received  a  letter  from  the  secretary 
stating  that  the  President  wished  to  offer  Mr.  Hamlin  the  alternative 
of  these  two  offices.  This  is  all  we  know.  I  am  not  informed  with 
regard  to  your  personal  desires.  ...  Of  course,  whatever  conclusion 
you  may  adopt  you  may  count  on  the  cordial  support  of  the  delega 
tion,  and  especially  of  myself.  Let  me  add  that  Governor  Andrew 
was  very  warmly  in  favor  of  your  nomination. 

Ever  sincerely  yours,  CHARLES  SUMNER. 

Mr.  Hamlin  decided  to  accept  the  collectorship.  He  had  ample 
precedent  as  well  as  sufficient  reasons.  James  Monroe,  fifth  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  was  postmaster  of  New  York  city  after 
he  retired  from  the  White  House,  and  John  Quincy  Adams,  sixth 
President,  returned  to  the  House  of  Representatives  after  having  sat 
in  the  Senate,  the  Cabinet,  and  the  executive  chair.  Mr.  Hamlin 
entered  on  his  new  duties  in  August,  1865,  looking  forward  to  four 
years  of  pleasant  and  profitable  occupation.  He  was  agreeably  asso 
ciated  with  D.  W.  Gooch,  the  naval  officer,  whom  he  had  well  known 
in  Congress,  and  General  A.  B.  Underwood,  the  surveyor  of  the  port, 
a  distinguished  officer  of  the  civil  war,  and  he  had  a  superior  staff 
attached  to  his  own  office.  But  circumstances  dispelled  the  outlook, 
and  in  a  year  Mr.  Hamlin  voluntarily  resigned  his  office,  the  reasons 
for  which  form  an  important  narrative  by  themselves. 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  entered  public  life  it  was  the  custom  for  the 
newly  installed  administration  to  eject  those  from  office  who  held 
opposing  political  opinions,  and  while  this  had  a  certain  educational 
value  in  the  formative  period  of  the  republic,  it  was  now  becom 
ing  a  source  of  national  weakness.  It  is  important,  therefore,  to  ob 
serve  Mr.  Hamlin's  course  on  entering  the  office  which  commanded 
the  greatest  patronage  in  New  England.  When  he  was  hounded 
down  by  the  pro-slavery  machine,  it  was  right  and  natural  that  when 
he  won  he  should  place  his  friends  on  guard.  He  applied  the  Jeffer- 
sonian  test,  and  he  would  ask  of  an  applicant  for  office,  "  Is  he  honest, 
is  he  competent,  is  he  a  Democrat  ?  "  While  a  chapter  might  be  writ 
ten  to  show  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  faithful  to  those  who  were  faith 
ful  to  him,  and  indulged  in  no  hypocrisy  about  office  patronage,  the 
fact  to  be  developed  now  is  his  opposition  to  the  system  of  wholesale 
ejectment  from  office,  and  also  his  earnest  desire  to  conduct  his  office 
on  strict  business  principles,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  professional  spoils 
men.  He  had  the  same  sense  of  obligation  to  the  government  as 


COLLECTOR   OF   BOSTON  503 

that  which  compelled  him  to  resign  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee 
on  Commerce.  He  would  not  let  the  Boston  custom-house  be  looted 
by  the  office-seekers  of  his  party  at  the  expense  of  the  government, 
though  he  fairly  consulted  his  party's  welfare. 

This  is  shown  in  the  following  letter  he  voluntarily  wrote  Secretary 
McCulloch  :  - 

(Unofficial.)  BOSTON,  October  11,  1865. 

HON.  H.  MCCULLOCH,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury : 

My  dear  Sir,  —  In  administering  the  office  of  collector  of  this  port, 
it  would  harmonize  with  my  wishes  if  there  were  no  officer  who  should 
be  removed  and  if  there  were  no  appointments  to  be  made.  But  on 
such  examination  as  I  have  made,  I  cannot  resist  the  conclusion  that 
there  are  some  inefficient  men,  and  that  by  appointing  others  in  their 
places  more  promptness  and  efficiency  would  be  added  to  the  service. 
I  should  judge  that  somewhere  between  ten  and  twenty  such  cases 
might  be  found. 

There  is  a  great  pressure  for  the  appointment  of  men  who  have  been 
in  the  service  and  are  amply  competent.  I  have  made  some  six  ap 
pointments,  and  all  from  that  class  of  men.  Many  cases  have  great 
merit  and  appeal  strongly  to  my  sympathy.  My  purpose  is  to  learn 
how  far  my  judgment  in  these  matters  is  to  be  allowed  and  will  meet 
with  your  approval.  I  believe  my  deputies  are  all  good  officers  ;  but 
one  will  be  changed,  as  I  have  advised  you.  In  all  other  cases  I  would 
not  suggest  or  recommend  a  change,  except  where  I  should  believe 
there  would  be  an  improvement  in  the  office,  or  for  other  substantial 
reasons. 

Responsible  as  I  must  be  for  the  faithfulness,  promptness,  and 
efficiency  of  the  business  of  my  office,  I  have  presumed  that  my  judg 
ment  in  these  matters  would  control.  But  I  desire  to  know  just  how 
it  is,  for  I  shall  not  allow  myself  to  be  dragged  into  petty  controver 
sies  in  these  matters. 

Please  let  me  hear  from  you,  and  oblige  yours  truly, 

H.  HAMLIN. 


CHAPTER   XXXVIII 

REFLECTED    TO    THE    SENATE. 

THE  quarrel  between  Andrew  Johnson  and  the  party  that  made 
him  President  was  in  a  large  measure  due  to  his  disposition.  He  was 
a  curious  combination  of  the  patriot  and  the  demagogue,  and  in  him 
the  qualities  of  independence,  honesty,  courage,  and  ability  were  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  obstinacy,  conceit,  coarseness,  and  pugnacity. 
Unfortunately  the  latter  qualities  dominated  him  in  the  presidency, 
and  he  was  destroyed  "He  seized  the  golden  fruit,  and  in  a  moment 
of  inconceivable  madness  threw  it  away."  Circumstances  were  of 
course  contributory,  but  had  he  listened  to  the  right  men  and  fulfilled 
his  pledges,  he  might  at  least  have  left  a  personal  reputation  of  credit 
and  honor.  But  he  could  not  control  his  temper,  and  his  obstinacy 
and  conceit  governed  him,  when  a  reasonable  man  would  have  given 
ear  to  the  dictates  of  prudence  and  duty.  His  quarrelsome  and  re 
sentful  nature  brought  him  into  trouble  at  the  outset  of  his  presiden 
tial  career.  He  did  nothing  to  redeem  himself  after  his  disgraceful 
conduct  when  he  was  inaugurated  Vice- President ;  on  the  contrary, 
he  continued  his  spree.  After  he  was  conducted  from  the  senate 
chamber  in  his  disgraceful  condition,  the  Republican  senators  held  a 
conference,  at  which  Sumner  offered  a  resolution  calling  on  Johnson 
to  resign  his  office.  No  action  was  taken,  yet  the  moral  effect  caused 
numerous  newspapers,  the  legislature  of  Wisconsin,  and  other  repre 
sentative  bodies  to  demand  Johnson's  resignation.  This  incensed 
him,  and  he  nourished  these  reflections  on  him  as  he  would  a  grudge. 
This  was  inevitable  in  a  man  of  his  character.  When  he  entered  the 
presidency  he  had  an  opportunity  to  punish  his  critics  and  enemies. 
Thus  at  the  outset  of  his  administration  he  was  sore  against  the 
leaders  of  his  party. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  presidential  career  Johnson  was  on  fire  with 
desires  for  vengeance.  He  proclaimed  his  intention  to  "  make  treason 
odious,"  and  appalled  even  Ben  Wade  with  his  threats  of  hanging 
traitors.  He  had  a  policy  already  framed,  and  announced  this  before 
the  ground  had  closed  over  Lincoln's  grave,  and  he  talked  so  much  in 
public,  and  praised  himself  so  much  by  name,  .that  he  created  further 
distrust.  Within  a  few  days  after  his  induction  into  the  presidency, 
Zachariah  Chandler,  who  had  rather  liked  than  distrusted  him,  said  to 


REFLECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  505 

his  friends,  "Johnson  has  the  nightmare  and  needs  watching."  But 
if  Johnson's  conduct  evoked  adverse  comments  and  strictures  from 
his  party  leaders,  it  exposed  his  weakness  to  those  who  were  quick 
enough  to  take  advantage  of  it.  Smarting  under  the  rebukes  he  had 
received,  Johnson  sought  balm,  and  those  who  applied  it  were  the 
very  men  who  had  once  ostracized  and  spurned  him  as  their  social 
inferior.  Their  flattery  was  agreeable,  and  the  President  was  in  a 
mood  to  listen  to  the  plan  of  reconstruction  which  had  suggested 
itself  to  the  kindly  but  visionary  Seward. 

This  plan  was  based  on  the  assumption  that  the  Southern  States 
which  had  been  in  the  revolt  had  never  been  out  of  the  Union,  and 
that  the  granting  of  wholesale  pardon  would  convert  the  insurrection 
ists  into  loyal  citizens.  This  was  wrong  to  the  North  and  South  alike. 
It  inflamed  the  former  and  deceived  the  latter.  It  was  not  in  human 
nature  for  those  who  had  conquered  in  a  great  war  to  see  the  results 
endangered  by  a  headstrong  egotist  without  protest,  nor  for  those  who 
were  conquered  to  accept  their  reverses  without  sulking.  The  North 
was  sickened  of  strife,  and  desired  to  have  the  country  reunited  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  measures  adopted  which  would  safeguard  the 
results  of  the  war  and  prevent  another  attempt  at  secession.  The 
South  desired  to  make  the  best  of  conditions  offered,  and  it  was  nat 
ural  that  irritated  and  exasperated  leaders  should  have  grasped  at  the 
Seward-Johnson  plan  when  it  promised  them  restoration  to  citizen 
ship  and  even  power  under  the  government  which  they  had  sought  to 
destroy,  without  a  single  precaution  being  taken  to  render  their  alle 
giance  secure.  But  more  inconceivable  was  the  folly  of  ignoring  the 
millions  of  freedmen,  or  of  leaving  them  and  the  Southern  Union 
men  unprotected  to  the  mercy  of  a  smarting  and  sullen  foe.  The 
enactment  of  cruel  and  abominable  laws  which  virtually  reenslaved 
the  negro,  the  persecution  of  Union  people,  and  the  absorption  of 
power  by  unrepentant  rebels  were  the  necessary  consequences  of  this 
terrible  blunder  by  Johnson  and  Seward. 

Johnson  proceeded  in  his  plan  of  reconstruction  without  consulting 
Congress.  This  was  a  gross  usurpation  of  power,  and  soon  he  got 
the  government  into  the  mud.  The  Republicans  repudiated  him,  and 
when  Congress  assembled  in  December,  1866,  the  struggle  was  vio 
lent.  The  North  plainly  saw  that  Johnson  had  gone  over  to  the 
South,  and  was  trying  to  rehabilitate  the  Southern  secessionists  in 
power.  The  Republican  party  in  Congress  was  almost  a  solid  phalanx 
against  the  man  its  every  member  had  voted  for  only  a  year  before. 
His  vanity  offended,  Johnson  was  now  an  enemy  even  to  the  plain 
Christian  duties  of  the  hour,  —  the  protection  of  the  freedmen  and  the 
Union  refugee,  the  annulment  of  the  tyrannous  laws  which  made 
emancipation  a  mockery,  and  the  enactment  of  measures  to  give  the 


506  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

negro  his  status  as  a  citizen.  He  vetoed  bills  to  these  ends,  and  they 
were  passed  over  his  head.  He  flung  all  restraint  to  the  winds,  and 
addressed  howling  mobs  in  the  language  of  vulgar  stump  speech- 
makers.  He  was  trying  to  build  up  a  party,  and,  to  quote  Lowell, 
was  the  first  of  the  Presidents  "who  descended  to  the  stump  and 
spoke  to  the  people  as  if  they  were  a  mob." ' 

But  this  record  is  not  required  to  proceed  further  with  Johnson, 
since  the  point  of  separation  between  the  President  and  his  party  was 
the  objective  to  be  reached.  When  this  time  came  in  the  summer  of 
1866,  Mr.  Hamlin  considered  it  time  for  him  to  act.  His  own  feel 
ings  may  be  more  easily  imagined  than  described.  He  was  at  first 
amazed  at  Johnson's  behavior,  and  then  mortified  and  alarmed.  He 
desired  reconciliation  between  the  North  and  the  South  as  speedily 
as  possible,  and  on  terms  which  would  render  it  impossible  for  mis 
chief-makers  to  cause  further  trouble.  He  believed  that  it  was  the 
solemn  duty  of  the  government  to  protect  the  freedman  and  the 
Southern  loyalist.  He  did  not  forgive  the  handful  of  conspirators 
who  did  all  within  their  power  to  lead  their  people  into  a  fearful  war, 
but  at  the  same  time  he  harbored  no  feelings  of  resentment  against 
those  whom  rash  leaders  had  wantonly  deceived.  He  took  the  same 
view  Lincoln  is  supposed  to  have  held,  and  that  was,  the  arch  con 
spirators  were  responsible  for  their  acts,  while  the  masses  of  the 
Southern  people  were  revolutionists.  He  had  only  kindly  feelings 
for  them.  But  it  was  incredible  to  him  that  a  President,  who  had 
affiliated  with  the  Union  party,  could  think  of  betraying  the  govern 
ment  into  the  hands  of  men  who  still  boasted  that  they  were  unre 
pentant  rebels,  and  who  had  met  the  magnanimity  of  the  North  with 
boasts  of  their  feelings,  the  shameless  abuse  of  power,  and  the  perse 
cution  of  helpless  freedmen  and  loyalists.  The  utter  abandonment 
of  the  negro,  even  in  the  face  of  the  merciless  proscription  to  which 
he  was  subjected,  was  the  last  drop  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  cup  of  sorrow. 
He  could  not  continue  in  office  under  such  a  President,  and  resolved 
to  resign  the  collectorship,  though  it  would  cost  him  the  fortune  he 
had  hoped  to  accumulate. 

The  few  friends  with  whom  Mr.  Hamlin  consulted  confidentially 
on  this  point  appear  to  have  taken  the  ground  that  he  could  remain 
in  office  without  stultifying  himself.  They  argued  that  the  govern 
ment  must  go  on,  and  that  good  men  were  particularly  necessary 
in  this  important  emergency.  They  thought,  therefore,  that  if  a  duty 
was  actually  devolved  on  Mr.  Hamlin  it  was  to  remain  at  his  post. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  many  men  of  character  did  retain  their  positions 
under  Johnson  while  refraining  from  public  opposition  to  him,  and 
Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  question  their  right  to  do  so ;  but  his  sense  of 
delicacy  forbade  him  from  holding  the  collectorship,  and  "  his  steady 


REFLECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  507 

reply  to  earnest  friends  who  presented  this  course  was  that  he  was 
an  old-fashioned  man  in  his  conception  of  public  duty."  l  He  decided 
to  resign  long  before  he  actually  relinquished  his  office.  He  awaited 
an  opportune  time,  and  that  came  when  Johnson  began  to  build  up 
his  party  in  hopes  of  securing  popular  approval  in  the  fall  elections 
of  1866.  Mercenary  office-holders  were  enlisted  in  this  service,  and 
claptrap  conventions  were  held  under  the  auspices  of  effusive  Union 
and  Confederate  soldiers.  It  is  only  just  to  Johnson  and  his  Cabinet 
to  say  that  no  intimation  was  made  to  Mr.  Hamlin  that  his  support 
was  expected.  They  had  at  least  sense  enough  to  know  that  they 
had  better  leave  him  alone,  but  his  letter  of  resignation  was  probably 
a  bitter  surprise  to  Johnson.  It  was  as  follows :  — 

August  28,  1866. 

To  THE  PRESIDENT,  —  One  year  ago  you  tendered  to  me,  unsoli 
cited  on  my  part,  the  position  of  collector  of  customs  for  the  district 
of  Boston  and  Charlestown.  I  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the  office, 
and  have  endeavored  faithfully  to  discharge  the  same,  and  I  trust  in  a 
manner  satisfactory  to  the  public  interested  therein. 

I  do  not  fail  to  observe  the  movements  and  efforts  which  have  been 
made,  and  are  now  being  made,  to  organize  a  party  in  the  country,  con 
sisting  almost  exclusively  of  those  who  actively  engaged  in  the  late 
rebellion  and  their  allies  who  sought  by  other  means  to  cripple  and 
embarrass  the  government.  These  classes  of  persons,  with  a  small 
fraction  of  others,  constitute  the  organization.  It  proposes  to  defeat 
and  overthrow  the  Union  Republican  party,  and  to  restore  to  power, 
without  sufficient  guarantees  for  the  future  and  protection  to  men  who 
have  been  loyal,  those  who  sought  to  destroy  the  government. 

I  gave  all  the  influence  I  possessed  to  create  and  uphold  the  Union 
Republican  party  during  the  war,  and  without  the  aid  of  which  our 
government  would  have  been  destroyed  and  the  rebellion  a  success. 
With  such  a  party  as  has  been  inaugurated,  and  for  such  purposes,  I 
have  no  sympathy,  nor  can  I  acquiesce  in  its  measures  by  my  silence. 
I  therefore  tender  to  you  my  resignation  of  the  office  of  the  collector 
of  customs  for  the  district  of  Boston  and  Charlestown,  to  take  effect 
from  the  time  when  a  successor  shall  be  appointed  and  qualified. 

Respectfully  yours, 

(Signed)     H.  HAMLIN. 

Mr.  Hamlin' s  resignation  was  one  of  the  leading  themes  of  the  day, 
and  the  Republican  orators  used  his  repudiation  of  Johnson  as  an  ar 
gument.     The  fact  did  not  escape  them  that  Mr.  Hamlin  voluntarily 
relinquished  from  seventy-five  to  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  the 
1  Elaine's  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  vol.  ii.  p.  242. 


508  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

vindication  of  his  principles  at  a  time  when  he  was  virtually  beginning 
life  over  again.  A  few  comments  selected  from  many  show  how  his 
act  was  regarded.  The  "  BostpnTranscript "  said  in  part,  on  Septem 
ber  3,  "  The  noble  and  manlyleTteToTTTon.  Hannibal  Hamlin,  resign 
ing  the  office  of  collector  of  this  port,  we  print  elsewhere.  .  .  .  While 
our  mercantile  community  will  regret  to  losfe  the  services  of  so  excel 
lent  and  popular  an  officer,  the  feeling  will  be  almost  universal  that 
on  account  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  peculiar  relations  to  President  Lincoln's 
administration,  and  the  present  condition  of  affairs,  he  could  not,  as  a 
high-minded  citizen,  take  any  other  course.  Mr.  Hamlin  will  have  the 
best  wishes  of  loyal  millions  for  his  continued  health  and  prosperity. 
Wherever  he  goes  throughout  the  country,  he  will  be  received  with 
the  cordiality  and  enthusiasm  which  his  decided,  consistent,  and  patri 
otic  conduct  deserves."  The  "Boston  Journal"  said,  among  other 
things,  that  the  circumstance  of  his  resignation  "  renders  his  act 
worthy  of  his  political  antecedents,  and  is  a  convincing  proof  that 
official  patronage  cannot  silence  the  honest  dictates  of  one  whose  high 
position  in  the  past  peculiarly  qualifies  him  to  judge  of  the  great 
political  issues  which  are  now  pending.  .  .  .  The  resignation  of  Mr. 
Hamlin  will  be  regretted  by  the  merchants  of  Boston." 

Some  personal  comments  are  of  interest  also.     One  is  as  follows  :  — 

I  have  just  read  your  magnanimous  and  high-toned  letter  of  resig 
nation.  I  cannot  resist  the  impulse  to  express  my  gratitude  and 
admiration.  It  is  not  only  refreshing,  but  in  the  highest  degree  en 
couraging,  to  find  in  these  evil  days  some  patriotic  and  unselfish  men 
left.  Heaven  grant  there  may  be  enough  to  save  the  nation. 
With  profound  respects,  yours, 

WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 

Another  comment  of  peculiar  interest  was  that  of  General  Harris 
M.  Plaisted,  afterwards  governor  of  Maine,  who  at  the  end  of  Mr. 
Hamlin's  life,  and  differing  from  him  in  politics,  asserted  it  his  sincere 
belief  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  resignation  of  the  collectorship  of  the  port  of 
Boston  was  the  most  honorable  and  important  act  of  his  life.  General 
Plaisted  was  a  Republican  at  that  time,  and  always  believed  that  Mr. 
Hamlin's  repudiation  of  Johnson  was  largely  instrumental  in  prevent 
ing  the  President  from  building  up  a  party  of  office-holders,  and  helped 
start  the  wave  of  defeat  that  completely  submerged  Johnson  in  the 
ensuing  election. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  letter  of  resignation  was  not  made  public  until  a  few 
days  after  it  was  received,  owing  to  the  absence  of  the  President  from 
Washington.  When  it  was  accepted,  Mr.  Hamlin  returned  to  Maine, 
free  to  speak  out  his  mind.  At  this  time  public  opinion  had  not  suffi- 


REFLECTED  TO  THE  SENATE  509 

ciently  advanced  to  demand  the  impeachment  of  Johnson,  and  it  was 
for  this  purpose  Mr.  Hamlin  came  before  his  townsmen  on  September  8. 
This  was  the  hardest  position  in  which  he  was  ever  placed.  The  dis 
closure  of  his  views  would  be  the  signal  for  an  attack  on  him,  and 
envy  and  jealousy  would  be  attributed  to  him  by  those  who  could  not 
or  would  not  understand  him,  and  the  opinions  he  expressed  were 
found  to  be  interpreted  as  a  guide  to  the  course  which  he  would  have 
pursued  had  he  been  President  instead  of  Johnson.  Yet  those  who 
knew  him  understood  that  he  always  meant  what  he  said,  and  they 
were  convinced  that  he  was  one  of  the  few  unique  men  in  the  history 
of  this  country  who  narrowly  missed  the  presidency  and  yet  did  not 
desire  it.  The  sincere  readers  of  history  will  therefore  view  this 
speech  as  Mr.  Hamlin's  belief  as  to  what  should  have  been  done  by 
an  honest  President,  rather  than  what  he  himself  would  have  done 
had  he  been  President. 

The  ideas  Mr.  Hamlin  entertained  as  to  the  policy  which  should  be 
pursued  were  along  the  lines  already  indicated.  He  thought  that 
government  in  the  South  should  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  im 
mutable  principles  of  liberty,  equality,  and  justice,  and  he  did  not  think 
that  the  President  should  accept  any  terms  which  did  not  provide  for 
the  protection  of  the  loyal  Southrons.  Vengeance  had  no  place  in  his 
heart,  but  he  frankly  and  sternly  demanded  that  justice  be  done  to 
the  leaders.  He  warned  the  people  against  bitterness,  and  speaking  of 
the  Tories  of  the  Revolution  who  were  exiled,  he  said  that  he  did  not 
want  to  see  the  same  course  pursued  with  regard  to  the  Southern 
rebels.  He  was  willing  to  have  them  remain  in  the  country,  provided 
they  behaved  themselves,  but,  so  help  him  God,  had  he  the  power  he 
would  hang  half  a  dozen  of  the  leading  rebels  who  got  up  the  rebellion 
and  murdered  three  hundred  thousand  loyal  soldiers.  A  few  capital 
examples  would  have  been  a  more  efficacious  panacea  for  quiet  and 
security  in  the  present  and  future  than  any  Copperhead  nostrums.  It 
would  go  somewhere  towards  making  treason  odious.  For  these  rebels 
to  go  unwhipped  of  j  ustice  would  be  but  an  invitation  at  some  future 
time  for  another  set  of  Catilines  to  raise  the  torch  of  rebellion. 

Mr.  Hamlin  next  proceeded  to  demand  the  impeachment  of  Presi 
dent  Johnson,  charging  him  with  usurping  powers  not  delegated  to 
him.  In  support  of  this  he  simply  cited  the  Constitution  in  denning 
the  functions  of  Congress,  the  executive,  and  the  judiciary.  Congress 
had  the  sole  power  to  make  laws,  and  the  President  was  its  instru 
ment,  the  servant  of  Congress,  not  the  master,  as  Johnson  professed 
to  be.  Where  did  the  President  obtain  the  authority  to  appoint  pro 
visional  governors  in  the  Southern  States,  and  to  create  conditions 
whereby  they  should  return  to  the  Union  ?  Had  the  President  sub 
mitted  his  acts  to  Congress,  Mr.  Hamlin  would  have  had  no  com- 


5io  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

plaint ;  but  instead  of  doing  this,  the  President  assumed  to  make  the 
conditions,  declared  the  work  of  Congress  an  interference,  and  denied 
its  rights.  If  this  usurpation  was  not  a  high  crime  within  the  mean 
ing  of  the  Constitution,  it  certainly  came  to  a  misdemeanor.  In  addi 
tion  to  this,  he  charged  the  President  with  the  moral  responsibility 
for  the  New  Orleans  massacre,  with  the  atte*mpt  to  build  up  a  party 
composed  of  rebels,  Copperheads,  and  those  who  could  be  purchased 
at  the  auction  of  the  offices.  He  urged  the  country  to  stand  by  Con 
gress  and  the  constitutional  amendments.  Impartial  suffrage  without 
distinction  of  race  or  color  would  have  been  the  North's  wish,  but  if 
the  States  would  not  accept,  the  class  excluded  should  not  be  counted 
in  the  basis  of  congressional  representation.  "  Did  we  fight  down  the 
rebellion  to  give  the  South  more  power?"  was  the  last  question  Mr. 
Hamlin  asked,  and  the  country  pondered  it  many  a  year  following  the 
madness  and  folly  of  Andrew  Johnson. 

While  it  might  not  be  safe  to  pursue  this  speculative  question  far, 
yet  certain  facts  ought  to  be  presented  on  account  of  their  suggestive 
nature.  During  the  civil  war  President  Lincoln  undoubtedly  consid 
ered  the  future  of  the  South  when  the  conflict  should  have  ceased. 
He  had  some  conversation  with  Mr.  Hamlin  on  this  subject,  but  it 
was  probably  of  a  purely  tentative  nature,  since  the  latter  made  no 
mention  of  it  to  his  family.  It  is  a  matter  of  public  record,  however, 
that  after  the  United  States  troops  gained  a  footing  in  Florida,  there 
was  an  earnest  proposition  to  appoint  Eli  Thayer  military  governor, 
and  to  bring  Northern  immigrants  into  the  State.  This  was  discussed 
in  Congress,  and  a  delegation  was  chosen,  with  Vice- President  Ham 
lin  as  spokesman,  to  urge  this  plan  on  President  Lincoln.  The  news 
paper  reports  said  that  Mr.  Hamlin  warmly  recommended  this  step, 
and  that  the  delegation  withdrew  encouraged  at  their  reception.  In 
private  conversation  Mr.  Hamlin  asserted  that  immigration  southward 
should  have  been  encouraged  at  the  close  of  the  war,  and  land  pro 
vided  to  the  thrifty  negro.  It  is  of  interest  to  add  that  his  neighbor, 
Chief  Justice  Appleton,  was  corresponding  at  this  time  with  John 
Stuart  Mill,  who  expressed  the  same  ideas,  and  also  dwelt  on  the 
necessity  of  educating  the  colored  man. 

Mr.  Hamlin  spoke  in  Philadelphia  and  other  large  cities,  and  pre 
sented  the  same  argument.  The  "  Philadelphia  Press  "  said  that  the 
Academy  of  Music  was  crowded  with  people  who  came  to  hear  him, 
and  that  he  was  received  with  tumultuous  cheering.  The  proposition 
to  impeach  Johnson  was  received  with  approbation,  and  this  was  the 
popular  feeling  when  the  time  came  for  Congress  to  act.  Johnson's 
dishonest  proposition  for  the  government  to  repudiate  its  debt  was 
perhaps  the  most  infamous  that  ever  came  from  a  President.  It  was 
enough  to  convince  the  sober-minded  that  the  man  was  inherently 


REFLECTED  TO  THE  SENATE          511 

dishonest  and  unfit  for  his  high  office.  Unfortunately,  the  managers 
of  his  trial  blundered.  They  impeached  him  for  one  thing  and  tried 
him  for  another.  They  narrowed  their  accusations  down  to  certain 
charges  about  which  there  could  be  an  honest  difference  of  opinion, 
whereas  they  should  have  confined  their  indictment  to  the  broad, 
general  facts  of  his  usurpation  of  power,  about  which  there  could  be 
no  difference  of  opinion  among  honest  and  competent  men.  Half 
a  dozen  Republican  senators  were  convinced  that  the  articles  of 
impeachment  did  not  properly  bring  the  case  within  the  grounds  for 
constitutional  action.  Johnson  suffered  the  humiliation  of  escaping 
conviction  by  one  vote,  and  was  saved  from  removal  by  a  techni 
cality.  The  Democratic  senators  who  opposed  the  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  abolishing  slavery  could  not  be  expected  to  desert  a 
pro-slavery  Democrat  who  was  serving  their  party  as  President.  The 
moral  of  the  Johnson  administration  was  that  Republican  institutions 
of  government  could  survive  a  civil  war  and  a  demagogue  usurper  in 
the  presidency. 

The  disappointment  consequent  on  the  failure  of  Congress  to  con 
vict  Johnson  was  very  great,  and  it  seemed  to  secure  Mr.  Hamlin  a 
peculiar  hold  upon  the  affections  of  his  party.  He  was  often  intro 
duced  to  an  audience,  to  his  privately  expressed  annoyance,  as  one  who 
should  have  been  President,  and  some  of  his  friends  addressed  him  as 
"  Mr.  President."  One  who  assuaged  his  own  grief  in  this  way  was 
Richard  Busteed,  a  brilliant  lawyer,  who  was  once  corporation  coun 
sel  of  New  York  city  and  afterwards  United  States  district  judge  in 
Alabama,  who  felt  as  many  a  Democrat  did  after  1876  towards  Sam 
uel  J.  Tilden.  But,  in  truth,  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  like  this.  No  one 
is  known  to  have  asked  him  the  delicate  question  what  his  course  as 
President  would  have  been.  His  eulogists  and  the  historians  of  the 
Republican  party  asserted  that  his  devotion  to  principle  and  belief  in 
his  party  guaranteed  at  least  an  harmonious  cooperation  between  the 
executive  and  Congress,  while  his  sense  of  justice,  tempered  with  his 
kindness  of  heart,  would  have  granted  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  a 
fair  trial,  and  caused  the  reconstruction  of  the  South  on  a  plan  of 
statesmanship  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  the  justice-loving 
and  magnanimous  people  whom  he  had  partially  represented  during 
the  strife.  The  personal  equation  is  the  guiding  factor  in  determin 
ing  the  statesman's  worth. 

There  is  an  incident  to  be  related  which  will  throw  a  little  light  on 
Mr.  Hamlin' s  standing  with  the  leaders  of  his  party  as  a  statesman 
at  a  time  when  personal  feelings  were  necessarily  in  abeyance,  and 
thoughts  were  on  the  worth  of  the  man.  John  W.  Babson,  Mr.  Ham 
lin' s  private  secretary,  wrote  him  on  February  21,  1866,  when  the 
struggle  between  Johnson  and  Congress  was  becoming  intense,  a 


512  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

letter  containing  the  following  extract :  "  What  a  cause  for  anxiety  to 
look  down  through  the  three  coming  years !  It  is  written  on  every 
face.  Thinking  men  look  weary.  Senators  and  members  are  worn, 
restless,  and  anxious,  but  determined.  Andrew  Johnson  is  spoken 
often,  but  Hannibal  Hamlin  is  thought.  Selfish,  envious  tricksters 
can  now  contemplate  what  is  and  what  miglft  have  been.  You  stand 
in  a  peculiar  position  to  the  people  of  this  country ;  it  must  be  a  source 
of  gratification  to  you,  this  turning  of  all  eyes  to  you.  I  met  Pickard 
in  the  rotunda  last  night.  He  says  Mr.  Fessenden  came  into  the 
committee  room  last  night,  and  said  :  '  Oh,  if  Mr.  Hamlin  had  been 
renominated  at  Baltimore,  we  should  have  been  spared  this,  and  had 
a  man  for  President.' '  This  was  naturally  all  the  more  gratifying  con 
sidering  the  personal  relations  between  the  two  men.  Subsequently 
Mr.  Hamlin  was  called  on  to  testify  as  to  his  belief  in  the  honor  of  Mr. 
Fessenden.  This  happened  just  after  the  latter  had  voted  to  acquit 
Johnson,  when  he  and  his  Republican  colleagues  were  censured  for 
their  act.  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Fessenden  met.  Mr.  Hamlin  offered 
his  hand,  and  said  :  - 

"  Mr.  Fessenden,  I  must  say  frankly  that  while  I  regret  your  vote, 
I  know  that  you  were  influenced  only  by  the  sincerest  and  purest  of 
motives." 

Mr.  Fessenden's  eyes  filled,  and  he  said,  "Thank  you." 

The  only  reference  Mr.  Hamlin  is  known  to  have  made  to  himself 
in  connection  with  the  presidency  was  in  his  reply  to  Mr.  Babson's 
letter  on  February  26.  He  said  in  part :  — 

"  We  have  sad  times  truly.  How  many  hearts  have  been  smitten 
in  our  community,  and  how  many  of  rebels  and  their  sympathizers 
made  glad !  I  look  at  the  events  of  the  past  few  days  in  utter  amaze 
ment,  and  with  such  a  sorrow  as  I  have  never  felt  at  any  political 
movements  in  my  life.  I  cannot  realize  the  state  of  things  actually 
existing,  and  have  therefore  no  heart  to  comment.  But  let  every 
man  be  tnie  to  the  right  —  let  every  true  man  retain  his  manhood. 
Come  what  will,  I  shall  endeavor  to  do  that.  I  will  not  degrade  my 
self  in  my  own  estimation.  I  will  not  deny  that  it  is  gratifying  to  me 
to  know  that  there  is  a  general  belief  held  by  our  true  men,  that  had 
a  power  that  I  neither  sought  nor  desired  fallen  upon  me,  I  would 
not  have  deserted  the  men  who  had  conferred  that  power  upon  me. 
Well,  friend  Babson,  you  may  be  sure  I  would  not  have  betrayed  the 
trust.  God  helping  me,  I  would  have  done  my  whole  duty,  as  I  will 
now  in  my  humble  way.  I  will  write  you  frankly  and  you  may  regard 
it  as  confidential." 

But  Mr.  Hamlin  was  not  a  man  to  waste  time  in  vain  regrets, 
neither  did  he  know  how  to  be  idle.  When  he  relinquished  the  col- 
lectorship  of  Boston  in  October,  1866,  his  plans  were  already  laid  for 


REFLECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  513 

the  building  of  a  railroad  in  Maine  and  also  for  returning  to  the 
Senate  at  the  expiration  of  Mr.  Merrill's  term  in  March,  1869.  He 
believed  in  the  future  of  Maine  as  a  manufacturing  State  and  sum 
mer  resort.  Maine  at  this  time  was  not  well  provided  with  branch 
roads,  and  Moosehead  Lake  and  other  resorts  were  accessible  only  by 
stage  or  boat.  Mr.  Hamlin  thought  that  a  road  should  be  built  to 
Moosehead  Lake  to  encourage  summer  travel,  and  also  to  develop 
that  locality.  There  were,  for  instance,  large  deposits  of  the  best  slate 
in  Monson  and  Blanchard,  which  have  been  opened  up  since  the 
railroad  was  projected  by  Mr.  Hamlin.  But  at  first  he  contemplated 
the  route  from  Old  Town  to  Dover  as  an  offshoot  of  the  European 
and  North  American  Railway,  which  had  been  previously  constructed 
from  Bangor  to  St.  John,  New  Brunswick.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  elected 
president  of  the  new  company,  and  was  associated  with  Isaiah  Stetson 
and  Franklin  Muzzey,  of  Bangor,  and  A.  M.  Robinson,  of  Dover,  in 
completing  it.  The  road  was  carried  to  Dover  under  Mr.  Hamlin's 
presidency,  and  subsequently  to  Moosehead  Lake. 

This  work  occupied  a  part  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  time  for  two  years, 
though  it  need  hardly  be  said  that  his  mind  was  more  busily  occupied 
with  his  political  campaign.  This  was  indeed  a  problem,  and  well 
calculated  to  discourage  any  man  but  a  born  fighter.  This  campaign 
was  regarded  as  Mr.  Hamlin's  most  brilliant  political  victory,  and  for 
years  the  senatorial  contest  of  1869  was  spoken  of  as  unique  among 
the  many  interesting  and  picturesque  political  battles  of  its  day. 
Probably  Maine  was  never  under  such  a  tension  of  feelings  for  an 
equal  extent  of  time,  and  no  struggle  for  the  Senate  in  Maine  ever 
enlisted  in  that  period  as  many  able  men.  For  certain  reasons,  too, 
the  contest  excited  national  attention,  and  it  was  thought  by  some 
that  perhaps  it  was  without  parallel  in  the  annals  of  American  politics. 
The  issue  depended  on  one  vote,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  worked  against  the 
greatest  odds  and  against  an  able  and  popular  senator.  For  these 
reasons  the  story  of  this  famous  campaign  may  be  related.  In  the 
lapse  of  time  it  now  appears  as  a  brilliant  contest  on  both  sides,  with 
the  feeling  it  aroused  as  ephemeral. 

The  conditions  at  the  beginning  present  the  obstacles  Mr.  Hamlin 
had  to  encounter.  He  was  out  of  public  life,  and  that  in  itself  was  a 
hindrance.  There  are  few  public  men  whose  career  was  rounded  out 
without  a  break,  and  there  are  few  in  American  politics  who  once 
having  sustained  a  serious  reverse  returned  to  oldtime  power.  There 
were  some  striking  illustrations  of  this  furnished  among  Mr.  Hamlin's 
personal  friends  in  the  Senate,  to  go  no  farther.  John  P.  Hale,  after 
his  signal  career  in  the  Senate,  was  badly  defeated  for  reelection  in 
1865  ;  Ben  Wade  was  overwhelmed  by  the  Democracy  four  years  later, 
and  could  never  get  back  to  power ;  and  Zachariah  Chandler  was  upset 


5 H  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

while  apparently  at  the  height  of  his  career,  though  he  subsequently 
regained  his  seat  in  the  Senate.  The  moral  effect  of  the  reverses 
that  Mr.  Hamlin  had  suffered  was  undoubtedly  a  cloud  over  his  pro 
spects  at  the  start,  and  there  were  many  who  were  affected  by  it  and 
opposed  to  him  on  that  account.  But  the  practical  obstacles  were  even 
more  discouraging.  Mr.  Morrill  was  in  po'wer  and  had  the  support 
of  every  federal  office-holder  in  the  State  but  three,  and  the  help  of 
Mr.  Fessenden,  Mr.  Hale,  Mr.  Pike,  and  Mr.  Lynch  of  the  congres 
sional  delegation.  Mr.  Hamlin  had  but  one  influential  office-holder 
on  his  side,  ex-Governor  Washburn,  who  was  collector  of  Portland, 
and  but  one  member  of  the  congressional  delegation  in  his  behalf, 
John  A.  Peters,  Mr.  Blaine  being  neutral. 

Mr.  Morrill  not  only  had  the  power  in  his  hands,  but  he  also  had 
able  lieutenants  in  John  L.  Stevens,  chairman  of  the  state  com 
mittee,  and  his  brother,  Anson  P.  Morrill.  Among  other  assistants 
who  afterwards  came  to  the  front  was  Thomas  B.  Reed.  Mr.  Hamlin 
had  to  wage  his  campaign  through  the  common  people  and  a  group 
of  personal  friends,  some  of  whom  belonged  to  the  old  anti-slavery 
guard  of  ante-bellum  days.  He  was  especially  fortunate,  it  should 
be  said  before  the  narrative  proceeds  farther,  in  his  lieutenants,  — 
Sebastian  S.  Marble,  of  Waldoboro,1  and  Charles  J.  Talbot,  of  Wilton. 
Mr.  Marble  was  recognized  at  this  time  as  a  political  manager  of 
pronounced  ability.  He  was  silent,  cool,  persistent,  tenacious  in  his 
friendships,  and  had  a  wonderful  knowledge  of  human  nature.  Mr. 
Talbot  was  an  early  anti-slavery  leader,  whose  friendship  and  advice 
were  constant  factors  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  political  career.  After  the 
campaign,  in  the  opinion  of  competent  observers  Mr.  Marble  was 
ranked  as  the  best  politician  in  the  contest  next  to  Mr.  Hamlin.  He 
was  subsequently  still  more  active  in  Maine  politics  as  United  States 
marshal,  and  also  as  succesor  to  Governor  Bodwell,  after  the  latter's 
death,  when  he  gave  the  State  a  clean,  able  administration.  Hiram 
Knowlton,  a  prominent  lawyer  of  Skowhegan,  was  another  valuable 
assistant.  Josiah  H.  Drummond  again  exerted  himself  in  Mr.  Ham 
lin's  behalf,  and  played  an  important  part  at  two  crises.  A  new  fig 
ure  of  interest  was  Joseph  H.  Manley,  who  came  to  the  front  in  this 
fight  among  the  skillful  tacticians  of  the  day.  Leander  Valentine, 
General  Samuel  F.  Hersey,  Mark  F.  Wentworth,  Hiram  Ruggles,  and 
others  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  friends  were  also  of  service  to  him. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  campaign  was  conducted  quietly ;  in  fact,  no  one  out 
side  of  his  personal  friends  was  informed  at  first  authoritatively  that 
he  intended  even  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  Senate.  There  were  two 
long  years  of  careful  watching  and  measuring  of  men.  The  slightest 

1  Samuel  E.  Spring,  of  Portland,  and  D.  W.  Ames,  of  Norridgewock,  were 
other  valuable  supporters. 


REPUBLICAN  LEADERS  IN  MAINE. 


REFLECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  515 

misstep  might  have  caused  infinite  harm,  with  the  power  in  the  hands 
of  the  other  side.  The  strain  on  Mr.  Hamlin  must  have  been  intense. 
Once,  years  afterwards,  he  told  Governor  Marble  that  sometimes  he 
would  dream  the  1869  fight  all  over,  and  wake  up  in  a  cold  shiver, 
recalling  a  train  of  minor  incidents  which  in  combination  won  him  the 
victory,  and  which,  if  fate  had  otherwise  ruled,  might  have  defeated 
him.  One  man  who  was  elected  to  the  House  from  Portland,  pledged 
to  Mr.  Morrill,  died  before  the  legislature  convened.  Although  Port 
land  was  Mr.  Fessenden's  stronghold,  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends,  after  a 
sharp  fight  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Drummond,  nominated  the 
latter  to  fill  the  vacancy.  Had  there  been  no  vacancy  to  fill,  or  had 
Mr.  Drummond  been  beaten,  the  vote  between  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr. 
Morrill  would  have  been  a  tie,  and  probably  the  latter  would  have 
won.  It  happened  that  in  a  town  not  far  from  Bangor  a  man  was 
nominated,  and  pledged  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  at  heart  favored  Mr. 
Morrill,  and  would  have  supported  him  on  another  ballot.  Figuring 
for  a  year  or  so  for  success  on  the  narrow  margin  of  one  or  two  votes 
was  not  conducive  to  pleasant  dreams. 

When  Mr.  Morrill  and  his  friends  perceived  that  something  was 
going  on  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  camp,  they  organized  a  vigorous  campaign, 
and  for  months  the  contest  was  the  all-absorbing  topic  of  conversa 
tion  throughout  the  State,  while  elements  which  generally  held  aloof 
from  politics  were  engaged.  Mr.  Hamlin  made  no  professions  as  to 
his  strength  ;  he  kept  the  details  to  himself,  and  by  way  of  general 
instructions  requested  his  followers  to  see  that  no  attack  was  made 
on  Mr.  Morrill.  This  was  in  accordance  with  his  inflexible  rule,  and 
he  was  not  responsible  for  whatever  outbreaks  occurred  during  this 
stress  of  fever-pitch  excitement.  A  good  idea  may  be  gained  of  the 
feeling  when  it  is  said  that  in  some  parts  of  the  State  business  was 
practically  suspended  on  the  day  of  the  caucus  until  the  result  was 
known.  The  hold  Mr.  Hamlin  had  on  the  people  of  Maine,  irrespec 
tive  of  party,  may  be  judged  by  the  action  of  some  of  the  leading 
Democrats  of  Bangor.  William  T.  Pearson,  Philo  A.  Strickland, 
Reuben  S.  Prescott,  John  Varney,  and  a  few  others,  among  them 
A.  M.  Robinson,  of  Dover,  who  were  men  of  influence,  quietly  called 
on  Mr.  Hamlin  to  tell  him  that  while  they  were  Democrats  they 
believed  in  him,  and  would  even  go  to  Augusta  to  use  their  influence 
with  Democratic  members  of  the  legislature  in  case  there  was  a  bolt 
against  him.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  naturally  touched,  but  he  declined  their 
offers  of  assistance,  and  kept  his  contest  within  party  lines. 

There  were  many  expressions  outside  of  Maine  which  disclosed  the 
national  interest  in  the  contest.  Horace  Greeley  had  opposed  the 
nomination  of  any  Lincoln  man  at  Baltimore,  although  Mr.  Hamlin's 
personal  friend.  In  his  impulsive,  energetic  way  he  called  on  Presi- 


Si6  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

dent  Johnson,  through  the  columns  of  the  "Tribune,"  to  offer  Mr. 
Hamlin  a  seat  in  his  Cabinet,  and  now  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  return  to 
public  life  was  at  stake,  Greeley  supported  him  strongly,  and  finally 
stationed  one  of  his  staff  at  Augusta  to  watch  the  contest.  The 
Johnson  issue  necessarily  entered  into  this  campaign,  and  more  to 
the  advantage  of  Mr.  Hamlin  than  to  Mr.  Morrill,  although  the  latter 
had  voted  to  remove  the  President.  By  one  of  those  peculiar  turns 
political  contests  sometimes  take,  Mr.  Morrill  lost  ground  on  account 
of  Mr.  Fessenden's  support,  after  the  latter  had  voted  to  acquit  Presi 
dent  Johnson.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  represented  by  newspapers 
of  national  and  state  influence  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  return  to  the  Senate 
would  be  a  more  decided  rebuke  to  Johnson  than  Mr.  Merrill's  reelec 
tion,  since  the  former  had  virtually  organized  the  impeachment  move 
ment,  or  was  at  least  conspicuously  engaged  in  shaping  it  at  the  outset. 
The  feeling  in  this  respect  may  be  judged  by  the  following  comment 
in  the  "  Chicago  Journal."  Speaking  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  candidacy  for 
the  Senate,  it  said  :  — 

"  When  the  Republican  party  exchanged  him  for  Andrew  Johnson, 
it  committed  the  great  blunder  of  its  life.  .  .  .  Ordinarily  the  sena 
torial  question  is  local,  and  papers  in  other,  especially  in  distant  States, 
should  not  interfere  ;  but  the  whole  country  feels  a  peculiar  interest 
in  Hannibal  Hamlin,  and  especially  desires  his  return  to  the  public 
service.  Let  Andrew  Johnson  be  buried  deep  in  the  black  waves  of 
oblivion,  living  only  on  the  rolls  of  the  nation's  dishonor,  while  Han 
nibal  Hamlin  is  again  ordered  to  the  front.  His  election  would  be 
hailed  with  joy  by  the  entire  Republican  party." 

As  soon  as  the  Republican  members  of  the  legislature  met  at 
Augusta  to  make  the  nomination,  an  immense  crowd  descended  on 
the  little  city.  The  friends  of  Mr.  Morrill  were  perfectly  confident 
of  his  success,  and  up  to  this  time  had  not  felt  disturbed ;  in  fact  they 
claimed  his  nomination  by  twenty  or  thirty  majority.  But  they  were 
somewhat  disturbed  over  the  quiet  confidence  of  Mr.  Hamlin  and  his 
followers.  A  pen  picture  in  the  "  Tribune  "  described  Mr.  Hamlin 
as  smiling  and  confident  among  scenes  of  excitement  which  stirred 
even  strangers.  An  incident  then  happened  which  further  discom 
posed  the  Morrill  men.  One  of  them,  while  standing  among  a  crowd 
of  excited  partisans,  shouted,  "  One  hundred  to  fifty,  Morrill  is  nomi 
nated  by  at  least  twenty  majority  on  the  first  ballot!"  "What's 
that  ? "  some  one  called  out.  Looking  around,  the  crowd  saw  that 
the  speaker  was  Hiram  Bliss,  a  well-known  Republican  from  Knox 
County.  The  bet  was  repeated,  and  Mr.  Bliss  with  a  quiet  smile  of 
satisfaction  said  to  Joseph  L.  Smith,  of  Old  Town,  a  strong  supporter 
of  Mr.  Hamlin  :  "  Take  that  bet  Joe,  and  you  will  win."  If  a  thunder 
bolt  had  been  shot  out  of  the  sky  the  Morrill  men  could  not  have 


REELECTED   TO   THE   SENATE  517 

been  more  surprised.  Some  over-enthusiastic  friends  of  Mr.  Morrill 
had  claimed  Mr.  Bliss,  but  there  was  no  warrant  for  it ;  he  had  always 
been  Mr.  Hamlin's  friend,  and  for  a  year  had  kept  his  decision  to 
himself  and  Mr.  Hamlin. 

Another  loss  was  also  reported  about  the  same  time.  The  circum 
stances  of  this  case  might  strike  the  careless  as  rather  amusing,  yet 
they  are  only  a  touching  proof  of  the  love  some  of  the  strong,  serene, 
and  God-fearing  men  who  worked  through  life  with  Mr.  Hamlin  bore 
for  him.  Hiram  Ruggles,  of  Carmel,  was  a  man  of  the  type  described. 
He  was  always  close  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  was  one  of  the  few  men  who 
addressed  him  by  his  first  name.  One  member  of  the  House,  whose 
constituents  favored  Mr.  Hamlin,  got  the  idea  into  his  head  that 
Mr.  Morrill  was  sure  to  win,  and  therefore  felt  that  he  would  like 
to  be  on  the  victorious  side.  In  Mr.  Ruggles's  eyes  duty  was  a 
religious  force,  and  when  he  found  this  representative  about  to  disap 
point  his  own  constituents,  he  appealed  to  him  with  all  the  fervor  of 
a  sincere  Christian.  But  he  could  not  shake  the  obstinate  member  in 
his  decision,  and  accordingly  accompanied  him  to  Augusta.  There 
Mr.  Ruggles  induced  him  to  share  the  same  room,  and  when  they 
were  alone  together,  Mr.  Ruggles  kneeled  and  prayed  with  the  ear 
nestness  of  one  whose  heart  and  soul  were  devoted  to  the  cause  he 
had  espoused.  The  efficacy  of  prayer  was  proved  in  this  instance, 
and  Mr.  Hamlin's  election  was  saved. 

But  in  spite  of  these  encouragements  the  contest  was  so  close, 
in  Mr.  Hamlin's  judgment,  that  he  could  not  feel  absolutely  cer 
tain  of  success  until  he  had  been  nominated.  He  met  with  several 
disappointments  which  threatened  to  offset  the  advantages  gained. 
Several  men  held  the  balance  of  power,  and  until  the  last  moment 
it  was  impossible  to  tell  how  they  would  vote  ;  in  fact  no  one  ever 
learned  how  two  men  did  vote.  At  this  stage  of  the  contest,  when  the 
members  of  the  legislature  were  about  to  enter  the  caucus,  there  were 
four  men  who  gave  both  sides  a  veritable  nightmare.  The  cold  facts 
may  be  given  about  one,  elected  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  to 
whom  he  was  pledged.  He  was  of  a  mercenary  disposition.  He 
wrote  Mr.  Hamlin,  saying  that  he  would  vote  for  him  if  he  could 
have  the  collectorship  of  a  certain  port,  and  could  also  be  the  Ham 
lin  candidate  for  speaker  of  the  House.  Mr.  Hamlin  replied  in  these 
words,  which  he  repeated  to  his  friends  several  times  in  telling  the 
story :  "  I  never  in  my  life  promised  a  man  an  office  for  his  vote, 
and  I  never  will,  but  I  will  say  that  I  shall  be  faithful  to  those 
who  are  faithful  to  me."  The  office-hunter  was  not  satisfied,  and 
obtained  from  an  indiscreet  friend  of  Mr.  Morrill  a  promise  of  the 
places  he  wanted.  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends,  however,  elected  Mr.  Drum- 
mond  speaker,  and  in  the  end  the  place-hunter  got  nothing. 


5i8  HANNIBAL    HAMLIN 

The  final  instance  to  be  detailed  was  one  which  kept  both  sides 
alternating  between  the  joys  of  anticipated  success  and  the  gloom 
of  possible  defeat.  The  member  from  Mars  Hill  was  a  long-re 
membered  figure  in  this  affair.  He  was  originally  for  Mr.  Morrill, 
but  his  constituents  favored  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  as  the  close  of  the 
contest  approached,  they  held  some  public  meetings  to  urge  him  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Hamlin.  But  he  had  publicly  announced  his  inten 
tion  to  support  Mr.  Morrill,  and  what  could  he  do  ?  The  facts  were 
presented  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  turned  to  John  A.  Peters,  and  said  : 
"  I  want  you  to  advise  that  man  that  he  can  throw  a  blank  ballot." 
The  member  from  Mars  Hill  promised  that  he  would  do  this,  and 
this  closed  the  canvassing  preliminary  to  the  holding  of  the  caucus. 
The  ballot  was  then  taken  in  a  moment  of  breathless  excitement, 
and  the  result  was  Mr.  Hamlin  had  75  votes,  Mr.  Morrill  74,  while 
one  blank  vote  was  thrown.  Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  claimed  his 
nomination,  but  the  Morrill  men  asserted  that  the  blank  vote 
should  be  counted,  and  no  choice  declared.  Thomas  B.  Reed  de 
livered  his  maiden  parliamentary  speech  in  favor  of  this  contention. 
Another  ballot  was  called  for  amidst  the  uproar,  and  when  Mr.  Ham 
lin  was  appealed  to,  he  replied  with  all  his  decision  :  "  No ;  blanks 
don't  count.  I  am  nominated,  and  shall  stick." 

The  casting  of  a  blank  vote  was  nothing  new.  Mr.  Hamlin's 
ample  knowledge  of  parliamentary  rules  and  precedents  stood  him 
in  stead  at  the  decisive  moment.  He  knew  that  in  several  disputed 
contests  in  England  a  blank  vote  had  been  cast  and  not  enumerated 
in  the  sum  total.  Excluding  the  blank  vote  cast  in  this  instance  he 
had  75  votes  and  Mr.  Morrill  74,  or  a  majority  of  one  —  his  talismanic 
number.  But  the  presiding  officer  of  the  caucus,  who,  it  must  be 
said,  exhibited  unnecessary  partisanship,  refused  to  entertain  Mr. 
Drummond's  motion  declaring  Mr.  Hamlin  the  nominee,  and  the 
caucus  broke  up  in  confusion.  This  was  unfortunate  for  Mr.  Morrill, 
and  induced  him  to  entertain  false  hopes.  Some  of  his  followers  pre 
pared  to  organize  a  bolt,  and  he  came  back  from  Washington,  but  as 
he  entered  Augusta  he  learned  that  some  of  his  friends  in  the  Ken- 
nebec  delegation  had  issued  a  card  bearing  their  belief  that  Mr. 
Hamlin  had  been  fairly  nominated,  and  that  they  proposed  to  support 
him.  The  point  they  made  was  a  vital  thrust  to  the  bolt.  They  said 
that  if  Mr.  Morrill  had  received  75  votes  instead  of  74  his  friends 
would  have  claimed  the  nomination  for  him.  This  settled  the  hardest 
fight  Mr.  Hamlin  ever  had.  The  next  week  he  was  formally  elected, 
and  in  the  following  March  entered  the  Senate  with  a  new  generation. 


CHAPTER   XXXIX 

THE    GRANT    ADMINISTRATIONS 

IN  the  summer  of  1868  the  Republican  party  nominated  General 
U.  S.  Grant  for  President,  and  Schuyler  Colfax  for  Vice- President. 
Mr.  Hamlin  was  urged  by  many  friends  to  become  a  candidate  for 
Vice-President,  and  his  renomination  was  advocated  by  leading  party 
newspapers,  but  he  declined,  and  continued  his  canvass  for  senator. 
The  delegates  from  Maine  and  Illinois,  however,  united  in  giving 
him  a  complimentary  vote.  The  incident  that  pleased  Mr.  Hamlin 
most  in  this  affair  was  the  presentation  of  his  name  by  General 
George  F.  Shepley,  who  in  ante-bellum  days  had  been  one  of  his 
most  determined  but  sincere  opponents  in  the  Democratic  party. 
In  the  campaign  Mr.  Hamlin  did  his  share  of  work,  and  thus  it 
happened  that  his  return  to  public  life  was  coincident  with  a  new 
generation  of  leaders,  and  the  adjustment  of  new  issues  as  well  as 
old  ones.  The  period  was  anomalous,  and  the  responsibility  rest 
ing  on  the  Republican  party  was  hardly  less  great  than  that  which 
the  civil  war  had  brought.  The  wrongs  of  the  Johnson  adminis 
tration  were  to  be  undone,  as  far  as  possible,  reconstruction  was 
to  be  accomplished  in  the  South,  the  national  debt  to  be  paid,  and 
foreign  questions  growing  out  of  the  Alabama  case,  involving  the 
dangers  of  war,  to  be  settled. 

Mr.  Hamlin  believed  that  the  spirit  of  unrest  which  followed  the 
war  was  in  a  large  measure  responsible  for  the  errors  and  scandals  of 
the  Grant  administrations.  He  emphasized  this  in  his  sober  judg 
ment  of  this  period,  and  dwelt  on  war  as  a  demoralizing  factor  which 
was  long  felt  in  the  life  of  a  country.  This  was  reflected  in  the 
administrations,  and  was  seen  the  more  clearly  the  farther  the  nation 
got  away  from  that  time.  But  at  the  same  time  he  saw  Grant  stand 
ing  out  as  a  greater  figure  than  the  historians  of  that  period  had  yet 
drawn  him,  and  as  a  President  of  larger  statesmanship  than  had  been 
conceded  to  him.  His  mistakes  grew  out  of  his  inexperience,  the 
simplicity  of  his  nature,  and  tenacious  friendship  for  his  intimates. 
When  he  came  without  political  experience  to  the  presidency,  he  had 
the  notion  that  he  ought  to  conduct  his  administration  as  he  had  his 
military  campaigns,  that  is,  he  intended  to  confide  his  plans  to  no  one, 
and  determined  to  order  their  execution  without  explanation.  But 


520  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  development  of  this  simple,  silent  soldier  into  the  far-seeing  states 
man,  who  saved  the  nation's  credit  though  resisting  party  leaders, 
who  won  the  admiration  of  his  opponents  at  arms  and  established  the 
principle  of  arbitration,  was  his  best  eulogy  and  answer  to  his  critics. 
Mr.  Hamlin  asserted  as  his  final  estimate  that  the  three  men  who 
grew  on  him  the  most  were  Webster,  Lincoln,  and  Grant.1 

Senator  Hamlin  formed  his  acquaintance  with  General  Grant  dur 
ing  the  civil  war,  when  the  latter  was  coming  forward  as  the  soldier 
hero  of  the  conflict.  The  country  did  not  know  at  the  time,  and 
probably  never  will  know,  the  entire  story  of  Grant's  struggle  to  get 
command  of  all  the  Union  forces  and  keep  in  command.  After  he 
had  obtained  the  support  of  the  administration  he  made  war  on  a 
scale  so  much  larger  than  that  which  the  nation  was  accustomed  to 
that  there  were  fierce  assaults  on  him,  and  some  howling  dervish 
applied  the  epithet  of  "butcher."  Mr.  Hamlin  was  one  of  the  leaders 
and  counselors  around  President  Lincoln  who  backed  him  up  in  his 
support  of  General  Grant.  Mr.  Hamlin  appreciated  the  stern  necessi 
ties  of  war,  and  he  commended  Grant  as  a  soldier  who  knew  how  to 
move  ahead  and  who  did  not  know  how  to  retreat.  After  the  war  he 
hailed  Grant  as  the  military  genius  of  the  age,  and  applauded  his 
admirable  and  honorable  conduct  when  the  cunning  Johnson  tried  to 
make  a  cat's-paw  of  him.  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  advocate  Grant's  nomi 
nation  for  President,  but  supported  him  as  the  nominee,  and  when 
General  Grant  was  elected,  he  recognized  a  friend  in  Mr.  Hamlin,  and 
their  relations  were  always  cordial. 

The  composition  of  the  Senate  had  materially  changed  since  Mr. 
Hamlin  was  last  connected  with  it,  and  showed  a  striking  blending  of 
elements.  The  old  anti-slavery  guard  was  still  represented  in  Messrs. 
Hamlin,  Chandler,  Wilson,  Howe,  Sumner,  Fessenden,  Trumbull, 
and  others,  though  the  first  four  of  this  picturesque  group  were  the 
most  conspicuous  members  who  adjusted  themselves  successfully  to 
the  new  issues,  and  remained  in  touch  with  their  party.  It  was  a 
period  of  new  issues  and  new  leaders.  Roscoe  Conkling,  John  Sher 
man,  Justin  S.  Morrill,  George  F.  Edmunds,  Henry  B.  Anthony, 
Matthew  H.  Carpenter,  Reuben  E.  Fenton,  John  A.  Logan,  William 
Windom,  Oliver  P.  Morton,  Alexander  Ramsey,  and  others,  who  rose 
to  distinction  in  the  Senate  during  this  period,  constituted  a  strong 
and  interesting  force  of  Republicans.  Allen  G.  Thurman  was  the 
most  notable  addition  to  the  Democratic  side  of  the  House,  and  lent 
strength  both  to  the  Senate  and  his  party.  Another  Democrat  of 
distinction  was  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  of  Delaware.  The  temporary 
disappearance  of  the  old  Southern  regime  was  marked  in  the  appear 
ance  of  Frederick  A.  Sawyer,  William  Pitt  Kellogg,  Adelbert  Ames, 
1  This  is  the  essence  of  Senator  Hamlin's  eulogy  on  Grant,  August,  1885. 


LATER  ASSOCIATES  IN  COXCKESS. 


THE   GRANT   ADMINISTRATIONS  521 

and  other  men  of  Northern  birth  in  its  place.  The  presence  of  Hiram 
R.  Revels,  a  colored  man,  in  the  place  of  Jefferson  Davis,  possessed  a 
significance  which  would  be  difficult  to  find  in  the  downfall  of  the 
aristocracy  in  the  French  Revolution.  The  succession  of  William  A. 
Buckingham,  of  Connecticut,  to  a  senator  who  supported  Johnson 
was  another  visible  proof  of  the  extinction  of  the  anomalous  Johnson 
party. 

Mr.  Hamlin  believed  that  the  Senate  was  improved  rather  than 
weakened  by  these  changes.  He  was  a  practical  optimist.  He  be 
lieved  that  the  world  grew  better  as  it  grew  older,  and  he  believed, 
too,  that  every  age  produced  its  strong  men  to  solve  its  problems. 
When  he  felt  himself  growing  old  he  voluntarily  retired  from  public 
life  in  full  faith  that  young  men  could  carry  on  the  work  of  the  na 
tion.  He  lived  in  the  present,  never  in  the  past.  He  disliked  that 
weepy  expression,  "there  were  giants  in  those  days,"  when  it  was 
used  to  disparage  the  men  of  his  own  times.  He  recognized  the  fact 
that  the  times  had  changed,  and  that  the  new  period  had  brought 
men  to  accomplish  a  different  line  of  work.  He  associated  himself 
with  Conkling,  Logan,  Windom,  and  others  of  the  younger  group, 
while  he  also  maintained  close  relations  with  Thurman,  Buckingham, 
and  others  of  his  older  friends.  These  were  the  kind  of  men  he  liked, 
and  with  whom  he  worked  best.  But  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  relations 
form  a  topic  by  itself.  The  purpose  was  to  show  that  he  identified 
himself  with  the  steady  working  and  progressive  element  of  his  party 
and  the  Senate. 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  came  back  to  public  life  his  enforced  retirement 
appears  to  have  whetted  his  appetite  for  work,  and  possibly  his  experi 
ence  as  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate  increased  his  dislike  for  talk. 
All  this  was  noticeable  at  the  outset  of  his  reentrance.  He  was  of 
the  opinion  that  the  Senate  had  a  better  working  capacity  than  ever, 
and  he  was  anxious  that  it  should  transact  public  business  rather  than 
waste  time  in  oratory.  There  was  a  small  group  of  persistent  talkers, 
headed  by  Carl  Schurz,  then  of  Missouri,  who  were  a  thorn  in  his 
side.  On  several  occasions  Senator  Hamlin  made  some  pungent 
remarks.  Once  he  said,  "  You  cannot  find  a  day  or  an  hour  of  the 
session  when  we  do  not  violate  our  rules,  or  procrastinate  the  busi 
ness  of  the  Senate  by  violating  the  rules.  The  order  of  business  of 
the  Senate  is  for  the  Senate  to  be  out  of  order."  Another  time  he 
said,  "The  practice  heretofore  has  been  to  postpone  business  on  a 
motion  to  allow  discussion  upon  the  merit  of  everything  above  the 
earth  or  beneath  the  sky."  On  a  third  occasion  he  declared,  "  There 
is  a  time  when  these  interminable  debates  ought  to  end,  and  there  is 
a  time  which  the  Senate  should  devote  to  that  matter  and  stop  them, 
if  they  can  be  stopped  by  law  and  decency.  ...  It  pains  my  ear,  it 


522  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

pains  'my  heart,  to  see  this  procrastination."  These  plainly  worded 
protests  started  a  lively  comment  in  the  daily  press,  and  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  commended  for  his  course. 

But  it  was  not  alone  in  the  Senate  that  Mr.  Hamlin  enforced  his 
ideas ;  in  the  committees  he  performed  his  hardest  work,  and  while 
his  associates  were  mostly  congenial  there  were  a  few  exceptions. 
Little  ever  escaped  from  Mr.  Hamlin  reflecting  on  men  in  his  rela 
tions  with  them  behind  the  scenes  ;  but  fortunately  one  incident  came 
to  light  which  showed  that  he  lived  in  the  present,  and  sought  to 
recognize  talent  near  him.  Of  the  verbose  senators  who  annoyed 
him  there  were  several  who  have  that  peculiar  delight  common  to 
some  men  of  weeping  over  "  the  degenerate  times,"  and  which  corre 
sponds  to  the  comfort  lachrymose  widows  take  in  contemplating  their 
weeds.  One  of  these  senators,  who  abused  Grant  because  he  could 
not  get  what  he  wanted,  began  to  deplore  "  the  degenerate  times," 
and  extol  "the  days  when  there  were  giants."  Congressman  S.  F. 
Barr,  who  was  present,  remembered  the  incident.  Senator  Hamlin 
turned  to  the  mourners  with  the  courtesy  and  dignity  of  a  Roman, 
and  asked  whether  they  had  known  the  giants  they  lamented.  He 
himself  had,  and  he  briefly  recalled  the  facts  that  Webster  gave  the 
latter  part  of  his  life  in  trying  to  make  New  England  become  a 
community  of  slave-catchers  ;  that  Clay  always  sought  to  compro 
mise  vital  questions ;  that  Calhoun  taught  doctrines  which  had  led  to 
disunion.  Turning  to  Simon  Cameron,  who  was  also  present,  Mr. 
Hamlin  recalled  that  when  they  two  entered  the  Senate  members 
often  addressed  it  with  whiskey  on  their  desks,  while  at  the  end  of 
the  day's  session  one  third  went  home  in  a  state  of  intoxication,  and 
one  half  at  the  close  of  an  executive  session.  Thus  he  was  of  the 
opinion  that  the  times  and  the  Senate  had  improved. 

Many  more  stories  were  told  of  the  practical  and  original  way  in 
which  Mr.  Hamlin  sometimes  asserted  himself  when  the  Senate  was 
wasting  its  time.  During  the  negotiations  over  the  establishment  of 
arbitration,  there  was  a  great  deal  of  heat,  and  an  ill-timed  speech  or 
action  by  Congress  or  Parliament  at  a  certain  critical  moment  might 
have  caused  infinite  mischief.  There  was  a  rumor  that  Great  Britain 
had  rejected  the  treaty.  A  senator,  who  while  he  was  a  man  of  high 
rank  nevertheless  lacked  discretion,  arose  and  offered  a  resolution 
calling  on  the  Secretary  of  State  to  furnish  all  telegrams  to  the  Senate 
which  had  passed  between  the  governments  in  the  last  twenty-four 
hours.  The  presumption  was  that  the  senator  wanted  to  meddle 
and  have  an  opportunity  to  talk.  Mr.  Hamlin  tersely  remarked  that 
"  absolute  silence  was  often  the  greatest  wisdom."  "  But,"  interposed 
the  senator  with  some  pomposity,  "will  my  friend  from  Maine  inform 
me  how  I  can  obtain  the  information  I  desire  if  the  Senate  does  not 


THE   GRANT   ADMINISTRATIONS  523 

request  it  from  the  Secretary  of  State  ?  "  "  By  doing  what  I  did  five 
minutes  ago  —  make  a  personal  inquiry  at  the  State  Department,"  Mr. 
Hamlin  replied  amid  a  general  laugh.  On  another  occasion  at  the  end 
of  a  long-drawn  session,  Mr.  Sumner  introduced  a  foolish  bill  pledging 
Congress  not  to  adjourn  until  it  had  settled  all  problems  growing  out 
of  the  war  as  far  as  it  could  by  acts  of  legislation.  Reconciliation, 
Ku-Klux  outrages,  rights  of  negroes,  and  other  questions  were  in 
cluded  and  enumerated.  Congress  had  been  trying  in  vain  to  settle 
these  things,  but  they  could  no  more  be  adjusted  by  acts  of  legislation 
at  that  time  than  by  a  pope's  bull.  Mr.  Hamlin  observed  that  it  was 
time  to  sing  "  Old  Hundred."  There  was  a  roar,  and  that  finished  the 
bill. 

While  Mr.  Hamlin  spoke  even  less  during  the  last  twelve  years  he 
sat  in  the  Senate  than  he  had  in  ante-bellum  days,  he  nevertheless 
exerted  greater  influence  in  shaping  legislation.  John  A.  Peters, 
chief  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Maine,  was  in  the  House  three 
terms  during  this  period,  and  was  associated  with  Mr.  Hamiin  in  the 
transaction  of  an  immense  volume  of  public  business.  In  his  reminis 
cences  of  his  experiences  in  Congress,  Judge  Peters  said  that  in  his 
opinion,  and  in  that  of  his  Republican  colleagues,  no  man  ever  sat  in 
Congress  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  lifetime  who  had  as  much  personal  power 
as  he  had.  He  was  not  only  honored  as  one  of  the  fathers  of  the 
Republican  party  and  the  surviving  active  counselor  of  Lincoln,  but 
he  was  also  highly  respected  as  a  senator  by  even  the  bitter  partisans 
on  the  Democratic  side.  He  was  delightful  in  his  personal  relations 
with  congressmen,  and  while  he  often  stated  his  convictions  tersely, 
the  charm  and  courtesy  of  his  manner  left  his  words  without  a  sting. 
Judge  Peters  instanced,  in  illustration  of  this,  the  rebuke  which  Mr. 
Hamlin  administered  the  Senate,  to  which  allusion  has  been  made ; 
and  to  exemplify  Mr.  Hamlin's  power  he  recalled  an  incident  wherein 
Mr.  Hamlin  induced  Congress  to  pass  an  important  bill  in  aid  of  the 
European  and  North  American  Railway  of  Maine,  without  a  single 
speech  being  made  in  either  house.  A  voluble  New  England  senator 
of  unfortunate  habits  started  to  say  something.  Mr.  Hamlin  half  rose 
in  his  seat,  and  said  in  a  stage  whisper,  "  For  God's  sake,  stop  that 
man."  Somebody  choked  him  off,  and  the  bill  passed. 

George  H.  Shirley  wrote  General  Hamlin  :  "  Your  father  was  very 
kind-hearted  and  obliging,  often  making  great  sacrifices  to  do  favors 
for  his  friends.  One  day,  Chester  A.  Arthur,  then  collector  of  the 
port  of  New  York,  sent  for  me,  then  an  officer  in  the  custom-house, 
and  said  I  would  gratify  him  if  I  would  go  to  Washington  and  ask 
Senator  Hamlin  to  effect  the  passage  of  a  measure  through  Con 
gress  that  he  was  interested  in  ;  he  felt  sure  he  could  do  it.  I  was 
surprised,  because  I  knew  that  Senator  Conkling  was  his  friend  and 


524  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

a  man  of  great  intellectual  ability.  I  went,  and  I  think  the  collector 
was  satisfied  with  my  mission.  All  the  persons  I  met  with  at  the 
Capitol  said  that  no  other  member  had  so  great  personal  influence  in 
Congress  as  he  had." 

Necessarily,  Mr.  Hamlin's  personal  friendships  played  an  interesting 
and  important  part  in  his  later  career  in  the*  Senate.  While  he  rarely 
appeared  in  debate,  and  hostile  critics,  who  knew  nothing  about  the 
immense  work  he  accomplished  in  his  quiet  way,  complained  that  his 
career  was  not  brilliant,  his  associations  and  positions  on  committees 
indicate  the  place  he  held  in  the  Senate.  Perhaps  he  found  Thurman 
the  most  congenial  and  effective  co-worker  he  had  in  the  Senate. 
They  had  qualities  in  common,  and  both  abhorred  the  voluble  senators 
who  talked  to  hear  themselves  talk.  There  were  many  interesting 
anecdotes  floating  around  in  the  newspapers  at  that  time,  about  the 
cordial  cooperation  between  the  old  Carthaginian  and  the  old  Roman 
in  the  transaction  of  public  business.  Party  differences  never  came 
between  them,  and  they  left  the  Senate  together  as  warm  friends  as 
when  they  entered  it.  Windom  was  another  solid  and  substantial 
senator  who  was  always  close  to  Mr.  Hamlin  both  in  and  out  of  public 
duties.  Logan  was  the  personification  of  loyalty  and  conviction,  and, 
though  somewhat  dogmatic  and  narrow,  was  a  very  useful  senator. 
Buckingham,  Mr.  Hamlin  once  said,  was  a  true  example  of  the  Chris 
tian  gentleman  and  faithful  public  servant.  But  the  most  interesting 
friendship  Mr.  Hamlin  formed  was  with  Roscoe  Conkling,  which  is  an 
interesting  episode. 

Mr.  Hamlin  regarded  Conkling  as  a  great  man,  who  always  acted  on 
a  large  scale,  whether  in  right  or  wrong,  and  while  some  of  his  qualities 
antagonized  men,  -his  superior  ability,  honesty,  loyalty,  and  courage 
bound  his  friends  to  him  as  with  hooks  of  steel.  It  not  unfrequently 
happens  that  a  close  friendship  is  the  outgrowth  of  a  misunderstand 
ing.  This  was  the  case  with  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Conkling.  When 
the  latter  entered  the  Senate  he  was  on  his  mettle,  and  had  several 
tilts  with  veteran  members.  He  had  an  encounter  with  Mr.  Hamlin, 
and  drew  such  a  reply  that  he  perceived  that  he  had  made  a  mistake. 
He  liked  spirit,  and  at  once  treated  Mr.  Hamlin  with  that  respect  due 
him  and  his  rank.  After  they  came  to  understand  each  other,  a  strong 
liking  grew  up  between  them,  and  their  correspondence  on  the  death 
of  Mr.  Hamlin's  daughter  revealed  the  manly  love  Conkling  had  for 
his  old  friend.  It  was  generally  believed  in  the  Senate  that  Mr. 
Hamlin  had  more  personal  influence  over  Conkling  than  any  other 
man  in  Congress.  The  newspaper  gossip  had  not  a  little  about  their 
relations.  The  "New  York  Times  "  (January  30,  1881),  speaking  of 
Mr.  Hamlin's  place  in  the  Senate,  said,  after  sketching  his  career, 
"To-day  his  figure  is  the  most  familiar  and  in  many  respects  the 


THE   GRANT   ADMINISTRATIONS  525 

most  noteworthy  one  in  it  (the  Senate).  His  seat  is  next  to  that  of 
Roscoe  Conkling.  .  .  .  With  his  neighbor  he  has  always  been  on  the 
best  of  terms.  In  many  things  the  younger  and  not  always  mild- 
mannered  senator  defers  to  him,  and  it  is  no  uncommon  sight  to  see 
the  two  in  earnest  consultation  regarding  some  affairs  of  state,  or 
laughing  over  a  good  joke." 

Senator  Hamlin  continued  to  adhere  to  his  practice  of  devoting  his 
time  and  energies  to  the  transaction  of  public  business  to  the  exclu 
sion  of  special  lines  of  work,  in  which  he  might  have  won  for  himself 
a  higher  reputation.  It  was  perhaps  natural  for  some  writers,  who 
knew  him  only  by  reputation,  and  judged  of  his  knowledge  of  state 
affairs  by  his  simple  and  general  speeches,  to  conclude  that  he  did  not 
have  a  taste  for  financial  and  tariff  problems,  and  it  was  also  natural 
for  other  writers  to  suppose  that  he  was  not  a  student.  But  they 
all  erred.  While  Mr.  Hamlin  never  obtruded  his  information  on 
people,  his  familiarity  with  the  practical  subjects  of  life  was  also  a 
source  of  surprise,  even  to  those  who  knew  him  best.  He  would  not 
produce  facts  and  statistics,  but  in  a  quiet,  well-digested  remark  would 
show  that  he  had  investigated  even  the  details  of  the  matter  under 
discussion,  and  knew  all  about  it.  In  the  Senate  his  range  of  infor 
mation  was  disclosed  by  his  brief  corrections  of  error  in  statements, 
and  by  sharp  and  intelligent  questions,  rather  than  by  an  extended 
communication  of  his  own  knowledge.  His  brief,  original,  and  char 
acteristic  comments  were  the  precipitate  of  an  immense  amount  of 
detail  which  had  long  been  working  in  his  mind. 

The  practical  work  in  which  Mr.  Hamlin  was  first  engaged  when  he 
returned  to  the  Senate  did  not  at  first  impress  itself  on  the  public 
mind,  and  as  he  rarely  spoke  of  his  acts,  it  was  not  known  how  much 
he  had  to  do  with  the  improvement  of  the  city  of  Washington.  In  a 
preceding  chapter  a  description  of  the  national  capital  was  given  as  it 
appeared  when  Mr.  Hamlin  entered  the  House.  He  was  disgusted, 
and  long  advocated  improvements.  But  Congress  granted  niggardly 
appropriations,  and  it  was  not  until  Grant  became  President  that  the 
reform  was  accomplished  which  transformed  the  straggling  and  dirty 
place  into  one  of  the  finest  cities  in  the  world.  But  the  reformation 
of  Washington  is  well  known,  and  the  story  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  share 
in  this  work  might  be  of  interest  if  space  allowed.  He  was  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  firmly  supported 
Alexander  R.  Shepherd  in  carrying  out  his  magnificent  plans  for 
developing  the  national  capital  into  a  beautiful  and  healthy  city.  He 
had  not  a  little  to  do  with  inducing  Congress  to  pass  an  appropriation 
of  $5,000,000  to  make  the  improvements,  he  steadily  consulted  Gov 
ernor  Shepherd  on  his  plans,  assisted  him  to  push  them  through  Con 
gress,  and  otherwise  helped  him  all  he  could.  The  only  criticism  he 


526  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

made  was  that  perhaps  Governor  Shepherd's  prodigious  energy  carried 
him  on  too  fast  for  the  taxpayers,  though  he  was  certain  due  credit 
would  be  given  him  in  time  for  his  honesty  and  zeal. 

Another  line  of  work  which  exacted  much  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  time 
was  the  postal  service.  He  interested  himself  in  this,  it  will  be  re 
called,  when  a  member  of  the  Maine  legislature,  and  had  helped  push 
various  reform  measures  to  cheapen  postage  while  he  was  in  the 
House.  During  a  part  of  his  latter-day  service  in  the  Senate  he  was 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Post-offices  and  Post-roads,  and  thus 
followed  up  his  labors  of  other  days.  But  his  silence  about  himself 
and  his  practical  withdrawal  from  discussion  in  the  Senate  render  it 
impossible  to  record  the  details  of  his  work.  His  principal  objects 
were  to  extend  the  postal  service  and  maintain  as  high  a  standard 
of  efficiency  as  possible  on  a  self-supporting  basis.  The  "  Congres 
sional  Record  "  bears  testimony  to  this  in  bills  he  introduced  to  these 
ends.  It  was  the  opinion  of  ex-Postmaster-General  Horatio  King, 
who  continued  his  residence  in  Washington  after  leaving  public  life, 
and  maintained  his  interest  in  the  postal  service,  that  Mr.  Hamlin's 
work  in  developing  this  branch  of  the  government  was  of  inestimable 
value ;  and  though  it  could  not  be  fully  described,  would  yet  remain 
appreciated  by  those  who  knew  his  great  weight  in  shaping  legisla 
tion  from  stage  to  stage  without  appearing  before  the  public ;  and 
understood  his  wonderful  grasp  of  the  practical  needs  of  the  country 
and  the  best  way  to  meet  them.1 

Only  the  barest  outline  can  be  given  of  the  reforms  Mr.  Hamlin 
helped  effect  in  the  postal  service  when  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Post-offices.  The  story  is  an  epitome  of  his  methods  and  record 
as  a  worker  in  the  Senate.  When  he  became  chairman  of  this  com 
mittee,  he  was  convinced  that  the  postal  laws  needed  a  thorough 
overhauling.  After  an  exhaustive  investigation,  he  made,  on  April  5, 
1 876,  a  unique  speech,  that,  as  a  statistical  effort,  illustrates  how  figures 
can  be  made  eloquent.  He  showed  that  the  deficit  in  the  revenues 
of  the  Post-office  Department  for  that  fiscal  year  would  be  about 
$10,000,000,  and  that  it  would  increase  yearly  unless  merchandise 
and  newspapers  were  compelled  to  pay  their  just  share  of  the  cost  of 
their  transmission  through  the  mail.  The  revenue  from  letters,  on 
the  other  hand,  far  exceeded  the  expense  of  transmission.  He  advo 
cated  a  reclassification  of  merchandise,  and  new  rates,  with  a  sliding 
scale  adjusted  to  distance,  except  for  letters.  Newspaper  editors 
who  never  read  the  "Congressional  Record"  meanly  abused  Mr. 
Hamlin ;  but  he  turned  the  scales  neatly  by  showing  that  their  rates 

1  Mr.  King  wrote  the  Bangor  Daily  News  of  July  13,  1891,  a  more  extended 
account  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  labors  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Post-offices,  and 
his  successful  efforts  to  help  Mr.  King  obtain  the  adoption  of  the  penalty  envelope. 


THE   GRANT   ADMINISTRATIONS  527 

practically  amounted  to  a  subsidy  of  $7,000,000,  while  they  were 
advocating  the  abolishment  of  the  franking  privilege  to  congressmen 
in  the  discharge  of  official  duties.  But  the  support  of  his  bill  by  the 
Post-office  Department,  its  passage  by  Congress,  and  the  adoption  of 
the  two-cent  stamp  Mr.  Hamlin  had  worked  for  were  ample  vindica 
tion  and  a  testimonial  to  his  labors. 

But  to  continue  the  record  of  Senator  Hamlin's  routine  labors 
would  burden  the  narrative ;  and  yet  to  dismiss  it  briefly  might  be  an 
injustice.  The  story  of  a  faithful  worker  in  the  Senate  is  one  of 
unremitting  toil  in  examining  bills,  claims,  and  measures  of  public  and 
private  interest,  and  patient  watching  to  carry  them  on  to  success,  or 
send  them  to  defeat.  The  calls  the  public  make  on  great-hearted  pub 
lic  servants  are  also  to  be  remembered,  although  few  become  known. 
The  side  of  this  kind  of  life  which  the  public  sees  is  generally  unre 
lieved,  though  now  and  then  a  pathetic  or  interesting  incident  comes 
to  light  which  brings  out  the  personal  qualities  of  the  actor  against  a 
dull  background.  The  demands  on  Mr.  Hamlin  were  even  increased, 
and  while  he  had  once  been  as  erect  as  an  Indian  sachem,  he  now 
began  to  stoop  from  bending  over  his  desk  in  answering  the  almost 
countless  appeals  made  to  him.  His  kindness  of  heart  encouraged 
many  to  write  him  who  had  no  claims  on  his  time  ;  and  his  passion  for 
promptness  contributed  to  keep  him  in  the  treadmill.  They  tell  a 
story  at  Kendall's  Mills,  Maine,  to  illustrate  his  promptness.  Some 
men  who  desired  to  start  a  national  bank  at  that  place  wrote  Senator 
Hamlin  and  another  prominent  member  of  the  Maine  delegation, 
asking  them  to  obtain  the  charter.  Their  replies  were  received  by 
the  same  mail.  The  other  man  said  that  the  charter  could  not  be 
obtained  ;  Mr.  Hamlin's  letter  contained  the  charter  itself. 

Senator  Hamlin  naturally  had  a  part  in  the  prominent  incidents 
of  the  Grant  administration,  though  he  preferred  his  work  in  the 
Senate,  and  did  not  wish  to  be  one  of  the  counselors  of  the  Presi 
dent  ;  yet  he  was  often  called  to  the  White  House  to  give  advice  on 
state  and  party  politics.  Mr.  Hamlin  regarded  Grant  as  one  of  the 
most  prompt  and  honest  men  he  ever  knew.  His  word  was  his  bond, 
and  he  would  usually  do  more  than  he  promised  to  do.  He  had  sound 
ideas  of  statesmanship,  and  improved  with  experience  in  office.  He 
was  not  the  sphinx  among  his  friends  that  he  was  among  strangers. 
He  talked  well,  and  could  tell  a  good  story  with  a  grim  humor  of  his 
own,  and  enjoyed  a  friendly  thrust  at  himself.  Judge  Peters  related 
an  amusing  incident  which  evidenced  Grant's  willingness  to  take  a 
good  joke  at  his  own  expense.  A  convention  of  physicians  was  held 
at  Washington,  and  among  them  was  Dr.  Calvin  S.  Seavey,  a  once 
famous  practitioner  of  the  old  school,  who  lived  in  Bangor.  He  was 
a  bluff  old  Democrat,  and  refused  to  call  on  the  President  in  com- 


528  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

pany  with  his  brother  physicians.  Mr.  Hamlin,  however,  induced 
him  to  change  his  mind,  and  in  introducing  him  said,  "  General,  Dr. 
Seavey  said  that  he  would  not  pay  his  respects  to  a  man  who  had 
killed  as  many  men  as  you  have  until  I  told  him  that  he  had  killed 
more  than  you  had."  Grant  fairly  shook  with  laughter,  and  he  and 
the  bluff  old  doctor  struck  up  a  friendship.  * 

The  leading  issue  of  the  day  —  the  shameful  treatment  of  the  negro 
—  was  the  one  public  question  that  hung  over  Mr.  Hamlin  the  rest 
of  his  life  like  a  black  cloud.  He  was  in  accord  with  President  Grant, 
and  when  the  Southern  Bourbons  were  restored  to  power  through 
systematic  murder,  intimidation,  and  disenfranchisement  of  the  col 
ored  voters,  he  did  his  share  of  work  in  investigating  the  crimes  com 
mitted  by  the  Ku-Klux  Klan  and  similar  murderous  organizations. 
He  never  ceased  denouncing  this  infamy,  and  he  reproached  his 
own  party  for  cowardice  as  severely  as  he  castigated  the  Democratic 
party  for  its  responsibility.  He  clung  to  his  original  doctrine  that 
if  the  negro  was  properly  treated  he  would  develop  into  a  useful  citi 
zen  just  as  surely  as  he  developed  into  a  good  soldier.  He  insisted 
that  the  negro  should  be  educated  and  protected  in  his  rights.  The 
charge  that  he  was  "  waving  the  bloody  shirt "  affected  him  about  as 
much  as  the  charge  in  ante-bellum  days  that  he  was  a  "  false  friend 
of  the  Union  "  for  opposing  the  extension  of  human  slavery.  This 
came  from  the  same  men  who  tried  to  keep  the  negro  in  slavery,  and 
after  his  emancipation  sought  to  crush  him.  Mr.  Hamlin  regretted 
the  frauds  incidental  to  carpet-bag  government,  but  in  his  eyes  they 
were  dwarfed  by  the  wholesale  crimes  committed  against  the  South 
ern  negro  by  his  white  enemies. 

Mr.  Hamlin  had  no  sympathy  with  that  sentiment  which  would  ar 
rest  the  progress  of  the  colored  race  through  the  indulgence  of  vain 
,  regrets.  The  Republican  party  was  not  as  a  body  originally  inclined 
to  bestow  the  franchise  on  the  negro  ;  Mr.  Hamlin  at  first  favored 
it.  But  if  the  negro's  vote  was  not  counted  because  of  lawless  oppo 
sition,  was  that  the  fault  of  the  black  man  ?  How  could  a  country 
with  consistency  avenge  an  insult  to  a  citizen  in  a  distant  land  and 
yet  allow  thousands  of  its  citizens  to  be  maltreated  within  its  own 
borders  ?  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  concern  himself  about  deportation  nor 
speculate  as  to  whether  the  African,  after  having  been  Americanized, 
would  civilize  his  own  continent ;  he  wanted  a  practical  settlement  of 
the  question  on  the  lines  of  law,  solemn  pledges,  and  the  urgent  neces 
sities  of  the  case.  He  would  have  the  negro  protected  by  the  law, 
but  he  would  also  have  him  worthy  of  his  citizenship.  His  Christianity 
knew  no  color,  race,  or  creed.  He  was  consistent.  Frederick  Doug 
lass  he  received  as  his  guest,  not  as  a  remarkable  man.  He  was 
pained  to  see  his  party  finally  abandon  the  negro  question,  but  he  was 


THE   GRANT   ADMINISTRATIONS  529 

rejoiced  and  felt  vindicated  when  he  saw  the  colored  man  building  his 
churches,  colleges,  and  schools,  sending  his  sons  to  Harvard  and 
other  great  institutions  of  learning,  and  raising  up  his  Booker  Wash 
ington  and  other  leaders  to  guide  his  people  in  the  right  path.  Per 
haps  the  Spartan-like  treatment  the  negro  received  brought  out  the 
stern  stuff  in  him,  but  he  deserved  better  treatment  than  he  obtained.1 

Mr.  Hamlin's  attitude  towards  the  granting  of  amnesty  to  Southern 
leaders  in  the  civil  war  was,  of  course,  the  practical  demonstration  of 
his  feelings.  Excluding  a  few  responsible  leaders,  he  had  only  one 
test,  and  that  was  whether  the  applicant  would  honestly  support  the 
government  if  restored  to  citizenship.  He  honored  Johnston,  Long- 
street,  Gordon,  and  other  sincere  Southern  soldiers  for  the  moral 
courage  they  displayed  in  accepting  the  situation.  Their  account  was 
clear.  But  he  could  not  listen  to  the  ill-timed  pleas  for  Jefferson 
Davis  and  other  leaders  who  still  upheld  "  the  lost  cause."  He  did  not 
see  the  consistency  in  offering  pardon  to  Johnston,  who  asked  for  it 
and  pledged  his  honor  to  support  the  government,  and  in  bestowing 
amnesty  on  Jefferson  Davis,  who  did  not  wish  it,  and  was  still  hostile 
to  the  Union.  He  regretted  the  foolish  charge  that  to  class  Davis  as 
a  traitor  was  to  include  those  who  had  stood  by  him.  They  were 
deceived.  He  saw  with  sorrow  the  unfortunate  movement  originated 
to  honor  Davis's  birthday ;  and  the  last  public  act  of  his  life  was  to 
ask  the  people  of  the  nation  to  honor  the  birthday  of  the  man  who 
saved  it.  He  could  not  forget  nor  forgive  those  who  had  betrayed 
their  trust  and  their  people,  when  they  should  have  stood  firm,  or 
those  who  suffered  Union  soldiers  to  rot  in  Andersonville  and  Libby 
prisons. 

Senator  Hamlin's  position  was  well  known.  He  never  gushed  ; 
he  always  showed  by  his  personal  attitude  what  he  thought  of  men. 
In  his  relations  with  the  "  rebel  brigadiers  "  in  Congress  he  measured 
men  for  what  they  were  worth,  and  considered  their  circumstances. 
He  well  knew  General  John  B.  Gordon,  for  example,  and  while  regret 
ting  the  peculiar  politics  of  Georgia,  he  often  emphatically  spoke  of 
Gordon  as  a  man  of  honor,  a  sincere  supporter  of  the  Union,  and  of 
the  best  type  of  true  Southern  chivalry.  This  was  before  Gordon 
took  up  his  work  of  reconciliation,  and  well  he  thereafter  justified 
this  opinion  of  him.  Lamar,  of  Mississippi,  was  another  Southerner 

1  Three  weeks  before  his  death,  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  Butler  R.  Wilson,  a  promi 
nent  colored  lawyer  of  Boston,  in  part  as  follows  in  answer  to  some  questions  in 
regard  to  the  betrayal  of  the  Lodge  federal  election  bill :  — 

"  I  am  entirely  out  of  political  life  and  at  my  age  I  desire  to  keep  out  of  poli 
tics,  though  still  an  earnest  Republican,  and,  I  am  sure,  an  earnest  friend  of 
our  colored  fellow-citizens.  I  have  been  disappointed  and  disgusted  at  the  course 
of  some  prominent  Republicans,  and  detest  the  action  of  the  Democratic  party. 
It  has  been  outrageous,  while  some  Republicans  have  sadly  failed  in  their  duty." 


530  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

of  somewhat  similar  circumstances  and  noble  qualities,  Mr.  Hamlin 
esteemed  as  a  man.  But  these  were  instances  of  personal  worth, 
and,  if  space  permitted,  they  might  be  multiplied  to  show  how  little 
partisanship  remained  in  him.  Mr.  Hamlin  remained  implacable  to 
the  end  to  those  who  sought  no  forgiveness  and  tried  to  keep  the 
old  fires  burning.  Years  after  the  war  William  B.  and  James  A. 
Dole,  of  Bangor,  who  had  served  in  the  Union  army,  called  on  Jeffer 
son  Davis  at  his  home.  "  You  came  from  Bangor,"  said  he.  "  There 
is  where  my  dear  old  friend  of  other  days  lives,  —  Hannibal  Hamlin. 
If  ever  there  was  an  honest  man  it  is  he." 

Senator  Hamlin  was  one  of  the  Republican  leaders  who  supported 
President  Grant  from  beginning  to  end  in  his  peace  policy,  and  was 
one  of  the  Republican  senators  who  helped  save  the  principle  of 
arbitration,  when  its  fate  was  trembling  in  the  balance.  The  estab 
lishment  of  arbitration,  Mr.  Hamlin  early  claimed,  was  the  crowning 
triumph  of  the  soldier  President's  career,  and  the  part  he  played  is 
of  peculiar  interest,  as  the  facts  will  demonstrate.  When  General 
Grant  came  to  the  presidency  he  desired  peace.  He  won  the  friend 
ship  of  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  James  Longstreet,  John  S.  Mosby, 
and  other  noted  Confederate  soldiers.  He  also  sought  to  arbitrate 
the  claims  of  the  government  against  Great  Britain  for  the  damage 
done  to  Northern  shipping  by  the  rebel  cruiser  Alabama.  It  was  a 
common  saying  at  the  time  that  if  Grant  had  favored  war,  he  could 
have  united  the  North  and  South  at  a  blow  on  a  basis  of  their  mutual 
feelings  against  England,  and  thereby  perpetuated  himself  in  the 
presidency.  It  was  claimed  that  Grant  could  have  placed  an  army  of 
two  millions  of  men  in  the  field.  Perhaps  a  foreign  war  would  have 
paved  the  way  for  reconciliation  quicker  than  the  slow  healing  process 
of  time  ;  but  while  it  was  Grant's  profession  to  fight,  it  is  to  his 
undying  credit  that  he  did  not  yield  to  clamor  and  temptation.  He  did 
not  succeed  without  a  hard  struggle,  and  his  statesmanship  and  that  of 
his  supporters  now  shine  in  contrast  to  the  conduct  of  his  opponents. 

The  incident  that  threatened  at  one  time  to  wreck  the  arbitration 
policy  was  the  quarrel  in  which  Charles  Sumner  engaged  the  Repub 
lican  party,  and  which  resulted  in  his  dismissal  from  the  chairmanship 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations.  This  originated  in  a  per 
sonal  controversy  Sumner  had  with  President  Grant  and  Secretary 
Fish,  and  which  he  complicated  with  the  issue  of  arbitration.  The 
merits  of  this  once  famous  affair  do  not  concern  this  volume,  since 
they  did  not  affect  Mr.  Hamlin.  Only  the  main  points  need  be  pre 
sented.  The  patience,  practicality,  magnanimity,  and  truthfulness  of 
Grant  are  now  universally  recognized,  and  if  Sumner  had  any  justifi 
cation  for  his  breach  with  Grant,  he  erred  in  making  a  personal  issue 
with  him  on  questions  of  state.  But  when  Grant  sent  to  the  Senate 


THE   GRANT   ADMINISTRATIONS  531 

the  treaty  annexing  Santo  Domingo,  Sumner  attacked  it,  and  had  the 
bad  judgment  to  reflect  severely  on  the  administration  when  it  was 
known  how  he  felt  towards  Grant.  His  disclaimer  of  personal  feel 
ings  in  the  matter  did  not  help  him.  He  followed  this  up  with  an 
extraordinary  speech  assailing  Great  Britain,  and  charging  that  the 
damages  due  the  United  States  because  of  injuries  to  our  shipping, 
for  which  England  was  morally  responsible,  during  the  civil  war, 
amounted  to  millions  and  millions  of  dollars.  He  subsequently  capped 
the  climax  of  his  folly  by  stigmatizing  Grant  as  the  "  great  quarreler  " 
in  the  face  of  his  pacific  policy,  while  he  himself  was  quarreling  with 
the  President,  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  was  on  non-speaking  terms 
with  half  his  colleagues  in  the  Senate. 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
and  therefore  saw  all  the  ins  and  outs  of  this  affair.  He  was  heartily 
in  favor  of  arbitration,  and  desired  to  see  cordial  relations  between  all 
English-speaking  people.  He  was  also  on  friendly  terms  with  Sum 
ner,  having  forgiven  him  for  the  intrigue  he  inspired  in  the  presiden 
tial  convention  of  1864.  Sumner  had  tried  to  make  atonement  by 
offering  Mr.  Hamlin  the  collectorship  of  Boston,  and  also  by  attempt 
ing  to  help  him  get  an  election  to  the  Senate  in  1865  and  1869 
by  writing  letters  to  members  of  the  Maine  legislature.  He  was 
unfeignedly  glad  to  see  Mr.  Hamlin  back  in  the  Senate,  and  signalized 
his  return  by  giving  him  a  dinner.  But  when  Senator  Hamlin  found 
Sumner  trying  to  rupture  the  Republican  party,  destroy  the  ad 
ministration,  and  stir  up  ill-feeling  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  his  attitude  towards  Sumner  underwent  a  change. 
There  was  a  serious  division  of  opinion  among  good  men  as  to  whe 
ther  Sumner  should  be  deposed.  Mr.  Hamlin,  for  one,  now  regarded 
him  as  a  dangerous  man,  and  when  Sumner  finally  succeeded  in 
bringing  about  a  deadlock  between  the  Senate  and  the  State  Depart 
ment,  and  the  transaction  of  public  business  became  impossible,  Mr. 
Hamlin  voted  with  Conkling,  Edmunds,  Howe,  and  others  to  remove 
him  from  the  office  he  was  using  to  the  detriment  of  international 
and  party  safety. 

But  the  quarrel  did  not  cease  with  Sumner' s  ejectment  ;  it  was 
now  "  anything  to  beat  Grant."  And  although  the  author  of  all  this 
trouble  was  no  longer  on  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  he 
was  ably  represented  by  \\isfidus  Achates,  —  Carl  Schurz,  who  had  a 
talent  for  mischief.  The  Grant  haters  carried  on  their  fight  in  the 
committee.  One  important  witness  is  Samuel  F.  Barr,  then  the  clerk 
of  the  committee,  and  subsequently  a  member  of  the  House.  In 
his  personal  account  to  the  author  he  made  it  clear  that  the  treaty 
of  arbitration  was  resisted  to  the  last  ditch.  The  favorite  practice 
of  the  conspirators  was  to  introduce  amendments  which  were  framed 


532  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

to  kill  it,  and  it  was  Mr.  Schurz's  part  to  introduce  the  amend 
ments,  though  it  was  not  known  whether  he  was  their  author.  Sec 
retary  Fish  informed  Mr.  Cameron  and  Mr.  Barr  that  the  treaty  was 
the  result  of  mutual  concessions,  and  that  any  amendment  would 
lead  to  its  rejection.  The  vote  in  the  committee  was  doubtful,  the 
Democrats  being  opposed  to  the  treaty,  fogether  with  Schurz,  while 
there  was  another  Republican  member  who  was  so  analytical  by  na 
ture  that  there  was  danger  of  his  talking  himself  into  opposition. 
Mr.  Fish,  to  checkmate  the  amendment  conspiracy,  sent  Assistant 
Secretary  J.  C.  Bancroft  Davis  before  the  committee  with  the  steno 
graphic  report  of  the  high  joint  commission  which  had  drawn  up  the 
treaty.  Then  followed  an  anxious  moment,  and  an  interesting  scene 
in  which  Mr.  Hamlin  made  short  work  of  Carl  Schurz. 

When  this  important  report  had  been  read,  Schurz  bobbed  up  with 
more  amendments  and  with  the  desire  to  talk.  Mr.  Hamlin  moved 
to  lay  all  amendments  on  the  table.  Schurz  angrily  inquired  his 
reason,  and  he  promptly  answered  that  the  report  had  shown  that  any 
amendment  would  be  fatal  to  the  treaty,  and  any  amendment  likely 
to  be  proposed  would  be  trivial.  "I  am  for  the  treaty,"  said  he.  The 
motion  was  put.  The  analytical  Republican  joined  in  voting  for  it 
and  it  was  just  carried.  This  shut  off  further  debate,  and  the  treaty 
was  passed.  Had  it  been  killed  in  committee,  the  Senate  of  course 
would  never  have  acted.  Schurz  flung  down  his  papers  in  disgust 
and  bounced  out  of  the  room,  while  Mr.  Hamlin  rejoiced  with  his  col 
leagues  over  their  victory.  Thus  the  principle  of  arbitration  was 
established.  The  people  reflected  Grant  by  an  immense  majority. 
Massachusetts,  Sumner's  own  State,  gave  Grant  and  Wilson  75,000 
majority.  Sumner's  friends  called  his  deposal  "  brutal."  Mr.  Ham 
lin  said  that  it  was  a  "brutal  necessity."  To-day  the  mistakes  of 
the  Grant  administration  are  forgotten,  while  the  English-speaking 
world  honors  his  name  as  that  of  the  "  great  peacemaker  "  of  the 
age. 

The  presidential  campaign  of  1872  was  one  that  taught  the  political 
parties  better  manners,  if  nothing  more.  Grant  was  maligned  no  less 
outrageously  than  Greeley  was  ridiculed.  Mr.  Hamlin  took  a  very 
active  part  in  this  campaign  ;  and  while  he  was  indignant  at  the 
attacks  on  Grant,  he  was  nevertheless  pained  at  the  brutal  ridicule 
heaped  on  Greeley,  for  whom  he  had  an  affectionate  regard,  and 
whom  he  believed  to  be  honest  and  true,  — the  people's  editor,  —  how 
ever  quixotic  and  unpractical  he  might  be.  Maine  was  flooded  with 
prominent  speakers  at  that  time,  and  yet  after  a  lapse  of  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  the  speech  Senator  Hamlin  made  seems  to  be  the 
best  remembered.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  he  was  at  his  best  away 
from  the  cities  and  newspapers.  A  lifelong  friend  who  stumped  with 


THE  GRANT  ADMINISTRATIONS  533 

him  in  this  campaign  was  Judge  Samuel  F.  Humphrey,  one  of  the 
leading  citizens  of  Bangor  and  several  times  its  mayor.  He  recalled 
Mr.  Hamlin's  defense  of  Grant  as  the  most  convincing  he  heard. 
He  vindicated  Grant  on  the  same  lines  on  which  the  great  soldier 
President's  fame  now  rests.  His  argument  was  so  simple  that  it  did 
not  seem  to  be  an  oratorical  effort.  But  it  was  the  ars  celare  artem, 
and  in  two  hours  he  completely  exhausted  the  subject,  leaving  nothing 
for  those  who  followed  him.  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  stoop  to  ridicule 
Greeley,  as  has  been  intimated,  but  he  effectively  ridiculed  the  Bour 
bons  who  supported  him. 

An  interesting  glimpse  of  the  relations  between  Senator  Hamlin 
and  President  Grant  and  Senator  Conkling  is  afforded  in  an  incident 
that  followed  the  death  of  Chief  Justice  Chase.  President  Grant 
desired  to  appoint  Conkling  to  this  exalted  position ;  but  he  had  the 
presidential  fever,  and  declined.  The  President  made  two  ill-advised 
nominations,  and  then  considered  Morrison  R.  Waite.  There  was 
not  a  little  embarrassment  at  the  time,  and  while  he  was  thinking 
about  Mr.  Waite,  Senator  Hamlin  and  Senator  Howe  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  he  might  induce  Conkling  to  reconsider  his  declina 
tion.  Their  reason  was  that  this  would  relieve  the  situation  of  all 
embarrassment,  and  prevent  the  danger  of  another  refusal  of  the  Sen 
ate  to  confirm  the  nomination,  and  that,  furthermore,  another  tender 
would  demonstrate  that  the  office  sought  the  man,  not  the  man  the 
office.  It  should  be  added  that  Mr.  Hamlin  believed  that  Conkling 
was  a  man  of  the  highest  order  of  ability  and  of  unimpeachable 
honesty  of  character.  He  asserted,  also,  that  he  had  greater  foren 
sic  ability  than  Webster  or  Clay.  He  thought  that  if  Conkling 
would  leave  the  stormy  arena  of  politics  for  the  judicial  calm  of  the 
Supreme  Bench,  he  would  develop  into  a  masterful  chief  justice. 
President  Grant  authorized  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Howe  to  reopen  the 
matter,  but  Conkling  declined  to  reconsider.1  But  if  he  had  — 

Several  more  important  incidents  must  be  compressed.  Mr.  Ham 
lin  supported  President  Grant  in  his  veto  of  the  reckless  inflation  bill 
that  was  passed  through  Congress  by  a  combination  of  Democrats  and 
Republicans.  He  also  opposed  the  vulgar  salary-grab  bill,  and  refused 
to  accept  the  back  pay  of  five  thousand  dollars  which  was  tendered 
him  by  the  Treasury  Department.  He  was  appointed  chairman  of 
the  special  committee  chosen  to  investigate  the  partisan  charge 
brought  by  the  maddened  Grant  haters,  that  the  President  had  pro 
fited  financially  by  the  sale  of  the  French  arms.  The  death  of  his 
brother  Elijah,  however,  prevented  him  from  discharging  his  duties 
in  their  entirety.  He  also  supported  President  Grant  in  two  notable 

1  For  an  extended  account,  see  Life  of  Roscoe  Conkling,  by  Alfred  R.  Conkling, 
pp.  463,  464. 


534  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

instances  when  the  President's  wishes  were  defeated  under  circum 
stances  that  reflected  no  credit  on  his  opponents.  One  was  the  nom 
ination  of  E.  Rockwood  Hoar  for  associate  justice  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court.  This  was  due  to  the  Grant  haters  and  Mr. 
Hoar's  personal  enemies.  Senator  Hamlin  labored  earnestly  to  in 
duce  the  Senate  to  confirm  Mr.  Hoar,  and  regretted  his  defeat  as  a 
serious  loss  to  the  court.  He  likewise  voted  for  the  confirmation  of 
Richard  Henry  Dana  for  United  States  minister  to  Great  Britain. 
Mr.  Dana's  rejection  was  due  chiefly  to  the  machination  of  Ben  Butler. 
Mr.  Hamlin's  position  was  misstated,  and  he  was  so  indignant  that  he 
remarked  in  open  Senate  that  the  correspondent  who  misrepresented 
him  ought  to  be  excluded  from  the  Senate. 

Senator  Hamlin  thought  at  one  time  of  retiring  from  public  life  at 
the  end  of  this  term,  and  he  wrote  some  letters  expressing  his  wish 
to  be  relieved  from  further  service.  The  truth  is  there  was  no  man 
in  Congress  more  harried  than  he  by  requests  for  personal  favors  and 
the  petitions  of  office-seekers.  But  he  had  a  large  personal  following 
who  believed  that  he  should  remain  in  the  Senate,  and  they  insisted 
on  his  reelection.  While  Mr.  Hamlin  was  meditating,  some  newspa 
pers  made  the  mistake  of  attacking  him  in  the  desire  of  seeing  him 
run  off  the  track.  The  only  excuse  one  newspaper  could  give  for  its 
opposition  was  its  belief  that  Mr.  Hamlin  was  "too  old"  for  further 
service  in  the  Senate,  when  he  was  sixty-six  in  years,  and  famous  as  a 
worker.  This  was  a  slight  that  stirred  his  fighting  blood.  "That 
man  will  feel  old  when  my  vote  is  counted,"  said  he.  The  contest 
was  child's  play  compared  with  the  pitched  battle  of  ante-bellum  days 
and  the  election  of  1869.  He  was  returned  by  a  vote  of  three  to  one. 
Only  one  incident  need  be  related.  A  Portland  editor  opposed  Mr. 
Hamlin  for  reasons  not  understood  at  the  time.  Afterwards  it  was 
learned  that  the  editor  had  supposed  that  Mr.  Hamlin  prevented  his 
appointment  as  a  professor  in  a  Maine  college.  But  by  the  grim  irony 
of  fate  it  proved  that  the  editor  had  supported  and  advocated  the  very 
man  who  had  defeated  his  ambition.  This  comical  turn  of  affairs 
closed  the  campaign  and  restored  good  feeling  all  around 


CHAPTER   XL 

LAST    TERM    IN    THE    SENATE 

THE  presidential  election  of  1876  was  so  closely  contested  that  the 
result  was  long  in  doubt.  The  Republicans  claimed  that  Hayes  and 
Wheeler  had  185  electoral  votes,  or  a  majority  of  one.  This  was 
contingent,  however,  on  the  result  in  South  Carolina,  Louisiana,  and 
Florida,  where  the  Ku-Klux  had  been  rampant,  and  where  dual  can 
vassing  boards  disputed  for  supremacy.  When  Congress  convened, 
the  month  after  the  election,  there  was  a  clamor  to  refer  the  contro 
versy  for  settlement  to  an  electoral  commission  to  be  created  for  that 
purpose.  Senator  Hamlin's  position  is  now  to  be  stated.  He  never 
questioned  that,  with  their  votes  fairly  counted,  the  Republicans  had 
carried  South  Carolina,  Louisiana,  and  Florida.  With  the  Ku-Klux 
outrages  fresh  in  his  mind,  the  claim  that  the  Democracy  had  fairly 
carried  these  States  was  preposterous.  A  party  that  had  planned  the 
terrorization  of  its  opponents  in  these  and  other  States  by  means  of 
murder,  outrages,  and  social  ostracism  would  hardly  hesitate  at  a  little 
thing  like  stuffing  ballot-boxes  or  throwing  out  Republican  votes.  The 
assertion  that  there  was  an  honest  vote  in  the  South  was  equaled  only 
when  Satan  rebuked  sin.  The  proposition  to  refer  the  election  to  a 
commission  was,  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  mind,  tantamount  to  an  admission 
that  there  was  a  grave  question  as  to  the  election  of  Hayes.  More 
over,  he  regarded  the  commission  as  unconstitutional  and  a  dangerous 
precedent.  The  time  to  correct  faults  in  the  election  laws  was  not 
when  the  country  was  under  excitement  over  a  controverted  election. 
This  he  had  pointed  out  before,  and,  unshaken  by  popular  clamor  and 
party  cowardice,  he  voted  against  the  creation  of  the  commission.  He 
did  not  believe  that  there  would  be  a  revolution,  with  the  law  on  the 
side  of  the  right. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes  became  President,  and  signalized  his  entrance 
into  office  with  an  ill-fated  attempt  to  reconcile  the  Southern  Bourbon 
by  surrendering  to  him  all  political  power  in  the  South.  He  withdrew 
national  support  from  the  Republican  governments  in  Louisiana, 
South  Carolina,  and  Florida,  although  in  so  doing  he  was  charged 
with  bargaining  with  the  Bourbons,  and  also  with  reflecting  on  the 
legality  of  his  title  to  office.  In  Louisiana,  for  example,  Governor 
Packard  received  a  larger  vote  than  Mr.  Hayes  did.  The  moral  issue 


536  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

raised  was  that  Mr.  Hayes  was  not  only  dropping  state  governments 
whose  existence  was  as  legal  as  that  of  his  administration,  but  that  he 
was  abandoning  thousands  of  true  Republican  voters  to  the  rule  of  the 
implacable  Bourbon  of  the  South.  Moreover,  Mr.  Hayes's  policy  was 
a  falsification  of  the  declaration  and  acts  of  his  party,  and  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  advice  and  wishes  of  its  recognized  leaders.  It  was  often 
pointed  out  that  Mr.  Hayes  would  never  have  received  the  nomination 
for  President  could  it  have  been  known  what  he  privately  favored. 

Senator  Hamlin's  relations  with  President  Hayes  may  be  briefly 
summarized.  Some  impertinent  newspaper  correspondents,  to  avenge 
themselves  on  Mr.  Hamlin  for  his  unwillingness  to  be  "  interviewed," 
manufactured  stories  to  place  him  in  an  undignified  light.  One  inci 
dent  will  tell  the  whole  story.  When  Mr.  Hayes  began  to  receive 
Southern  Bourbons  at  the  White  House,  and  turn  the  cold  shoulder 
to  his  party,  the  Republican  leaders  in  Congress  appointed  Senator 
Hamlin  a  member  of  a  delegation  to  obtain  from  the  President  a 
personal  explanation  of  his  position.  Mr.  Hayes  closed  his  glowing 
account  of  his  policy  b)t«aying  with  emotional  pleasure :  "  Gentleman, 
I  expect  as  a  result  of  my  Southern  policy  that  the  Republican  party 
will  carry  six  or  seven  States  at  the  next  election."  Hayes  based 

his  expectations  on  the  soft  words,  wily  promises,  and  adroit  flatter^ 
of  the  Southern  Bourbon.  But  Mr.  Hamlin  knew  that  picturesque 
anachronism.  He  had  sat  in  the  Senate  with  him  before  the  war,  and 
was  sitting  with  him  again.  He  heard  him  now  clamoring  for  abso 
lute  power  in  the  South,  still  praising  the  "lost  cause,"  and  yet  draw 
ing  the  nation's  money.  He  knew  that  the  Bourbon  was  not  to  be 
trusted,  and  he  saw  that  political  toleration  in  the  South  could  not  be 
effected  until  the  Bourbon  had  passed  away  and  a  new  generation  had 
arisen.  Only  the  strong  right  arm  of  the  law  could  then  safeguard 
Republicans  in  their  rights  at  the  South.  Rising  to  his  feet,  Senator 
Hamlin  said  to  Mr.  Hayes  sternly  :  "Mr.  President,  you  will  not  carry 
a  single  school-district." 

This  was  a  severe  but  justified  rebuke.  The  solid  South  was  now 
possible,  and  Mr.  Hamlin's  prediction  was  verified  to  the  letter.  The 
solid  South  remained  unbroken  until  a  new  generation  that  lived  in 
the  present  came  on  the  scene.  The  senator  from  South  Carolina 
who  said  that  "the  South  had  loafed  too  long  around  the  tombstone 
of  Calhoun "  expressed  the  right  sentiment.  Mr.  Hayes  made  the 
mistake  of  disregarding  the  advice  of  those  who  knew  men  better  than 
he  did,  and  of  trying  to  do  what  Grant  had  tried  to  do  and  failed. 
The  government  continued  to  acquiesce  in  its  attitude  in  the  rule  of 
the  shotgun  and  the  tissue  ballot  at  the  South.  One  Southern  vote 
was  equal  to  two  Northern  votes,  and  eight  years  later  the  Democratic 
party  was  able  to  seize  the  presidency,  and  inaugurate  un-American 


LAST  TERM    IN   THE   SENATE  537 

doctrines  which  the  people  had  to  rue.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  probably 
more  severe  on  this  species  of  Northern  flunkeyism  than  on  Southern 
Bourbonism.  A  little  something  might  be  expected  from  the  former 
type  of  man,  but  absolutely  nothing  from  the  latter.  The  Republican 
party  refused  to  follow  Mr.  Hayes.  He  had  no  support  in  the  Re 
publican  National  Convention  of  1880,  although  it  sought  for  several 
days  to  select  a  candidate.  But  the  revulsion  of  sentiment  had  set 
in  long  before  this.  The  solid  South,  which  fostered  political  in 
tolerance,  was  confronted  by  a  solid  North,  which  allowed  complete 
political  toleration.  In  commenting  on  this  change,  Senator  Hamlin 
humorously  observed  that  he  had  never  altered  his  position,  and  was 
yet  regarded  as  a  conservative  by  those  who  had  formerly  supported 
President  Hayes. 

Possibly  there  would  have  been  no  personal  collision  had  President 
Hayes  adhered  to  his  professed  principles  of  Civil  Service  Reform  in 
appointing  the  collector  of  the  port  of  Bangor.  The  people  of  that 
city,  irrespective  of  party,  petitioned  President  Hayes  to  continue 
E.  T.  Fox  in  that  office,  to  which  he  had  bee^  promoted  by  President 
Grant,  after  a  service  of  fourteen  years  as  deputy  collector,  and,  in 
brief,  his  cor'  «ance  in  office  was  demanded  by  the  principles  Mr. 
;^ayes  professed.  -President  Hayes,  indeed,  admitted  as  much,  and 
sent  Mr.  Fox's  name  to  the  Senate,  but  only  to  withdraw  it,  to  the 
astonishment  of  Bangor.  No  charge  was  made  against  Mr.  Fox ; 
he  was  not  a  politician,  in  the  usual  sense  of  the  word.  It  transpired 
that  Mr.  Hayes  had  been  told  that  Mr.  Fox  was  one  of  Senator  Ham- 
lin's  personal  friends.  The  informer  was  a  man  who,  failing  to  obtain 
a  nomination  for  Congress,  had  left  the  Republican  party  and  was  then 
coquetting  for  the  Greenback  nomination  for  governor.  Mr.  Hayes 
next  nominated  a  man  who  had  failed  in  business  in  Bangor,  and  was 
a  clerk  in  Boston.  Now  Senator  Hamlin  had  not  up  to  this  time 
concerned  himself  about  Mr.  Fox's  appointment,  because  he  naturally 
supposed  that  the  President  would  respect  the  wishes  of  Bangor ; 
but  when  war  was  declared,  he  accepted  the  issue.  He  simply  asked 
the  Senate  to  reject  the  nomination,  and  this  was  done  by  a  unani 
mous  vote.  A  third  nomination  was  acceptable,  and  confirmed  with 
out  dissent.  After  this  exhibition  of  personal  power  in  the  Senate, 
Mr.  Hayes  left  Mr.  Hamlin  alone.1 

This  renders  it  necessary  to  present  Senator  Hamlin's  ideas  of 
Civil  Service  Reform.  He  believed  in  applying  business  methods  to 
the  administration  of  public  affairs  ;  he  did  not  believe  in  what  was 

1  The  Boston  Herald,  a  supporter  of  the  administration,  said  (March,  1879), 
"Mr.  Hayes,  in  contemplating  his  defeat  in  the  Senate  Thursday  by  Mr.  Hamlin, 
will  not  have  the  pleasant  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  he  had  the  right  on  his 
side,  and  stood  by  his  principles." 


538  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

termed  "Snivel  Service  Reform."  He  entered  into  political  life  in 
the  Jackson  era,  when  the  installation  of  a  national  administration  was 
followed  by  wholesale  removals  from  office,  and  when  men  surrounded 
themselves  with  their  friends  while  in  office.  One  cannot  shake  off 
the  customs  of  a  lifetime  with  ease,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  was  in  a  mea 
sure  wedded  to  the  customs  of  his  generation.  Judge  Henry  Carter 
wrote  of  a  conversation  he  once  had  with  Senator  George  F.  Hoar, 
who  said  to  him :  "  It  is  said  that  Mr.  Hamlin  has  secured  the  ap 
pointment  of  more  men  to  office  than  any  other  man  now  in  public 
life ;  but  I  will  say  that  he  always  supports  good  men  for  office,  never 
bad  men."  The  evils  of  the  patronage  system  and  the  pressure  of 
the  office-seekers  convinced  Mr.  Hamlin,  after  his  retirement,  that 
good  men  should  not  be  rotated  out  of  subordinate  positions  solely 
for  partisan  purposes.  He  wrote  Secretary  McCulloch  to  that  end 
when  collector  of  Boston.  In  1869,  when  returning  to  the  Senate, 
he  wrote  his  wife  that  the  pressure  on  him  from  office-seekers  was 
"simply  awful,"  and  he  concluded  that  relief  should  be  granted  con 
gressmen  and  the  President ;  but  this  was  a  problem  for  the  new 
generation  to  solve.  He  did  not  believe  in  a  reform  or  methods 
that  enabled  a  man  to  put  his  own  friends  in  office  under  the  plea  of 
purifying  the  service,  while  he  was  using  power  to  punish  opponents. 
That  was  "  Snivel  Service  Reform." 

Probably  the  most  important  acts  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  latter-day  term 
in  the  Senate  were  accomplished  when  he  was  chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Foreign  Relations.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  every 
instance  he  supported  the  administration,  against  popular  clarnor, 
although  he  had  no  intercourse  whatever  with  President  Hayes.  He 
was  not  in  the  habit  of  allowing  personal  grievances  to  influence  his 
course  as  a  senator.  The  first  act  by  a  curious  coincidence  involved 
the  principle  of  arbitration.  This  was  in  1878,  when  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  sought  to  frame  a  treaty  settling  the  interminable 
controversy  over  the  North  American  fisheries.  Senator  Hamlin  was 
deeply  interested  in  this  question,  on  which  it  was  conceded  he  was 
an  authority.  He  had  never  been  satisfied  with  any  adjustment  that 
had  been  accomplished,  and  was  greatly  dissatisfied  with  the  award 
of  the  Halifax  Commission  of  1878.  The  obvious  interpretation  of 
Elaine's  diplomatic  account  of  this  episode  is  that  the  commission 
was  packed  by  the  appointment  of  a  Belgian  diplomat.  The  award 
was  against  the  United  States,  by  which  England  was  to  be  paid 
$5,500,000  for  twelve  years'  use  of  Canadian  waters  by  our  fishermen. 
The  American  government  in  reply  gave  statistics  showing  that  the 
in-shore  Canadian  fisheries  would  be  worth  about  $300,000,  but  Lord 
Salisbury  declined  to  follow  Secretary  Evarts  "into  the  details  of 
the  argument,"  and  the  affair  was  laid  before  the  Senate. 


LAST   TERM   IN   THE   SENATE  539 

When  the  award  came  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Senate,  popu 
lar  opinion  favored  its  rejection,  and  the  speeches  in  Congress  indicate 
that  there  was  a  strong  opposition  to  its  acceptance.  The  charge  was 
made  that  Great  Britain,  to  use  a  colloquialism,  was  now  "getting 
square"  with  the  United  States  for  the  Geneva  award.  The  duty 
was  devolved  on  Senator  Hamlin,  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations,  to  give  the  affair  its  deciding  direction.  He  was 
astounded  at  the  decision,  and  in  his  report  produced  historical  facts 
and  figures  to  show  that  in  1^54  the  two  governments  offset  the  fish 
eries  against  each  other  under  a  treaty  of  twelve  years'  duration,  that 
the  American  fishermen  opposed  its  renewal,  and  that  as  late  as  1873 
Great  Britain  asked  for  another  similar  reciprocity  treaty.  He  also 
demonstrated  that  the  value  of  the  American  fisheries  had  been 
greatly  underestimated,  and  that  of  the  Canadian  fisheries  overesti 
mated.  He  diplomatically  criticised  the  award  on  other  grounds,  but 
counseled  its  acceptance  in  the  interest  of  the  principle  of  arbitra 
tion.  His  report  was  unique  among  senate  and  state  documents. 
It  consisted  of  only  five  pages  of  printed  matter  ;  yet  it  was  the  result 
of  months  of  labor  and  investigation.  His  ideas  of  the  principal 
issues  at  stake,  and  the  compact  style  of  his  reasoning,  may  be  gath 
ered  from  the  following  passages  :  — 

"  The  principle  of  international  arbitration,  so  successfully  inaugurated 
under  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  Washington,  is  of  such  vast  impor 
tance  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  nations  and  the  consequent  ad 
vancement  of  civilization,  that  every  proper  effort,  and  indeed  every 
remarkable  and  honorable  sacrifice,  necessary  to  secure  and  maintain  it, 
should  be  freely  and  gladly  made.  If  comments,  therefore,  become  neces 
sary  in  regard  to  the  award  of  the  Halifax  Commission,  they  will  be  in 
dulged  not  as  of  interest  simply  to  the  American  side  of  the  question,  but 
of  equal  interest  at  least  to  the  British  side  of  the  question.  In  a  just  and 
proper  disposition  of  this  question  the  interests  of  the  two  nations  do  not 
and  cannot  differ. 

"  Boards  of  arbitration,  like  judicial  courts,  are  restricted  in  their  judg 
ments  and  awards  by  the  jurisdiction  that  is  conferred  upon  them.  If  an 
international  board  of  arbitration  transcends  its  jurisdiction,  and  proceeds, 
in  any  respect,  ultra  vires,  there  is,  of  course,  no  appeal  to  interpose  as  a 
corrective,  except  to  that  of  the  justice  and  honor  of  the  nations  interested. 
However  much,  then,  we  may  regard  the  award  made  at  Halifax  as  exces 
sively  exorbitant,  and  possibly  beyond  the  legal  and  proper  power  of 
those  making  it,  your  committee  would  not  recommend  that  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  disregard  it,  if  the  government  of  her  Britannic 
Majesty,  after  a  full  view  of  the  facts  and  circumstances  of  the  case,  should 
conclude  and  declare  the  award  to  be  lawfully  and  honorably  due.  If  the 
unfailing  power  of  self-interest  may  be  feared  as  a  force  tending  to  obscure 
the  view  of  the  British  government  as  to  the  essential  justice  of  the  oppos- 


540  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

ing  side,  we  must  remember  that  in  the  other  direction  no  nation  is  more 
vitally  interested  than  Great  Britain  in  upholding  and  maintaining  the  prin 
ciple  and  practice  of  international  arbitration ;  and  the  intelligence  and 
virtue  of  the  British  statesman  cannot  fail  to  suggest  that  arbitration  can 
only  be  retained  as  a  fixed  mode  of  adjusting  international  disputes  by 
demonstrating  its  efficiency  as  a  method  of  securing  mutual  justice,  and 
thus  assuring  that  mutual  content,  without  which  awards  and  verdicts  are 
powerful  only  for  mischief.  In  the  spirit  of  these  suggestions  your  com 
mittee  beg  leave  to  call  attention  to  severa^features  of  the  claim.  ...  In 
the  judgment  of  your  committee  it  would  not  be  wise  or  expedient  for  the 
United  States  to  refuse  to  pay  the  award  on  this  ground,  if  the  British 
government,  after  the  subject  shall  have  been  brought  to  its  attention, 
claim  that  in  its  judgment  the  award  is  made  in  accordance  with  the  terms 
of  the  treaty  and  in  conformity  with  sound  principles  of  law." 

The  last  important  speech  which  Mr.  Hamlin  delivered  in  the 
Senate  was  in  February,  1879,  on  tne  ill-advised  movement  to  mod 
ify  the  Burlingame  treaty  with  China  without  observing  the  proper 
methods  of  procedure.  The  influx  of  Chinese  on  the  Pacific  slope 
had  brought  certain  evils,  which  were  admitted  ;  but  there  was  a 
strong  difference  of  opinion  among  honest  men  as  to  the  require 
ments  of  the  hour  and  the  duty  of  the  government.  A  demagogic 
movement  originated  in  the  sand  lots  of  San  Francisco  to  terminate 
the  clauses  of  the  Burlingame  treaty  that  permitted  Chinese  immi- 
gation,  and  this  became  a  hot  political  issue.  Both  parties  were  too 
anxious  to  curry  favor  with  the  labor  element,  and  the  House,  under 
political  pressure,  rushed  a  bill  through  to  repeal  the  immigration 
rlause  of  the  treaty  without  dealing  with  the  Chinese  government  in 
an  honorable  manner.  To  the  credit  of  President  Hayes  it  is  to  be 
said  that  he  resisted  this  move,  and  eventually  vetoed  the  bill.  Sen 
ator  Hamlin  stood  by  the  administration,  and  as  chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Foreign  Relations  made  the  principal  speech  against  this 
proposed  breach  of  the  nation's  plighted  faith.  But  he  was  in  the 
minority,  and  yet  it  was  said  that  his  speech  embodied  the  second 
sober  thought  of  the  country,  and  strengthened  the  position  of  the 
administration.  This  speech  gives  Mr.  Hamlin's  ideas  of  national 
honor,  and  the  duty  of  this  republic  to  the  oppressed  of  the  Old 
World.  It  was  the  old  Jeffersonian  Democrat  who  spoke  this  time. 
Only  a  brief  outline  is  possible. 

"  I  am  a  political  partisan,"  he  declared  in  opening  his  remarks, 
"and  have  little  respect  for  him  who  is  not."  But  he  would  redress 
the  injury  any  citizen  might  receive,  and  would  do  it  "decently  and 
in  order."  Only  one  speech  had  been  made  on  human  liberty  and 
the  rights  of  man  in  the  discussion  of  the  question,  and  while  these 
had  been  called  "glittering  generalities,"  he  thought  that  they  were 


LAST   TERM   IN   THE   SENATE  541 

deeply  imbedded  in  the  foundations  of  the  government.  "  I  am  only 
going  to  enter  my  solemn  protest  against  this  kind  of  legislation  that 
caters  to  your  Dennis  Kearneys  and  to  your  unnaturalized  English 
men,  and  is  only  a  counterpart  of  that  wild  craze  which  ran  over  this 
land  known  as  native  Americanism  —  little  better  than  that.  Inau 
gurate  it  now,  and  where  will  it  end  ?  Shall  it  apply  to  the  lazzaroni 
that  swarm  on  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  shall  they  be 
excluded  from  our  country  and  our  government  ?  Shall  it  next  enter 
the  theological  arena,  and  shall  the  Catholic  be  told  that  he  shall 
not  come  here  to  breathe  the  free  air  of  this  republic  ?  I  have  my 
convictions  upon  this  question,  and  they  are  deep  in  my  heart.  I  love 
my  country,  and  I  would  keep  it  at  least  like  the  motto  inscribed 
upon  the  banner  of  the  unstained  knight,  'Without  fear  and  without 
reproach.'  We  are  hurrying  on  now  to  do  an  act  at  which  I  fear  in 
after  time  the  men  who  do  it  will  blush." 

\Vith  some  feeling  Senator  Hamlin  referred  to  the  oldtime,  proud 
American  creed,  that  this  republic  was  "the  home  of  the  free,"  "where 
the  outcast  of  every  nation,  where  the  child  of  every  creed  and  of 
every  clime,  could  breathe  our  free  air  and  participate  in  our  free  insti 
tutions."  Upon  this  doctrine,  those  who  opposed  the  passage  of  the 
bill  as  a  restriction  and  a  limitation  on  immigration  took  their  stand. 
This  question  had  resolved  itself  into  two  simple  propositions,  the 
one  of  power  and  the  other  of  principle.  There  was  no  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  power  to  abrogate  a  treaty  when  it  was  justified,  but 
"what  we  should  do,  and  the  rule  by  which  we  should  be  guided,  is 
the  rule  of  right,  not  of  power." 

"  '  Oh,  it  is  excellent 

To  have  a  giant's  strength ;  but  it  is  tyrannous 
To  use  it  like  a  giant.' 

We  negotiated  a  treaty  with  a  friendly  and  a  foreign  power.  We 
in  connection  with  other  governments  forced  that  treaty  upon  that 
power.  It  is  as  patent  and  as  true  as  anything,  it  is  as  certain  as 
mathematics,  that  in  securing  that  treaty  there  was  no  section  of  our 
country  so  earnest,  so  forward,  as  that  which  lies  on  the  Pacific  slope. 
.  .  .  We  accomplished  the  negotiations  of  a  treaty  which  secured 
to  us  right  of  trial  by  jury  of  our  own  citizens,  which  opened  up  a 
number  of  ports,  .  .  .  and  we  granted  in  return  the  immigration  of 
Chinese  subjects  to  this  country.  Why,  sir,  who  does  not  remember 
with  what  welcome,  with  what  rejoicing,  that  treaty  was  hailed  upon 
the  Pacific  coast !  " 

Senator  Hamlin  referred  to  the  evils  it  was  alleged  the  government 
should  correct,  and  said  that  if  Chinese  immigration  had  produced 
any,  he  was  willing  to  take  action  ;  indeed,  he  announced  that  it  was 
he  who  drew  up  the  resolutions,  offered  a  year  ago,  suggesting  modi- 


542  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

fications  in  the  immigration  clause  of  the  treaty,  and  calling  the  Presi 
dent's  attention  to  the  subject.  He  also  said  that  he  could  assert 
advisedly  that  the  President  would  consider  the  matter,  and  he  added 
that  he  would  leave  it  to  the  executive  in  the  firm  belief  that  the 
question  would  be  satisfactorily  solved  to  all  parties.  But  he  was 
"  not  willing  to  apply  that  rule  of  might  which  subverts  the  principle 
of  right.  .  .  .  We  are  asked  to  secure  a  modification  of  the  treaty 
thus  negotiated,  which  allows  an  unlimited  immigration  from  the 
Chinese  empire  to  this  country.  That  is  the  precise  question,  and  it 
is  sought  in  direct  contravention  of  the  fifth  article  of  the  treaty  to 
limit  that  immigration.  ...  I  would  proceed  by  the  ordinary  rules 
of  negotiation ;  I  would  treat  that  empire  as  I  would  treat  every  civ 
ilized  nation  upon  the  earth,  and  I  believe  there  are  few  senators  on 
this  floor  who  would  be  willing  to  treat  a  warlike  power  of  Europe  in 
the  summary  manner  in  which  this  bill  proposes  to  treat  the  empire 
of  China.  I  would  first  make  the  distinct  proposition  to  treat.  Fail 
ing  to  treat,  .  .  .  after  full  and  ample  notice,  I  would  say  then  that 
we  might  take  the  matter  into  our  own  consideration,  and  apply  the 
remedy  which  in  our  judgment  should  be  demanded." 

Mr.  Hamlin  discussed  precedents  that  should  govern  the  course  of 
Congress.  He  cited  the  refusal  of  the  United  States  to  allow  Great 
Britain  to  interpolate  in  the  extradition  treaty  of  1842  words  which 
would  exonerate  it  from  surrendering  fugitives  from  this  country  to 
its  own.  Secretary  Fish  declared  that  the  United  States  would  recog 
nize  no  power  to  alter,  or  attach,  a  condition  to  an  existing  treaty 
without  its  previous  consent.  Another  precedent,  equally  pertinent, 
was  when  Congress  accepted  the  Halifax  award,  and  passed  a  resolu 
tion  saying  that  the  objectionable  clause  in  the  treaty  ought  to  be 
terminated  at  the  earliest  possible  period  consistent  with  the  articles 
governing  its  adoption  by  both  nations.  The  resolution  did  not  seek 
to  abrogate  the  treaty,  but  pointed  out  how  it  should  be  done  and 
the  methods  of  negotiation  to  be  pursued.  "  These  are  the  prece 
dents  to  which  I  refer,  and  they  ought  to  guide  us  in  the  case  before 
us.  We  may  have  the  power,  and  we  may  say  that  we  will  violate 
the  article  of  the  treaty  with  China,  .  .  .  but  when  we  have  done 
that  we  shall  bring,  in  all  human  probabilities,  reprisals  from  that 
government  upon  us.  John  Chinaman  is  no  fool,  and  I  think  that  the 
whole  thing  here  is  illustrated  by  Bret  Harte's  poem.  .  .  .  The  em 
peror  of  China  has  done  his  duty  more  fully  than  we  have  done  ours. 
He  has  complied  with  every  term  and  letter  of  the  articles  of  the 
treaty.  We  have  not." 

Mr.  Hamlin  proceeded  to  question  the  expediency  of  shutting  out 
the  Chinese  on  industrial  grounds.  He  produced  convincing  statis 
tics  to  prove  that  Chinese  labor  had  advanced  California  a  century 


LAST   TERM   IN   THE   SENATE  543 

beyond  the  stage  she  would  have  reached  in  the  same  time  without  it. 
He  cited  the  evidence  of  "  the  intelligent,  the  cool,  the  deliberate  "  as 
to  the  value  and  desirability  of  the  Chinese  immigrant,  and  gave  it 
his  opinion  that  the  Chinese  would  make  good  citizens  and  assimilate 
within  a  reasonable  time.  He  scouted  the  cry  of  cheap  Chinese  labor, 
and  condemned  it  as  he  did  the  cry  against  labor-saving  machinery, 
which  he  regarded  as  temporary  in  its  effect  on  the  laborer,  and  mark 
ing  a  readjustment  of  industrial  conditions  and  an  upliftment  of  the 
toiling  masses.  He  expressed  his  belief  in  the  capacity  of  this  conti 
nent  to  absorb  and  assimilate  the  immigrant  from  the  Old  World. 
*'  Be  he  pagan  or  be  he  Hottentot,  let  us  receive  him  within  the  arms 
of  a  Christian  civilization,  .  .  .  the  civilization  of  Christ,  and  if  we 
cannot  overcome  paganism,  or  any  other  ism,  ...  if  we  cannot  over 
come  their  system  of  government,  their  system  of  prejudice  or 
religion,  .  .  .  then  it  will  be  time  to  tell  me  that  they  shall  not  come 
here  ;  and  when  I  see  that  this  labor  produces  wealth  that  otherwise 
would  not  have  been  produced,  and  that  through  an  inequality  which 
can  but  be  brief,  I  have  no  fear  of  'cheap  Chinese  labor.' ' 

He  closed,  saying :  "  I  see,  Mr.  President,  a  mighty  country,  an 
empire  upon  the  Pacific ;  I  look  at  its  vast  resources  of  soil,  of  forest, 
of  mine,  of  water  that  rolls  its  way  to  its  own  vast  ocean  home,  un- 
vexed  by  the  utilizing  hand  of  man.  I  want  no  vision  to  tell  me  what 
shall  be  that  empire  of  commerce,  of  arts,  and  of  agriculture  that  in 
the  future  shall  arise  on  that  coast.  I  look  beyond,  and  I  see  the 
mighty  commerce  that  shall  come  from  India  to  us  if  we  are  wise, 
'  if  we  do  not  do  that  which  will  compel  the  emperor  of  China  to 
retaliate  upon  us  and  to  make  reprisals.'  Who  believes  that  if  we 
to-day  shall  determine  that  but  fifteen  Chinamen  shall  come  to  this 
country  in  each  vessel  from  the  empire  of  China,  he  will  not  say  but 
fifteen  barrels  of  that  flour  which  goes  in  uncounted  thousands  from 
California  shall  be  the  limit  that  shall  be  taken  upon  any  vessel  that 
traverses  the  Pacific  to  China?  Who  does  not  believe  that  if  we 
place  unnecessary  and  harassing  restrictions  upon  the  Chinese  gov 
ernment,  if  we  violate  our  plighted  faith  and  national  honor  to  them, 
they  will  not  feel  exonerated,  and  retaliate  on  us  ?  Oh,  I  cannot  bear 
to  see  a  stop  put  to  the  untold  millions  of  commerce  that  shall  roll  to 
our  shores  ;  I  cannot  bear  to  see  that  uncounted  commerce  that  shall 
go  from  us  to  them  interfered  with.  ...  I  shall  vote  against  the 
measure,  and  I  leave  that  vote  the  last  legacy  to  my  children,  that 
they  may  esteem  it  the  brightest  act  of  my  life." 

The  effort  to  override  the  President's  veto  failed,  and  subsequently 
the  necessary  modifications  in  the  treaty  and  restriction  of  immigra 
tion  were  accomplished  "  decently  and  in  order,"  by  a  commission 
appointed  for  that  purpose,  without  giving  the  offense  which  the  hasty 


544  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

and  partisan  method  of  procedure  originally  outlined  must  have  given. 
The  official  friendship  of  China  was  therefore  retained,  and  the 
United  States  continued  its  commercial  relations  with  the  Oriental 
people  to  the  advantage  of  both.  When  the  question  of  Chinese 
immigration  had  been  freed  from  political  entanglements,  prejudice 
began  to  die  out  somewhat,  and  the  Mongolian  proved  that  he  was 
patient,  hard-working,  grateful  for  kindness,  and  more  amenable  to 
the  civilization  of  the  New  World  than  had  been  originally  supposed. 
The  United  States  can  justly  claim  some  share  in  the  recent  awaken 
ing  of  the  Oriental  empire,  and  with  the  political  schemes  of  indi 
viduals  now  forgotten  there  is  no  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  duty 
of  our  government  when  Senator  Hamlin  pleaded  that  it  should  keep 
its  plighted  word.  A  pleasant  incident  was  a  call  the  Chinese  min 
ister  at  Madrid  made  on  Mr.  Hamlin 'when  he  was  minister  to  Spain, 
to  thank  him  for  his  speech,  and  inform  him  of  the  gratitude  he  had 
inspired  in  the  Chinese  government. 

This  speech  remains  as  Mr.  Hamlin's  valedictory  address  in  the 
Senate,  although  it  is  hardly  probable  that  he  intended  it  as  such. 
Yet  it  was  the  last  lengthy  and  formal  effort  he  made,  and  thereafter, 
until  the  end  of  his  term,  he  said  but  little  in  debate,  and  devoted 
himself  to  the  duties  close  at  hand.  The  reason  he  had  for  withdraw 
ing  himself  from  active  participation  in  discussion,  aside  from  purely 
personal  considerations,  was  the  familiar  one, — the  unremitting  call 
on  him  from  the  plain  people.  This  is  a  subject  by  itself,  and  only  a 
passing  reference  can  be  made.  In  the  words  of  another  writer  : 
"  Though  he  was  blood  and  iron  in  make-up,  yet  he  was  the  gentlest 
and  most  patient  of  men,  and  accessible  to  every  creature  who  would 
speak  to  him.  In  solidity  and  dignity  of  form  and  carriage,  in  sim 
plicity  of  manner,  and  in  sincerity  of  purpose,  I  think  it  will  grow  on 
the  minds  of  those  who  knew  him  well  that  he  has  been  rarely  sur 
passed,  the  country  through,  in  the  things  that  go  to  the  making  up 
of  an  all-round  citizen  and  statesman.  .  .  .  He  not  only  believed  in 
his  friends,  and  trusted  them,  but  he  also  felt  it  a  duty  to  help  any 
one  who  needed  and  expected  help  from  him.  .  .  .  He  did  more 
kindly  and  serviceable  things  for  the  great  public  during  his  long 
residence  in  Washington  than  any  other  public  man  did."  1 

Mr.  Hamlin's  correspondence  in  itself  tells  the  story  of  his  nature. 
There  were  letters  from  Benton,  Webster,  Everett,  Lincoln,  Seward, 
Sumner,  Stanton,  Chase,  Chandler,  of  his  earlier  contemporaries ; 
letters  from  Grant,  Greeley,  Blaine,  Conkling,  Garfield,  and  McKinley, 
of  the  successive  generation  of  leaders ;  letters  from  David  Dudley 
Field,  Cyrus  W.  Field,  James  Watson  Webb,  Francis  Lieber,  John 

1  "  An  Old-Fashioned  Statesman,"  by  Enoch  Knight,  Overland  Monthly,  No 
vember,  1891. 


LAST   TERM   IN   THE   SENATE  545 

G.  Palfrey,  Gardiner  Greene  Hubbard,  Bayard  Taylor,  Joseph  Henry, 
Charles  Levi  Woodbury,  John  A.  Dix,  Charles  Wyllys  Elliott,  John 
Neal,  Neal  Dow,  Christopher  Robert,  and  many  other  distinguished 
men,  who  wrote  him  on  questions  of  the  day,  politics,  education,  sci 
ence,  to  get  his  advice  or  help.  But  what  is  more  to  the  purpose,  the 
greater  bulk  of  his  correspondence  was  with  the  plain  multitude,  who 
looked  to  him  for  help.  "  If  there  were  tangles  in  a  worthy  pension 
case,  he  patiently  investigated  it,  and  if  possible  helped  it  along.  If 
a  widow's  son  were  inveigled  into  the  army  under  age  and  against  his 
family's  wishes,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  the  man  first  applied  to  for  help. 
He  not  only  never  shirked  a  responsibility,  but  he  did  all  things  de 
manded  or  expected  of  him  in  the  line  of  duty  or  of  kindliness."  This 
is  the  story  his  letters  tell  —  and  mostly  of  the  pathetic  side  of  life. 
There  were  thousands  and  thousands  of  them,  and  they  were  all  read, 
filed  away,  and  marked  "answered"  or  "not  answered."  They  came 
from  all  States.  He  knew  no  state  lines  when  his  help  was  asked 
in  a  worthy  cause. 

Perhaps  the  nature  of  the  appeals  made  to  Senator  Hamlin,  and 
the  spirit  in  which  they  were  written,  can  be  best  gathered  from  the 
following  letter,  sent  him  when  he  was  Vice-President,  from  a  poor 
postmaster  in  Maine  :  — 

"  MY  DEAR  AND  EVER  ABIDING  FRIEND,  —  Our  friendship  lasted 
for  a  third  of  a  century.  How  unexpected  it  may  be  to  you,  this  is 
probably  the  last  communication  I  shall  have  to  write  you  on  this 
earth.  I  can  say  truly,  as  I  come  down  to  the  close  of  life,  that  it 
gives  me  much  pleasure  to  know  that  I  have  one  friend  who  has 
always  been  faithful  and  true.  This  fact  is  one  of  the  pleasantest 
remembrances  of  my  life. 

"  I  am  now  lying  on  my  deathbed,  and  have  one  more  request  to 
ask,  and  which  will  probably  be  the  last  I  shall  ever  ask  of  you.  I 
have  had  a  great  many  long  and  severe  sicknesses  which  have  left 
me  in  embarrassed  circumstances.  I  wish  you  to  use  your  influence 
with  the  Postmaster-General  to  have  him  permit  me  to  run  a  substi 
tute  until  my  term  expires.  I  have  three  small  children  who  are 
unable  to  earn  their  support,  and  who  will  be  left  in  destitute  circum 
stances,  and  if  permission  will  be  granted  to  the  above  it  will  give 
them  two  or  three  hundred  dollars  for  their  maintenance  until  homes 
can  be  procured  for  them.  I  am  unable  to  write  more." 

This  postscript  was  added  by  another  hand :  — 

"  Postmaster died  to-day."     His  last  thoughts  were  on  Mr. 

Hamlin. 

But  this  exhausting  service  and  the  burdensome  pressure  of  the 
office-seekers  wore  Mr.  Hamlin  out,  and  was  the  principal  cause  of 
his  desire  to  retire  into  private  life.  He  had  other  reasons  also.  He 


546  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

thought  that  it  was  the  more  graceful  part  for  one  to  withdraw  from 
public  office  of  his  own  accord,  for  which  reason  he  especially  admired 
Washington.1  He  also  said  that  no  public  servant  should  allow  him 
self  to  be  deprived  of  the  enjoyment  of  the  evening  of  his  old  age  at 
his  own  fireside.  He  had  announced  after  his  reelection  in  1875  that  it 
was  for  the  last  time,  but  once  more  his  ok?  friends  prepared  to  return 
him,  whether  he  would  or  not,  and  he  felt  compelled  to  give  public 
notice  of  his  intention  to  retire.  This  he  announced  in  1878  before 
the  Republican  state  convention,  saying  that  he  believed  the  time 
had  come  when  a  younger  man  should  take  his  place.  There  were 
cries  of  "  No,"  "  Not  yet,"  but  he  repeated  his  intention,  and  could  not 
be  shaken  from  it.  At  the  same  time,  speaking  of  the  dishonest 
greenback  craze,  he  uttered  his  well  remembered  sentiments  about 
the  policy  of  honesty.  "  There  is  an  old  maxim  that  honesty  is  the 
best  policy.  I  do  not  believe  in  putting  honesty  on  that  ground.  Do 
right,  and  honesty  is  the  only  thing  to  do.  I  want  honesty  without 
policy.  I  want  honesty  without  qualification.  I  want  every  man  to 
discharge  his  obligations  morally,  politically,  and  socially,  not  because 
it  is  policy,  but  because  it  is  right  and  honest.  I  hate  the  word  policy ; 
it  is  an  equivalent  for  the  betrayal  of  principle." 

The  last  three  years  Mr.  Hamlin  spent  in  the  Senate  were  perhaps 
the  pleasantest  of  his  connection  with  that  body.  He  was  freed 
from  personal  political  cares,  the  President  ultimately  relinquished  an 
impracticable  policy  and  became  more  in  harmony  with  his  party, 
and  the  membership  of  the  Senate  was  never  more  congenial  to  the 
veteran  statesman.  The  death  of  Chandler  and  the  retirement  of 
Howe  and  Cameron  left  him  the  sole  survivor  of  that  picturesque 
anti-slavery  senatorial  guard  still  on  duty.  Two  other  groups  of  lead 
ers  were  represented  in  the  Senate.  One  included  Elaine,  Conkling, 
Thurman,  Edmunds,  Morrill,  Sherman,  Windom,  Logan,  Kirkwood, 
and  others,  and  the  second  was  composed  of  men  who  succeeded 
to  leadership,  and  realized  the  expectations  of  their  elder  contem 
porary, —  George  F.  Hoar,  Henry  L.  Dawes,  William  B.  Allison, 
Preston  B.  Plumb,  Stanley  Matthews,  and  others,  such  as  Orville  H. 
Platt,  David  Davis,  James  B.  Beck,  William  W.  Eaton,  E.  H.  Rollins, 
John  R.  McPherson,  A.  H.  Garland,  William  Pinkney  White,  Isham 
G.  Harris,  Francis  J.  Kernan,  who  lent  strength  to  the  Senate  and 
their  respective  parties.  Mr.  Hamlin  was  especially  congenial  with 
Hoar  and  Dawes,  and  also  Eaton,  the  "jolly  little  Democrat  from 
Connecticut."  In  the  House  Garfield,  McKinley,  and  Reed  were 
forging  to  the  front.  Mr.  Hamlin  jocosely  spoke  of  each  of  these  as 
"one  of  his  young  men." 

1  Thomas  B.  Reed  said :  "  At  no  time  during  his  long  and  varied  career  could 
he  have  laid  down  so  much  power  as  when  at  the  age  of  seventy-two  he  volun 
tarily  left  the  Senate  of  the  United  States." 


LAST  TERM   IN   THE   SENATE  547 

In  point  of  service  Mr.  Hamlin  was  now  the  father  of  the  Senate, 
and  he  was  the  recipient  of  those  favors  and  honors  the  Senate  grace 
fully  bestows  on  the  chosen  few.  Once  he  forgot  that  he  had  paired 
with  Newton  Booth,  of  California,  and  paired  with  another  senator. 
The  next  morning  he  arose  and  made  his  apology  to  Mr.  Booth,  who 
neatly  accepted  it  by  saying  that  the  Senate  was  of  the  opinion  that 
its  Nestor  was  privileged  to  pair  with  any  two  members  of  its  body. 
Another  personal  glimpse  was  given  in  connection  with  the  Conkling- 
Gordon  affair.  "  There  was  another  notable  incident  this  session 
when  Mr.  Hamlin,  the  senior  of  the  Senate,  —  we  believe  that  he  was 
senator  thirty  years  ago  this  year,  —  arose,  and  in  grave  words  stated 
the  position  and  duties  of  those  who  assumed  to  make  public  the 
doings  of  the  Senate  in  respect  to  a  personal  difficulty  which  had 
recently  arisen  in  debate.  The  dignity  and  weight  of  the  senator's 
remarks  on  this  occasion  made  it  plain  why  he  has  consolidated  the 
influence  which  his  fellow-senators  have  long  accorded  him,  although 
one  of  their  number  not  conspicuous  nor  frequent  in  debate.  We 
know  no  man  in  the  long  list  of  eminent  persons  who  have  sat  in  the 
Senate  for  the  ninety  years  since  the  government  began,  who  could 
have  better  filled  the  foremost  place  in  a  scene  of  this  dignified  and 
affecting  nature  than  did  the  senator  from  Maine  on  the  occasion 
referred  to."  l 

When  it  came  time  for  Mr.  Hamlin  to  leave  the  Senate,  his  depar 
ture  was  the  subject  of  widespread  comment.  The  story  of  his  life 
was  told  again  in  the  newspapers  to  the  rising  generation,  and  friends 
and  honorable  opponents  seemed  to  vie  in  acknowledging  the  vet 
eran's  services,  and  in  wishing  him  a  green  and  happy  old  age.  The 
"Chicago  Inter-Ocean  "  announced  that  there  was  "more  regret  over 
the  approaching  retirement  of  Senator  Hamlin  than  had  been  heard 
for  many  years,"  and  commented  editorially:  "  He  leaves  voluntarily. 
His  State  would  gladly  keep  him  in  the  seat  he  has  filled  so  long  and 
so  ably,  but  he  retires  to  make  room  for  one  of  another  generation. 
Mr.  Hamlin  has  been  the  patriarch  of  the  Senate ;  his  ability,  his 
experience,  his  integrity,  his  wisdom,  his  candor,  his  courage,  and  his 
zeal  have  fitted  him  for  the  place  that  Nestor  filled  in  the  armies  of 
Agamemnon.  No  man  in  the  list  of  honorable  and  able  men  has 
received,  or  has  deserved,  a  higher  respect  from  his  colleagues  and 
from  his  country  than  Hannibal  Hamlin.  His  life  has  been  a  noble 
and  a  useful  one,  and  no  man  has  ever  retired  from  a  public  career 
with  less  to  regret  or  more  to  be  proud  of."  The  "Boston  Adver 
tiser  "  said  that  no  one  should  forget  the  retirement  of  the  "  Father 
of  the  Senate,"  and  that  "his  sound  common  sense  and  unassailable 
integrity  have  caused  him  to  be  respected  and  honored  both  in  the 
1  The  New  York  Stockholder,  January,  1878. 


548  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Senate  and  by  all  throughout  the  country  who  have  watched  his 
course."  The  "New  York  Herald:"  "He  has  had  perhaps  more 
influence  upon  legislation  than  any  other  half  dozen  of  the  more 
ostentatious  men  around  him."  Those  were  typical  expressions. 

Senator  Hamlin  was  quietly  urged  to  take  a  formal  farewell  from 
the  scene  of  his  long  labors,  but  he  said  with  a  quiet  smile,  "  No,  I 
should  have  to  talk  about  myself,"  and  so  went  on  until  his  work  was 
stopped  of  itself.  He  wrote  his  son,  General  Hamlin  :  — 

"  I  am  sitting  for  the  last  day  in  the  Senate,  and,  my  son,  I  am  a 
happy  man.  You  and  others  may  not  comprehend  it,  but  I  feel  it, 
and  in  the  language  of  the  sacred  poet,  I  may  say  :  — 

*  This  is  the  day  I  long  have  sought.' " 

Thurman  sat  down  by  Mr.  Hamlin's  side,  and  asked :  "  Well,  my 
dear  old  friend,  how  do  you  feel  ? "  Mr.  Hamlin  handed  him  this 
letter.  Thurman  took  his  friend's  pen,  and  wrote  on  another  sheet 
in  the  same  letter  :  — 

"  MY  DEAR  MR.  HAMLIN,  —  I  have  not  the  pleasure  of  your 
acquaintance,  but  I  have  known  your  father  for  over  thirty-five  years. 
Like  him,  this  is  the  last  day  of  my  political  life,  and  I  am  rejoiced  to 
go  out  of  it  in  such  good  company  and  with  my  personal  friend  of  a 
generation.  My  sincere  wish  is  that  you  may  do  honor  to  a  father  so 
illustrious." 

A  comment  on  this  incident  was,  "  The  old  Carthaginian  and  the 
old  Roman  returned  to  the  people  with  a  simplicity  true  to  their 
natures." 

Mr.  Hamlin's  friends  did  not  allow  him  to  retire  without  a  formal 
recognition  of  the  occasion.  The  Maine  Republican  Association  of 
Washington,  which  included  several  prominent  residents  of  the  capi 
tal,  tendered  him  a  reception  and  gave  him  a  handsome  clock  set  and 
an  address  in  a  bound  volume,  subscribed  by  William  B.  Snell,  Presi 
dent  of  the  association ;  General  Ellis  Spear,  the  vice-president ; 
Benjamin  Freeman,  treasurer  ;  B.  T.  Hanley,  secretary ;  John  W. 
Babson,  corresponding  secretary  ;  and  one  hundred  and  forty  others. 

In  his  speech  Judge  Snell  said  :  "  While  your  fame  stands  upon  a 
broad  and  solid  basis,  your  name  is  sacredly  and  inseparably  associ 
ated  with  that  of  President  Lincoln  ;  so  that  Lincoln  and  Hamlin 
will  be  cherished  in  patriotic  hearts  and  descend  to  posterity  among 
the  '  few  illustrious  names  that  were  not  born  to  die.'  "  The  address 
recounted  the  main  points  of  his  life,  and  said  :  "  Honors  higher  than 
those  of  office  follow  in  your  retirement.  The  warm  regard  of  friends, 
the  respect  of  all,  and  the  proud  record  for  all  time  —  of  nearly  half  a 
century  of  honest,  active,  fearless,  and  conspicuous  public  life,  un 
touched  by  calumny,  unmarred  by  a  spot." 


SENATOR  HAMLIN,  1876. 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


LAST  TERM   IN   THE   SENATE  549 

In  his  response  Mr.  Hamlin  said  :  "  In  the  twilight  of  age,  as  it  shall 
gather  more  and  more  around  me,  and  as  I  note  the  flight  of  time  on 
yonder  dial,  it  will  be  an  unmixed  and  unalloyed  pleasure  to  me  to 
know  that  I  have  enjoyed  the  confidence  and  respect  which  your  me 
morials  and  address  would  seem  to  indicate  ;  and  when  that  dark  cloud 
that  lies  beyond  the  twilight  of  years  shall  envelope  me  in  its  folds, 
your  memorials  will  be  transmitted  to  my  children,  and  by  them  to 
their  children,  to  be  cherished  equally  as  an  expression  of  your  gener 
ous  friendship,  as  a  testimonial  of  my  public  services." 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  returned  home,  the  citizens  of  Bangor,  irrespec 
tive  of  party,  welcomed  him  back  with  a  reception  which  is  unique  in 
the  annals  of  that  city.  The  reception  committee  was  composed  of 
former  mayors,  —  Charles  Hayward,  Hollis  Bowman,  S.  D.  Thurston, 
J.  S.  Wheelwright,  J.  P.  Bass,  Newell  Blake,  F.  M.  Laughton,  W.  B. 
Hayford,  and  A.  C.  Hamlin.  The  addresses  were  made  by  Chief  Jus 
tice  Appleton,  Mayor  William  H.  Brown,  ex-Mayors  S.  F.  Humphrey 
and  Wheelwright,  Hon.  Abram  Sanborn,  the  Rev.  Dr.  George  W. 
Field,  and  the  Rev.  F.  T.  Hazelwood.  Judge  Appleton  dwelt  on  the 
length  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  term  of  public  service,  which  was  greater  than 
that  of  any  other  man,  unless  it  was  that  of  Nathaniel  Macon,  of 
North  Carolina.  As  a  senator  Mr.  Hamlin  commanded  the  esteem 
and  confidence  of  his  associates,  no  matter  how  diverse  or  opposed 
were  their  views  on  the  political  questions  agitating  the  country. 
There  was  no  member  of  that  august  body  whose  judgments  were 
more  respected,  or  on  whose  opinions  more  reliance  was  placed.  His 
influence  was  the  influence  which  good  sense,  undoubted  integrity, 
and  great  experience  in  public  affairs  will  and  should  ever  command. 
In  the  darkest  hours  of  the  rebellion  he  never  doubted  the  result. 
After  mingling  for  more  than  a  third  of  a  century  in  the  conflict  of 
party  strife,  he  returned  to  the  people  without  a  stain  on  his  garments. 
In  his  brief  reply,  Mr.  Hamlin  said  that  he  had  endeavored  to  hold 
the  demands  of  the  humblest  when  he  thought  they  were  right,  and 
in  such  cases  had  known  neither  party  nor  religion.  "  A  greeting 
like  this  from  my  neighbors,  where  I  have  passed  my  manhood  is 
dearer  to  me  than  anything  else." 

The  congratulatory  letters  and  telegrams  sent  by  men  of  national 
prominence  and  of  both  parties  were  a  noteworthy  incident  of  this 
reception. 

Justin  S.  Morrill,  who  succeeded  Mr.  Hamlin  as  the  father  of  the 
Senate,  wrote :  "  No  man  in  the  nation  has  rendered  longer  or  better 
public  services,  or  is  more  worthy  of  the  distinction  you  are  confer 
ring  than  Hannibal  Hamlin,  and  I  tender  the  congratulations  of  a 
lifelong  and  unbroken  friendship." 

Secretary  Blaine :  "  Convey  to  your  eminent  and  venerable  guest 


550  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  sincerest  expression  of  my  admiration  for  him  as  a  statesman  and 
my  earnest  affection  for  him  as  a  friend." 

Senator  Conkling  :  "  With  warm  regard  and  respect  for  Governor 
Hamlin,  I  send  greeting,  and  would  I  could  add  to  the  honors  all  pay 
him." 

Senator  Anthony :  "  I  desire  to  participate  in  the  honor  to  your 
distinguished  fellow-citizen,  one  of  the  best  men  that  I  ever  served 
with  in  the  Senate,  a  man  endowed  with  the  instincts  of  patriotism 
and  the  genius  of  common  sense." 

Senator  Windom  :  "  Minnesota  joins  Maine  in  honors  to  the  noble 
patriot  and  statesman,  —  Hannibal  Hamlin.  He  retires  from  public 
service  crowned  with  the  love  of  all  his  associates  and  the  gratitude 
of  the  nation." 

Robert  T.  Lincoln  :  "  I  desire  to  join  in  the  good  wishes  for  his 
continued  health  and  happiness  which  will  be  received  by  Mr.  Hamlin 
to-night." 

Senator  Hale  (Mr.  Hamlin' s  successor) :  "  I  am  glad  Bangor  gives 
fitting  reception  to  her  distinguished  citizen,  whose  career  has  hon 
ored  his  home,  his  State,  and  the  nation.  I  am  sure  he  will  find  there 
affection  and  welcome.  He  leaves  here  a  bright,  unsullied  record, 
which  his  successor  will  do  well  to  imitate." 

Senator  Frye :  "  Public  receptions  cannot  add  to  the  honors  won 
by  the  ability,  integrity,  and  spotless  life  of  Mr.  Hamlin,  but  may 
illustrate  the  love  and  esteem  of  his  neighbors.  In  this  good  office  I 
join  with  all  my  heart." 

Robert  G.  Ingersoll  :  "  I  want  to  say  one  word  for  your  great 
townsman.  No  man  ever  left  the  Senate  carrying  with  him  more 
genuine  respect  than  Hannibal  Hamlin.  He  is  a  true  Republican 
king,  crowned  with  nearly  half  a  century  of  public  service,  and  he  has 
earned  the  right  to  enjoy  with  those  he  loves  the  serene  twilight  of  a 
great  and  useful  life." 

Senators  George  H.  Pendleton,  H.  G.  Davis,  Joseph  E.  Brown, 
John  R.  McPherson,  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  M.  W.  Ransom,  Isham  G. 
Harris,  Eli  Saulsbury,  Daniel  W.  Voorhees,  and  B.  H.  Hill  united  in 
the  following  letter  to  ex-Mayor  Laughton,  a  Democrat  :  "  The  under 
signed,  associates  of  Mr.  Hamlin  in  the  Senate,  desire  through  you  to 
tender  him  their  kind  regards  and  best  wishes  on  the  occasion  of  his 
reception  this  evening,  and  to  join  with  the  people  of  Maine  in  con 
gratulating  him  on  the  esteem  and  affection  which  he  carries  with 
him  into  private  life  after  a  long  public  career.  His  political  oppo 
nents  take  great  pleasure  in  thus  bearing  testimony  to  his  unques 
tioned  purity  and  his  devotion  to  public  duty." 

Senator  Bayard  added  independently  :  "  Although  his  political  op 
ponent,  I  would  gladly  join  the  people  of  Maine  in  their  tribute  of 


LAST   TERM   IN   THE   SENATE  551 

respect  to  Hannibal  Hamlin,  for  he  has  served  faithfully  and  well, 
with  honor  to  himself  and  benefit  to  the  country.  May  he  live  long 
to  enjoy  the  just  meed  of  an  honest  life." 

A  tribute  of  special  interest  was  from  Professor  Samuel  Harris,  a 
lifelong  friend  and  a  neighbor,  once  a  member  of  the  faculty  of  the 
Bangor  Theological  Seminary,  afterwards  president  of  Bowdoin  Col 
lege,  and  subsequently  an  eminent  and  beloved  professor  of  the  Yale 
Divinity  School. 

"  It  would  be  a  great  gratification  to  me  to  unite  with  the  citizens 
of  Bangor  in  offering  my  respects  to  the  ex-senator.  He  is  entitled 
to  honor  from  all  good  citizens  for  his  faithfulness  and  assiduity  in 
the  public  service  during  an  exceptionally  long  period  of  years  ;  for  his 
incorruptible  and  stainless  integrity  ;  for  his  uniform  and  consistent 
opposition  from  the  beginning  of  his  congressional  career  to  the 
encroachments  of  the  slave  power ;  for  his  hearty,  vigorous,  and  effec 
tive  labors  in  support  of  the  Constitution  and  Union  during  the  civil 
war ;  for  his  interest  and  efforts  for  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves 
and  their  protection  in  their  just  rights  ;  for  his  steadfast  upholding  of 
the  faith  and  honor  of  the  government  in  the  payment  of  the  national 
debt ;  for  his  support  of  financial  principles  which  the  history  of  the 
world  has  demonstrated  to  be  sound,  against  the  widespread  advocacy, 
by  ill-informed  men,  of  the  theories  which  the  history  of  the  world 
has  over  and  over  demonstrated  to  be  false,  impracticable,  and  ruin 
ous  ;  and  for  his  honorable  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  office  of 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  What  a  deliverance  it  would 
have  been  to  the  nation  if  he  had  been  elected  with  Lincoln  for  a 
second  term." 

Nearly  two  decades  after  Mr.  Hamlin  left  the  Senate,  the  following 
pen  portrait  was  sketched  as  he  appeared  in  retrospect,  by  George  F. 
Hoar,  for  these  pages  :  — 

"  When  I  came  into  the  Senate,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  one  of  the  oldest 
members  in  service  as  well  as  in  age.  I  was  never  very  intimate  with 
him.  He  disliked  very  much  my  opinions  about  Civil  Service  Reform, 
and  he  disliked  very  much  the  administration  of  President  Hayes,  of 
which  I  was  an  earnest  supporter.  But  our  personal  relations  were 
exceedingly  agreeable.  I  used  to  talk  with  him  a  great  deal  in  leisure 
moments.  He  was  admirable  company.  He  would  bring  out  from 
the  stores  of  a  most  retentive  memory  stories  of  a  public  life,  in 
which  he  had  well  known  Webster,  Clay,  Calhoun,  and  other  great 
men  of  a  departed  generation.  He  had  a  gift  of  spirited  and  racy  nar 
rative.  He  was  very  skillful  at  portraiture  of  the  characters  whom 
he  had  known.  If  his  stories  could  be  recorded  as  he  gave  them, 
they  would  make  an  admirable  contribution  to  historic  and  biogra 
phical  literature. 


552  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

"He  was  a  sturdy,  rugged  character,  like  an  old  gnarled  oak,  in 
flexibly  honest,  absolutely  fearless,  always  ready  to  do  battle  in  any 
cause  he  deemed  just  and  righteous,  a  lover  of  liberty,  wise,  under 
standing  thoroughly  the  mechanism  of  our  government,  trusting 
the  people,  loving  his  country,  and  loving  his  State.  He  had  little 
respect  for  what  has  been  called  sentimental  politics,  —  did  not  care 
about  hearing  fine,  eloquent  speeches,  fine  phrases,  or  glittering  gen 
eralities,  but  had  a  heart  easily  moved,  and  eyes  easily  moistened  by 
any  tale  of  human  suffering  or  of  patriotic  daring  or  self-sacrifice. 
He  was  very  simple  in  his  manner,  behavior,  traits,  and  style  of  living. 
He  thought  the  best  government,  both  for  efficiency  and  honesty, 
was  to  have  all  public  offices  filled  by  the  men  who  were  active  and 
efficient  in  support  of  the  political  policies  of  the  prevailing  party, 
and  to  have  the  party  in  power  responsible  for  these  officials,  from 
the  President  down.  So  he  resigned  the  valuable  office  of  collector 
of  the  port  of  Boston  when  President  Johnson  abandoned  the  prin 
ciples  and  policies  of  the  Republican  party. 

"  Mr.  Hamlin  was,  I  think,  the  most  influential  man  in  the  Senate 
when  I  entered  it,  and  until  he  left  it.  He  was  an  extreme  Republi 
can.  He  was  an  old  anti-slavery  man.  But  he  was  a  great  favorite 
with  Southerners  and  the  Democrats.  He  was  a  stanch  friend  of 
Mr.  Elaine,  standing  by  him  always  in  public  and  private ;  still,  some 
how,  he  could  manage  Conkling  when  nobody  else  could  move  him. 

"  He  had  a  gift  of  vigorous,  racy,  and  pithy  speech,  penetrating  at 
once  to  the  heart  of  all  argument,  rejecting  everything  that  was 
superfluous  or  irrelevant,  and  calculated  to  persuade  any  American 
audience,  whether  it  were  the  Senate  dealing  with  some  great  ques 
tions  of  state,  or  a  company  of  farmers  gathered  in  a  school-district 
in  a  backwoods  town.  The  first  time  I  heard  him  or  saw  him  was 
in  Worcester  during  the  Fremont  campaign.  I  remember  very  well 
the  great  impression  he  made  on  the  audience.  'They  tell  us/ he 
said,  'that  Fremont  has  no  antecedents.  That  is  true.  He  is  an 
antecedent  himself.'  I  suspect  that  a  good  many  of  Mr.  Hamlin's 
casual  utterances  in  familiar  speech  became  the  proverbs  of  his  po 
litical  associates. 

"  I  said  that  I  was  never  personally  very  intimate  with  him,  and 
that  he  did  not  like  my  opinions  about  the  Hayes  administration,  or 
my  opinions  about  Civil  Service  Reform.  But  I  owe  to  his  kindness 
one  of  the  principal  honors  of  my  public  life.  So  I  have  good  right 
to  claim  that  he  was  my  friend,  and  I  am  bound  to  cherish  his  mem 
ory  with  affection  and  gratitude." 


CHAPTER   XLI 

MINISTER    TO    SPAIN 

MR.  HAMLIN  did  not  remain  in  retirement  long,  and  the  reason 
is  probably  to  be  found  in  the  part  he  played  in  the  Republican 
National  Convention  of  1880.  This  was  the  year  when  the  follow 
ers  of  Grant  sought  to  make  him  President  for  a  third  term.  It 
was  practically  unprecedented,  although  there  had  been  tentative 
talk  in  favor  of  retaining  Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Jackson  in  the 
presidency  for  another  four  years.  In  this  instance  anomalous  cir 
cumstances  existed,  and  the  temptation  that  beset  the  Republican 
party  was  too  strong  for  a  considerable  portion  of  its  following  to 
resist.  They  were  known  as  Stalwarts,  although  there  were  many 
opposed  to  Grant  who  had  the  same  right  to  be  known  as  Repub 
licans  of  this  kind.  The  South  was  still  solid,  and  suffrage  within 
that  section  was  a  mockery  to  Republicans,  while  Southern  Demo 
crats  were  free  to  speak  throughout  the  North  without  fear  of  life  or 
limb.  By  mutual  consent  the  Republican  party  had  rejected  Presi 
dent  Hayes's  policy,  and  there  was  a  general  call  for  a  President  who 
would  protect  the  rights  and  the  lives  of  Southern  Republicans,  if 
need  be.  To  many  Grant  seemed  to  be  the  man.  There  were  thou 
sands  of  Southern  men,  including  Confederate  soldiers,  who  were 
ashamed  and  disgusted  at  the  sullen  and  intolerant  attitude  of  their 
leaders  and  their  inability  to  rise  to  the  magnanimity  of  the  North. 
They  believed  in  Grant ;  and  now  that  the  great  soldier  had  been 
received  by  foreign  nations  as  the  first  citizen  of  this  republic,  and 
had  been  welcomed  home  with  demonstrations  the  like  of  which  had 
never  been  seen  before,  it  was  believed  that  if  Grant  should  run  for 
the  presidency  again  he  would  break  the  solid  South.  Thus  the 
third  term  movement  was  originated,  and  gained  a  headway  that 
threatened  to  sweep  all  before  it. 

Under  the  circumstances  Blaine's  candidacy  had  the  merit  of  altru 
ism,  and  in  all  time  to  come  his  fair  critics  must  concede  this.  If  he 
had  thrown  his  influence  to  Grant,  in  all  human  probabilities  Grant 
would  have  been  President  once  more.  Those  who  were  behind  the 
scenes  among  Blaine's  friends,  at  the  time  when  the  country  was  in  a 
furore  over  the  return  of  the  silent  soldier,  well  remember  how  hope 
less  Blame's  chances  seemed,  and  how  the  circumstance  aroused 


554  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Elaine  to  greater  effort  "  to  beat  the  third  term  idea,"  though  he  him 
self  might  fail  of  the  nomination.  Elaine's  vigorous  opposition  to  the 
despotic  "  unit  rule  "  was  another  thing  that  helped  bring  the  Grant 
tide  to  a  standstill,  and  had  far-reaching  results,  though  at  a  cost  to 
himself  in  the  end.  He  made  a  masterful  and  superb  fight  against 
a  dangerous  innovation  when  the  odds  were  against  him,  and  when 
he  clearly  saw  the  risk  he  was  running  of  earning  the  implacable 
opposition  of  the  Stalwart  faction  in  certain  of  the  larger  States. 
The  high-handed  outrages  of  the  Republican  ringleaders  in  New 
York,  Illinois,  and  Pennsylvania  could  only  presage  party  demoral 
ization  and  ultimate  defeat.  There  had  never  been  such  a  bitter  or 
closely  divided  fight  in  the  Republican  party.  The  beneficial  out 
come  was  the  death  of  the  third  term,  and  this  is  due  to  James  G. 
Elaine.  Compared  with  the  Grant  movement  of  1880,  the  feeble 
demonstration  for  Cleveland  in  1896  was  like  the  peep  of  the  penny 
whistle  as  against  the  roar  of  a  Krupp  battery. 

Had  there  been  no  third  term  movement,  Mr.  Hamlin  would  not 
have  left  his  home  to  attend  the  Republican  National  Convention. 
He  believed  that  he  had  earned  the  right  of  retirement,  and  that 
young  men  should  take  the  leadership  of  the  party.  Eut  the  third 
term  craze  disturbed  him.  It  was  contrary  to  the  unwritten  constitu 
tion,  and  was  the  longest  step  ever  taken  toward  one-man  power  in 
this  republic.  It  was  one  of  the  proud  and  enduring  tests  of  Ameri 
can  institutions  that  the  people  could  every  four  years  raise  a  new 
man  to  the  presidency  without  a  jar  to  the  government.  To  say  that 
the  future  of  the  country  rested  on  any  one  man  was  to  belittle  Re 
publican  institutions.  But  while  Mr.  Hamlin  had  no  intention  of  taking 
an  active  part  in  the  convention,  Mr.  Elaine  wished  differently.  In 
1876  Mr.  Hamlin  was  at  Cincinnati  when  Hayes  was  nominated, 
though  only  as  a  spectator.  On  returning  to  Washington  in  a  state 
of  regret  and  displeasure,  he  said  bluntly  :  "  Elaine,  if  you  had  put 
your  campaign  in  my  hands,  you  would  have  been  nominated."  This 
was  a  private  expression,  and  was  not  intended  for  other  ears.  When 
Mr.  Hamlin  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Elaine  how  his  canvass  should  have 
been  conducted,  the  latter  made  a  mental  note  for  the  future.  In 
1880,  remembering  this,  he  wrote  the  following  letter,  which  gives 
an  idea  of  his  belief  in  Mr.  Hamlin's  political  ability  :  — 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  WASHINGTON,  May  22,  1880. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  hear  with  concern  that  you  are  not  going  to  Chicago. 
I  dislike  to  ask  any  service  of  friendship  that  may  subject  you  to  per 
sonal  inconvenience,  but  I  fear  your  absence  will  be  purposely  mis 
construed  by  my  opponents,  and  to  my  injury.  You  will  find  good 
accommodations  engaged  for  you  at  the  Grand  Pacific,  and  I  shall 


MINISTER   TO   SPAIN  555 

be  much  pleased  to  have  you  go  as  my  personal  representative,  and  I 
will  in  any  and  every  event  ratify  and  confirm  any  and  every  agreement 
or  arrangement  which  in  your  wise  discretion  you  may  see  fit  to  make. 

I  hope  this  letter  will  find  you  still  at  home,  and  that  you  will  go 
out  in  the  special  car  with  the  "  boys." 

Sincerely,  J.  G.  ELAINE. 

HON.  H.  HAMLIN,  Bangor. 

Thus  Mr.  Hamlin  assumed  charge  of  the  Elaine  forces,  and  this 
was  his  last  important  political  battle.  Several  picturesque  descrip 
tions  of  his  work  in  this  convention  have  been  published.  One  writer 
said  :  "  His  long  experience  in  the  arena  of  politics,  his  knowledge 
of  party  tactics  and  methods  of  management,  together  with  his  posi 
tion  as  Nestor  of  the  Senate,  makes  him  an  important  factor  in  the 
fight.  ...  He  has  controlled  the  battery  end  of  wires  that  galvanize 
into  acting  for  Elaine  a  great  number  of  delegates  who  came  here 
uninstructed.  .  .  .  He  is  the  only  representative  of  the  Lincoln 
administration  that  has  come  down  to  the  Lake  City  this  year,  and  he 
is  looked  upon  by  a  vast  number  with  a  reverence  approaching  ven 
eration.  Colored  delegates  from  the  South  go  to  him  for  advice,  and 
accept  his  word  of  counsel  as  implicitly  as  if  he  were  the  medium 
through  which  the  spirit  of  the  grand  old  war  President  communi 
cated  with  this  world  of  flesh  and  blood."1  The  rest  of  the  story 
was  briefly  told  by  Joseph  H.  Manley,  for  many  years  Mr.  Elaine's 
confidential  friend.  "We  soon  learned,"  said  he,  "that  the  Grant 
men  would  stick  together,  and  Elaine  was  beaten.  He  knew  it  too, 
and  the  question  was  how  to  hold  the  Elaine  men  together  until  the 
right  moment.  The  two  great  powers  in  the  convention  were  Roscoe 
Conkling  and  Hannibal  Hamlin.  The  former  appeared  in  the  public 
mind  to  dominate,  but  Senator  Hamlin  was  the  greater  power.  He 
more  than  any  other  man  controlled  the  opposition  to  Grant,  and  in 
the  end  contributed  more  than  any  one  else  to  defeating  the  third 
term  and  nominating  Garfield." 

Perhaps  if  Mr.  Hamlin  had  had  his  choice  he  would  have  selected 
Windom  as  the  compromise  candidate.  He  was  a  man  who  met  the 
requirements  for  the  presidency,  as  outlined  by  Benton  in  his  inter 
esting  letter  in  a  preceding  chapter,  and  which  met  Mr.  Hamlin's 
views.  Windom  had  the  genius  of  common  sense,  firmness,  experi 
ence,  and  a  personality  that  inspired  both  confidence  and  liking.  It 
was  a  curious  fact  that  he  was  born  in  Virginia  and  brought  up  in 
Ohio.  But  the  circumstances  of  the  hour  compelled  the  nomination 
of  Garfield.  His  magnificent  personality,  splendid  record,  and  great 
abilities  naturally  suggested  him  as  the  right  man,  and  though  true 
1  Boston  Herald,  June  6,  1880. 


556  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

to  his  word,  he  was  swept  into  power  by  an  irresistible  movement. 
Mr.  Hamlin  had  perceived  how  events  were  shaping  themselves,  and 
Mr.  Manley  recalled  that  at  the  critical  moment  he  directed  the 
Maine  delegation  to  break  for  Garfield.  Mr.  Hamlin  knew  Garfield 
well,  and  was  exceedingly  fond  of  him.  He  ranked  him  as  a  great 
man,  but  sometimes  expressed  his  private  fears  less  Garfield's  lovable 
nature  —  his  great  amiability  and  desire  to  please  all  —  might  prove  a 
source  of  weakness  to  him  in  the  presidency.  Garfield,  like  McKinley 
and  other  younger  men  who  came  into  leadership  after  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  out  of  power,  made  his  acquaintance  in  Congress  and  established 
an  intimacy  on  the  stump.  Garfield  always  visited  Mr.  Hamlin's 
home  when  in  Maine. 

Here  is  a  letter  Garfield  wrote  Mr.  Hamlin  when  he  was  in  Maine, 
during  the  presidential  campaign  of  1876,  which  reveals  his  enthusi 
astic  nature  and  spontaneous  way  of  acting  :  — 

HOULTON,  MAINE,  September  10,  1876. 

DEAR  SENATOR,  —  I  have  had  four  very  enthusiastic  meetings  in 
Aroostook,  and  I  think  there  will  be  a  full  vote  to-morrow.  I  am  very 
glad  I  stayed  over  and  spoke  at  Houlton  ;  for  it  would  have  been  a 
serious  thing  to  have  disappointed  the  people  in  this  vicinity.  It  was 
really  surprising  to  see  what  enthusiasm  the  people  here  exhibit  in 
reference  to  Powers.1  The  abuse  he  has  received  will  help  him  in 
the  long  run.  He  is  a  live  man  and  a  noble  fellow.  I  will  drop  you 
this  note  as  I  pass  through  your  city  to-morrow,  to  let  you  know  how 
your  Aroostook  province  is  behaving.  And  I  hope  to  hear  from  you 
at  Bangor,  that  you  will  go  to  Ohio  and  aid  us  in  our  fight. 

I  am,  very  truly  yours,  J.  A.  GARFIELD. 

HON.  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN,  Bangor,  Maine. 

After  the  election  of  Garfield  and  Arthur,  Mr.  Elaine  wrote  Mr. 
Hamlin,  on  January  24,  1881  :  — 

"  The  time  is  approaching  when  I  am  compelled  to  give  Garfield  a 
final  answer  in  regard  to  going  into  the  Cabinet.  Up  to  this  time 
the  talk  has  been  confined  to  the  newspapers.  I  have  said  nothing 
myself,  except  in  the  way  of  gratification  or  partial  contradiction  when 
asked.  But  by  the  first  of  February  I  am  under  obligations  to  give 
Garfield  an  answer  of  'Yes'  or  'No.'  My  mind  veers  first  one  way 
and  then  the  other,  and  I  really  am  much  troubled  about  it.  I  want 
to  confer  with  you  freely,  but  will  not  ask  you  to  answer  this  letter, 
as  I  shall  return  to  Washington  in  a  day  or  two,  when  I  shall  ask 
your  advice  verbally." 

1  Llewellyn  Powers,  elected  to  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1876;  governor 
of  Maine  in  1896  and  1898. 


MINISTER   TO    SPAIN  557 

Senator  Hamlin  advised  Mr.  Elaine  to  enter  the  Cabinet,  in  the 
belief  that  his  talents  would  find  a  larger  and  more  satisfying  scope 
as  secretary  of  state  than  as  senator. 

Just  before  he  retired  from  the  Senate,  Mr.  Hamlin  casually  ex 
pressed  a  desire  to  visit  Europe,  but  without  the  intention  of  asking 
Garfield  for  a  foreign  appointment.  General  Garfield  heard  of  Mr. 
Hamlin's  wish,  and  when  he  came  to  Washington  to  be  inaugurated 
he  voluntarily  offered  to  appoint  Mr.  Hamlin  minister  to  Germany, 
Italy,  or  Spain.  Mr.  Hamlin  had  not  expected  this,  and  as  the  Span 
ish  mission  was  regarded  as  an  easy  one  to  fill,  and  the  appointment 
offered  him  an  opportunity  for  European  travel,  he  concluded  to  take 
the  last  named  post.  "But,"  said  he  in  relating  the  interview,  "  I  told 
Garfield  that  I  would  accept  on  condition  that  I  should  be  allowed  to 
resign  after  a  year's  tenure  of  office."  President  Garfield  consented, 
and  the  last  official  act  of  his  life  was  to  send  Mr.  Hamlin's  name 
to  the  Senate  as  minister  to  Spain.  He  said  to  Secretary  Elaine  at 
the  time,  "  This  is  an  appointment  in  which  I  take  a  great  personal 
pleasure  and  satisfaction."  He  then  left  the  White  House,  and  the 
assassin's  bullet  robbed  the  nation  of  a  generous  nature  and  a  promis 
ing  career.  By  a  curious  coincidence,  when  Arthur  came  to  Wash 
ington  to  become  President,  it  was  his  first  official  act  to  return 
Mr.  Hamlin's  name  to  the  Senate  for  confirmation.  He  also  asked 
him  to  attend  his  private  inauguration.  In  1872,  when  Wilson  and 
Colfax  were  candidates  for  Vice- President,  General  Arthur  entertained 
some  Maine  men,  and  to  them  he  related  some  inside  history  of  the 
Baltimore  convention  of  1864,  and  added  that  it  was  the  regret  of  his 
life  that  Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  succeed  Mr.  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  nomination  was  unanimously  confirmed  by  the  Senate 
without  the  customary  reference  to  a  committee  first,  and  in  Novem 
ber,  1 88 1,  he  and  his  wife  sailed  from  Philadelphia,  where  they  had 
been  the  guests  of  Alan  Wood,  who  had  served  in  Congress  with  Mr. 
Hamlin,  and  was  one  of  his  closest  friends.  They  reached  Liverpool 
after  an  uneventful  voyage,  and  were  the  guests  of  S.  B.  Packard, 
then  the  United  States  consul-general  at  that  port.  Mr.  Hamlin 
liked  Liverpool,  and  described  it  as  more  like  an  American  city  than 
any  other  European  city  he  visited.  The  docks  especially  excited 
his  admiration,  and  the  activity  of  the  place  appealed  to  him.  Sym 
pathizing  with  progress,  he  did  not  find  much  to  interest  him  in 
Chester,  which  is  said  to  be  the  first  city  the  Romans  built  in  Eng 
land.  The  cathedral  seemed  to  him  to  display  relics  rather  than 
religion.  One  cathedral  would  answer  for  him,  and  he  thought  it 
"  the  grand  show  in  every  European  city,  the  parade  horse  of  them 
all."  Mr.  Hamlin  visited  the  Duke  of  Westminster's  palace  and 
estate  just  outside  of  Chester.  The  palace  is  one  of  the  finest  in 


558  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

England,  and  the  estate  contains  about  seventeen  thousand  acres. 
The  duke  was  the  richest  man  in  England.  Mr.  Hamlin's  terse 
account  of  his  visit  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  grounds,  which  he 
pronounced  "perfect"  and  "like  fairy-land."  The  duke  and  the 
palace  were  of  secondary  consideration.  Mr.  Hamlin  remained  in 
Liverpool  a  few  days,  and  after  a  short  sta£  in  London  proceeded  to 
Paris. 

Levi  P,  Morton,  the  United  States  minister  to  France  at  that  time, 
and  subsequently  Vice-President,  met  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  in  Paris, 
and  presented  them  to  President  Grevy  at  a  reception  in  their  honor. 
Gambetta  was  also  present.  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  that  he  was  "sur 
prised  to  find  that  President  Grevy  and  M.  Gambetta  knew  all  about 
his  anti-slavery  record  and  association  with  Lincoln."  They  asked 
him  many  questions  about  incidents  in  his  life,  and  were  exceedingly 
interesting  in  their  turn.  President  Grevy  impressed  Mr.  Hamlin  as 
a  kind-hearted,  unpretentious,  and  well-meaning  man ;  M.  Gambetta 
as  a  more  showy,  striking,  and  original  man.  He  visited  the  Senate 
and  the  House  of  Deputies  the  next  day  at  their  invitation,  and  was 
received  again  by  Gambetta,  who  was  desirous  of  knowing  the  im 
pression  the  debates  made  on  Mr.  Hamlin.  Gambetta  remarked  that 
he  supposed  that  they  were  more  noisy  than  in  Congress.  Mr.  Ham 
lin  appears  to  have  evaded  the  question,  to  avoid  drawing  a  direct 
comparison.  He  replied  that  "  it  reminded  me  of  our  popular  meet 
ings,"  and  his  accounts  of  the  noise,  the  interruptions,  and  calls  he 
heard  evidence  the  necessity  he  felt  for  making  this  diplomatic 
answer.  There  were  other  delicate  attentions  paid  Mr.  Hamlin,  but 
that  which  he  made  especial  note  of  in  his  letters  was  the  act  of 
many  Americans  he  did  not  know,  who  stopped  him  in  the  street  to 
pay  him  their  respects.  This  seemed  to  surprise  and  please  him. 

While  Paris  charmed  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  seemed  to  him  to  be  the 
most  desirable  city  to  live  in  that  he  had  visited  in  Europe,  he  was 
glad  to  return  to  London  to  resume  his  sight-seeing  there.  Every 
thing  was  strange  in  France,  while  there  was  much  in  England  that 
was  familiar.  He  and  his  wife  were  the  guests  of  Francis  Bennoch, 
the  English  author,  and  spent  a  week  with  him,  seeing  the  principal 
points  of  interest.  Mr.  Hamlin's  letters  show  that  he  was  more  im 
pressed  with  the  purely  human  side  of  London  than  with  its  pomp 
and  historical  institutions.  He  wrote  of  the  parks  as  blessings  to  the 
poor,  "  the  lungs  of  the  city,"  and  ornaments  to  the  metropolis  rather 
than  as  sight  of  show.  Old  London  reminded  him  of  Boston  ;  it  was 
a  Cretan  labyrinth :  and,  threading  his  way  through  the  lanes  and 
alleys,  he  felt  that  he  at  last  understood  patriotism  as  understood  in 
America,  —  "  something  that  knew  no  North,  South,  East,  or  West." 
Lincoln's  Inn  was  quaint,  but  the  intricate  interior  amused  him,  and 


MINISTER  TO   SPAIN  559 

he  wrote  :  "  If  the  barristers  can  lead  their  clients  out  of  the  mazes 
of  the  law  as  skillfully  as  they  go  through  these  winding  and  crooked 
ways,  they  must  be  able  and  learned  in  their  profession."  Kensing 
ton  he  greatly  enjoyed,  and  wrote  that  it  would  take  him  months  to 
study  the  pictures  there.  He  noted  an  amusing  trick  of  his  mind. 
Of  the  hundreds  of  blending  pictures,  the  one  that  stood  out  the 
most  distinctly  was  a  dog  by  Landseer.  "  He  stood  out  so  distinctly 
from  the  canvas  that  a  few  feet  away  it  did  not  seem  possible  that  it 
was  a  delusion.  Give  my  regards  to  Joe  (his  Newfoundland  dog),  and 
tell  him  he  was  in  my  thoughts  when  I  saw  Landseer's  dog." 

In  Paris,  Mr.  Hamlin  had  met  James  Russell  Lowell,  who  intended 
to  arrange  an  interview  between  Mr.  Hamlin  and  Mr.  Gladstone  ;  but 
the  latter  was  out  of  London,  and  Parliament  was  also  in  adjourn 
ment.  Mr.  Hamlin  casually  investigated  certain  financial,  agricultu 
ral,  and  industrial  conditions  before  he  left  London.  Describing  the 
labyrinth  of  old  London,  he  wrote,  "  From  these  lanes  and  dark  alleys 
the  arms  of  commerce  reach  out  all  over  the  world,  and  right  there 
is  the  financial  centre  of  the  world.  Whether  that  centre  will  ever 
be  changed,  no  one  can  tell,  but  situated  as  our  country  is,  about 
midway  between  Europe  and  India,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  are  to  be 
come  the  centre  of  commerce  and  finance.  But  this  is  mere  specu 
lation.  Who  can  even  conjecture  what  it  will  be  when  the  long  ages 
shall  have  passed  over  us  as  they  have  already  passed  over  Europe 
and  India?  ...  I  looked  into  as  well  as  I  could,  and  talked  with 
many  about  the  agriculture  of  England.  It  looks  to  me  to  be  more 
and  more  certain  that  England  must  be  dependent  upon  the  United 
States  for  almost  all  articles  of  food,  and  I  think  you  can  hardly 
except  any  articles  but  turnips  and  barley.  ...  I  was  surprised  at 
the  result  of  my  inquiries  and  observations.  I  believe  that  there  is 
no  nation  that  can  successfully  compete  with  us.  If  I  am  right  in  my 
impressions,  it  is  a  very  favorable  condition  of  things  for  the  United 
States." 

Mr.  Hamlin  described  his  journey  into  Spain,  his  impressions  of 
the  country,  and  his  meeting  with  the  king  and  queen,  in  the  following 
letter,  which  was  probably  the  longest  one  he  ever  wrote.  Writing 
from  Madrid,  on  January  5,  1882,  he  took  up  his  story  at  the  Spanish 
boundary :  — 

MY  DEAR  SONS,  —  I  believe  in  my  last  letter  I  suggested  that  I 
would  write  you  at  the  boundary  of  Spain.  There  at  a  little  past 
noon  we  changed  from  the  French  to  the  Spanish  cars.  My  bag 
gage,  as  a  courtesy  to  all  ministers,  was  passed  without  examination. 
The  Pyrenees  did  not  seem  far  away,  but  it  became  dark  before  we 
finally  got  into  them.  Wre  therefore  had  a  good  opportunity  to  see 


560  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

them  in  our  approach.  It  was  remarkable  how  similar  was  the  scen 
ery  to  that  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains  as  we  pass  them  in  going 
west  from  Philadelphia  or  Washington.  The  valleys  were  well  culti 
vated,  as  well  as  away  up  the  hillsides,  and  large  orchards  were  abun 
dant  upon  the  hillsides  ;  and  I  learned  that  a  large  quantity  of  apples 
and  pears  were  produced,  —  we  have  the  apples  and  pears  here  in 
Madrid  coming  from  that  section,  and  the  pears  resemble  in  looks  and 
taste  very  much  those  which  I  raise  at  home.  We  saw  very  few  fruit- 
trees  as  we  came  through  France  from  Paris.  The  soil,  too,  in  Spain, 
before  reaching  the  mountains,  was  of  a  much  better  quality,  and  bet 
ter  cultivated,  than  what  we  saw  in  France.  The  towns  and  villages 
through  which  we  traveled  were  particularly  Spanish,  —  the  buildings 
stouter,  heavier,  and  more  clumsily  built,  and  less  neat  in  appear 
ance.  After  dark  we  could  of  course  see  nothing  of  the  country. 
The  road  is  called  the  road  of  tunnels,  and  they  are  very  numerous  ; 
some,  I  would  judge,  were  a  mile  or  more  long  each.  It  must  have 
been  more  costly  than  any  road  I  have  seen,  and  required  in  its  con 
struction  rare  and  skillful  engineering.  We  were  about  a  hundred 
miles  from  Madrid,  when  light  in  the  morning  enabled  us  to  see,  and 
the  country  was  the  picture  of  desolation,  barren,  rocky,  and  sterile. 
Some  fifty  miles  before  reaching  Madrid,  we  began  to  see  signs  of 
culture,  and  a  few  scattering  buildings  and  a  few  small  hamlets. 
Some  quite  large  fields  were  ploughed  for  wheat  crops  next  spring, 
but  the  soil  looked  poor  indeed,  and  I  am  informed  will  not  yield 
above  five  or  six  bushels  to  the  acre,  —  a  discouraging  outlook,  our 
farmers  would  truly  say.  We  passed  in  the  night  the  city  of  Valla- 
dolid,  of  some  sixty  thousand  or  more,  around  which  I  believe  there 
is  a  fertile  country.  When  I  go  home,  or  at  some  time,  I  mean  to  go 
through  the  mountains  in  the  daytime,  over  that  part  of  the  road 
where  I  came  in  the  night.  Reached  Madrid  between  eight  and  nine 
in  the  morning,  and  were  met  at  the  station  by  General  Fairchild  and 
Secretary  Reed,  and  taken  to  the  Hotel  de  Russe,  where  apartments 
had  been  engaged  for  me,  where  we  now  are  and  will  probably  re 
main.  Ellen  has,  I  believe,  written  all  about  our  hotel  and  how  we 
live.  It  would  be  only  repetition  for  me  to  say  anything. 

Madrid,  as  you  are  aware,  is  very  near  the  centre  of  Spain,  and 
about  twenty-five  hundred  feet  above  the  sea,  and  upon  a  broad  pla 
teau  of  a  hundred  or  more  miles  in  diameter,  and  must  be  the  poorest 
part  of  Spain  outside  the  mountains  proper.  It  was  made  the  capital 
by  Philip  the  Second,  and  there  is  a  tradition  that  he  selected  the 
place  as  he  found  that  mutton  exposed  to  the  open  air  would  keep 
longer  than  in  any  other  place  in  Spain.  I  should  judge  that  might 
be  about  as  good  a  reason  as  could  be  found.  With  us  it  would  be 
about  as  sensible  to  place  our  capital  out  on  the  alkaline  plains,  as 


MINISTER  TO   SPAIN  561 

they  are  very  near  the  centre  of  our  country.  And  yet,  in  time,  a 
beautiful  city  of  500,000  population  has  been  built  up  here,  and 
large  structures  are  going  up  all  over  it  The  sterile  look  of  the 
country  is  the  great  drawback.  But  in  the  spring  and  early  summer 
it  will  look  better  than  now,  but  it  cannot  get  rid  of  the  stamp  of 
sterility  that  God  has  placed  upon  it.  Art,  culture,  and  great  expen 
ditures  of  money  have  done  all  that  can  be  done  to  overcome  the 
conditions  of  nature ;  and  it  is  little  less  than  marvelous  to  see  what 
has  been  accomplished.  We  see  all  the  trappings  of  royalty  and 
splendid  wealth  side  by  side  with  abject  and  squalid  poverty. 

The  male  population  resemble  the  people  in  our  own  cities,  except 
the  cloak  is  the  principal  over-garment,  though  many  wear  the  same 
overcoat  that  we  do.  The  women,  too,  look  like  our  women,  but  dif 
fering  much  in  some  particulars  in  their  dress.  The  larger  portion, 
full  three  fourths,  of  the  women,  on  the  streets,  wear  nothing  on  their 
heads  but  a  mantilla,  which  is  a  piece  of  lace,  and  it  looks  neat  and 
very  pretty  and  becoming.  But  the  women  who  come  into  the  city 
from  the  country  or  provinces  are  dressed  in  more  colors  than  are 
afforded  in  the  rainbow,  and  rainbow  colors  are  very  prominent. 
The  men,  too,  are  very  queerly  dressed,  and  they,  too,  indulge  in  a 
variety  of  colors.  There  are  about  fifty  provinces  in  Spain,  and  I  am 
told  that  nearly  every  province  has  its  distinct  and  peculiar  costume ; 
and  that  one  acquainted  in  Spain  can  distinguish  the  residence  of 
each  province  by  the  costume. 

I  doubt  if  there  is  a  city  in  the  world,  outside  of  the  Oriental  na 
tions,  which  contains  so  large  a  population  as  Madrid  in  the  same 
extent  of  territory.  The  city  is  very  compact,  while  the  streets  are, 
as  a  whole,  of  fair  width  ;  but  the  buildings  are  four,  five,  and  six 
stories  high,  constructed  into  flats,  and  accommodate  a  great  number 
of  persons.  The  modern  part  of  the  city  is  laid  out  into  broad  streets 
and  avenues,  and  are  adorned  with  trees,  with  parks  and  gardens  by 
them,  and  they  must  be  very  beautiful  when  the  trees  and  shrubbery 
are  green.  All  Madrid,  it  would  seem,  is  out  to  drive  every  day  that 
is  pleasant ;  every  day  but  one  has  been  pleasant  since  we  have  been 
here.  But  of  climate  and  weather  I  will  say  something  farther  on. 
The  turnouts  are  all  fairly  good,  but  those  of  royalty  as  well  as  of  the 
nobility  are  magnificent,  but  too  brilliant  for  my  tastes  —  but  I  sup 
pose  it  is  all  right.  I  think  the  king,  queen,  and  infanta  (the  prin 
cess)  ride  out  four  or  five  times  a  week.  I  think  Ellen  has  described 
these  rides  quite  fully  to  you. 

When  I  arrived  here,  I  found  that  General  Fairchild  had  not  re 
ceived  his  letter  of  recall,  and  I  was  detained  twelve  days  before  I 
could  have  an  audience  with  the  king.  That  took  place  December 
20,  and  there  was  a  grand  parade  in  my  going  to  and  returning  from 


562  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  palace.  Secretary  Reed  went  with  me,  and  the  king's  carriages 
were  sent  for  us, — one  in  which  Mr.  Reed  rode  alone  just  in  ad 
vance  of  me,  the  other  was  occupied  by  myself  and  the  introducer  of 
ambassadors,  who  was  to  introduce  me  to  the  king.  There  was  a 
guard  of  mounted  men  in  front  and  rear  of  my  carriage,  with  officers 
of  the  army  and  navy  on  each  side  of  the  carriage.  They  were  liter 
ally  covered  over  with  gold  lace,  and  the  horses  were  gilded  all  over 
with  gold.  I  think  you  would  have  laughed  heartily  to  have  seen 
your  plain  republican  father  toted  along  with  all  these  trappings  of 
royalty.  But  then  it  was  all  in  accordance  with  established  custom, 
and  had  to  be  performed.  There  was  nothing  for  me  to  do  but  sub 
mit,  look  on,  and  reflect,  as  you  may  be  sure  I  did.  The  palace  is  a 
magnificent  building —  said  to  be  one  of  the  finest  in  the  world.  It 
is  of  granite,  and  I  will  guess  four  or  five  hundred  feet  square,  with 
an  open  court  in  the  centre,  and  an  archway  through  which  is  a  drive 
into  the  court.  I  entered  that  court,  from  which  I  ascended  a  long 
stairway  ornamented  with  statuary,  and  richly  gilded  and  ornamented, 
and  was  taken  into  an  ante-chamber  of  about  30  X  40  feet  —  it  might 
be  larger.  The  room  was  a  fine  one,  with  several  large  paintings,  and 
I  think  some  tapestry  on  the  walls.  Here  I  remained  about  five  min 
utes,  when  the  doors  were  opened,  and  I  was,  in  company  with  my 
secretary,  taken  in  by  the  introducer  of  ambassadors.  As  I  stepped 
into  the  door  I  was  introduced  as  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States  of  America.  I  then  bowed 
to  the  king,  and  he  returned  the  salutation  ;  I  then  advanced  a  few 
steps,  and  again  bowed  to  the  king,  and  he  returned  it ;  and  I  con 
tinued  to  advance  until  I  was  within  eight  or  ten  feet  of  the  king 
when  I  again  saluted  him  with  another  bow,  he  again  returning  it.  I 
then  read  from  a  manuscript  what  I  have  sent  you  a  copy  of ;  the 
king  replied,  and  I  have  sent  you  a  copy  of  what  he  read.  The  king 
then  advanced,  extended  to  me  his  hand,  and  said,  "  I  know  very  well 
of  you,  and  cheerfully  welcome  you  to  Spain."  He  was  very  cordial. 
He  speaks  English  quite  well.  After  chatting  a  few  minutes  upon  two 
or  three  matters,  he  said,  —  and  I  quote  his  words,  —  "  And  now,  Mr. 
Hamlin,  will  you  go  with  me  into  the  other  room  and  see  my  wife  ?  " 
—  he  did  not  say  the  queen,  but  my  wife.  He  won  points  with  me  in 
that  very  thing.  Wife  with  him  was  higher  than  queen.  So  I  ac 
companied  the  king  to  the  apartments  of  the  queen,  and  was  very 
cordially  received  by  her.  She  inquired  particularly  about  my  wife 
and  children,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  I  would  find  my  residence 
in  Madrid  pleasant,  and  also  asked  how  I  was  pleased  with  it,  etc.,  to  all 
of  which  I  replied.  I  think  my  audience  was  about  ten  minutes.  She 
then  said,  as  I  arose  to  leave,  "You  will  bring  your  wife  to  see  me,"  to 
which  I  responded  affirmatively.  The  king  was  in  the  uniform  of  a 


MINISTER   TO   SPAIN  563 

lieutenant-general,  as  that  is  the  custom  in  receiving  ministers.  The 
queen  was  dressed  richly,  but  plainly.  Afterwards  when  I  met  the  king 
with  Ellen,  he  was  in  just  a  plain  citizen  dress,  and  the  queen  was 
j  ust  a  well  dressed  lady.  But  Ellen  will  tell  you  all  about  that.  What 
I  said  to  the  king  I  sent  him  a  copy  of  a  few  days  in  advance,  so  he 
would  know  how  to  answer  me. 

I  was  charmed  with  the  deportment  of  the  king  and  queen.  It 
was  just  that  of  the  perfect  gentleman  and  accomplished  lady,  with 
not  a  particle  of  grandeur  and  royalty  —  it  was  easy,  social,  and 
affable. 

In  the  room  where  I  met  the  king  were  the  prime  minister  and  the 
officials  of  the  palace  all  in  full  uniform,  and  that  the  uniforms  were 
full  and  dazzling  you  can  be  certain.  I  believe  I  made  no  mistake  or 
blunder.  Mr.  Reed  complimented  me  on  the  manner  in  which  I  went 
through  the  ceremony.  On  the  whole,  I  was  glad  when  it  was  over. 

Now  something  of  the  climate.  I  had  heard  much  of  the  severity 
of  the  winter  and  the  terrible  heat  of  the  summer  here.  Since  my 
arrival  I  have  had  quoted  to  me  a  Spanish  maxim,  which  I  cannot 
remember  in  that  tongue,  but  I  do  remember  the  translation,  —  "  Ma 
drid,  a  place  three  months  severe  winter  and  hell  the  rest  of  the 
year."  Now  if  the  summer  season  shall  come  no  nearer  to  that  sup 
posed  very  hot  place  than  the  winter  shall  approach  even  the  winter 
temperature  of  Maine,  then  Madrid  may  be  set  down  as  an  elysium 
on  earth.  What  the  hot  weather  is  I  am  yet  to  feel ;  but  having  been 
here  since  the  8th  of  December,  I  can  judge  something  of  the  severe 
cold.  I  have  not  seen  during  that  time  any  frost,  but  on  one  morn 
ing  —  and  every  day  but  one  has  been  pleasant,  with  a  bright  blue 
sky.  I  should  say  that  the  weather  all  the  month  of  December  has 
been  very  like  that  of  our  Indian  summer  in  Maine  —  it  may  have 
been  a  very  little  colder,  but  very  little  if  any.  This  in  the  city  ;  but 
out  of  the  city  it  has  been  colder,  for  the  king  said  on  the  3 1  st  of 
December  that  he  had  skating  three  or  four  days  on  a  little  pond  or 
pool  of  water  on  his  grounds  out  of  the  city  about  two  or  three  miles. 
So  on  the  whole  I  can  conceive  of  no  finer  weather  for  winter  — 
I  certainly  would  not  ask  for  any  milder  weather  —  I  think  it  is  as 
nearly  perfect  as  possible. 

There  are  14,000  or  15,00x3  troops  stationed  in  Madrid.  I  see  oc 
casionally  a  squad,  once  a  company  and  once  a  battalion  in  the  streets. 
They  are  a  fine-looking  class  of  men  and  finely  uniformed,  and  I  am 
told  with  the  best  of  modern  arms.  But  you  will  see  soldiers  off 
duty  all  over  the  city,  in  every  street  and  at  all  times.  It  speaks 
plainly  that  the  government  puts  its  support  upon  military  organiza 
tions. 

I  think  that  I  have  said  about  enough,  but  I  will  fill  the  sheet. 


564  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Ellen  is  getting  on  well  with  her  Spanish.  The  language  is  beautiful, 
but  its  pronunciation  is  such  that  I  shall  not  try  to  learn  much,  as  I 
fear  I  would  twist  my  mouth  out  of  all  shape  or  dislocate  my  jaws. 
I  now  know  Spanish  enough  to  bid  one  enter  my  rooms  when  he 
knocks  ;  can  say  good-morning  and  good-evening ;  can  call  for  hot 
water  to  shave  me  with,  and  can  order  the  la*mps  for  my  room,  though 
I  rather  think  they  may  all  smile  at  the  pronunciation  in  which  I  do 
it.  I  inclose  you  a  picture  of  the  palace,  and  Ellen  will  send  one  to 
Han  and  Frank.  Your  affectionate  father, 

H.  HAMLIN. 

Send  this  to  the  boys  after  you  have  read  it.  If  you  think  Judge 
Appleton  would  like  it,  you  may  send  this  to  him. 

The  boys  will  send  you  Ellen's  letter,  giving  an  account  of  her  pre 
sentation  at  the  palace. 

Life  in  Madrid  was  pleasant,  but  after  a  month  there  happened  to 
be  a  relaxation  of  official  duty,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  took  the  opportunity 
to  visit  Italy.  He  wrote  but  a  few  letters,  which  are  interesting  as 
evidencing  his  sympathy  for  the  multitude.  While  he  studied  the 
artistic  treasures  of  the  Old  World  with  pleasure,  it  is  noticeable 
that  the  condition  of  the  people  dominated  his  thoughts.  His  ideas 
were  tersely  expressed  in  the  following  passage  in  a  letter  to  Charles 
J.  Talbot,  from  Rome,  February  17,  1882  :- 

"  Let  me  say  a  few  words  of  a  general  character.  From  these  few 
words  you  will  judge  of  my  reflections  upon  what  I  see.  The  ruins 
of  the  past,  existing  before  the  Christian  era,  the  cunning  skill  of  the 
artist  in  almost  producing  life  upon  the  canvas,  and  the  wonderful  pro 
ductions  of  the  chisel  on  the  marble  little  less  than  amaze  one.  Yet 
there  is  that  which  commands  my  observation  in  a  greater  degree. 
When  I  see  the  priests,  who  swarm  the  country  like  locusts,  a  stand 
ing  army  almost  clouding  the  land,  the  trappings  of  royalty,  and  last 
the  toiling  millions,  I  cannot  help  contrasting  our  government  and 
the  condition  of  our  people  with  this,  and  I  see  and  feel  how  sublimely 
our  republican  government  towers  over  and  above  all  I  behold.  I  am 
prouder  of  my  citizenship  and  love  my  country  the  better." 

After  spending  two  months  in  Italy,  France,  and  Switzerland, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  returned  to  Madrid,  and  the  routine  of  official 
life  was  resumed.  While  it  is  not  intended  to  review  Mr.  Hamlin's 
diplomatic  duties,  the  story  of  his  official  and  personal  intercourse 
with  the  Spanish  government  and  people  is  of  interest  and  his  im 
pressions  important.  He  held  the  office  of  minister  to  Spain  for  a 
year,  and  in  that  time  familiarized  himself  with  the  conditions  of  the 
government  and  the  people.  The  proverbial  Spanish  courtesy  with 


MINISTER   TO   SPAIN  565 

which  he  was  received  wherever  he  was  invited  and  his  own  sense  of 
courtesy  precluded  him  from  giving  public  expressions  of  his  views 
of  Spain.  He  did  make  known  several  amusing  experiences  he  had 
with  the  dilatory  diplomats  of  that  country,  but  his  grave  thoughts 
he  kept  to  himself  and  his  friends.  In  a  few  words,  Mr.  Hamlin  saw 
but  little  hope  for  Spain ;  and  while  he  rarely  failed  to  speak  of  the 
courtesy  of  the  people,  he  nevertheless  said  that  they  were  lacking 
in  true  character.  But  he  would  add  that  he  had  hopes  for  Spain 
as  long  as  Alphonso  XII.  lived,  since  he  had  the  good  of  the  country 
at  heart  and  strove  to  improve  it.  He  thought  that  Alphonso  would 
be  just  as  democratic  as  his  ministers  would  allow  him,  but  they 
were  not  democratic,  and  on  this  account  the  king's  intercourse  with 
the  people  was  restricted.  Yet  the  real  trouble  with  Spain  was 
the  Spaniard  himself.  He  was  proud,  indolent,  unprogressive,  —  an 
anachronism. 

Mr.  Hamlin  knew  Castelar,  Sagasta,  Canovas,  the  papal  nuncio,  and 
other  leading  statesmen  and  prominent  men  of  Spain.  He  enjoyed 
pleasant  intercourse  with  the  men  mentioned.  He  liked  Castelar,  and 
held  extended  interviews  with  him  regarding  the  government  of  Spain 
and  the  Spanish  people.  The  great  republican  frankly  but  sadly 
admitted  that  the  Spanish  people  were  not  fit  to  govern  themselves, 
and  that  that  was  the  cause  of  the  republic's  failure.  They  needed  a 
strong  right  hand  to  govern  them,  and  a  monarchy  for  the  present 
was  best.  In  his  studies  of  the  Spanish  people  Mr.  Hamlin  found 
this  view  borne  out  by  convincing  evidence.  One  point  he  called 
attention  to  shows  how  he  went  to  the  root  of  things  in  a  simple 
and  sure  manner.  He  was  appalled  at  the  extraordinary  mortality 
among  the  children  of  Madrid,  and  sought  an  explanation.  The  cli 
mate,  incompetent  medical  attendance,  poverty,  were  all  assigned, 
but  none  satisfied  him.  He  quickly  discovered  that  half  the  families 
of  Madrid  sat  out  on  the  promenades  with  babes  until  midnight.  He 
earnestly  deprecated  this  carelessness,  but  the  indolent  dons  mur 
mured  their  surprise,  though  thanking  his  excellency  for  his  kindly 
feelings.  It  was  a  national  habit.  Why  change  it  ?  And  perhaps 
the  gracious  senor  was  wrong. 

In  brief,  the  picture  Mr.  Hamlin  painted  of  the  Spanish  people  was 
the  familiar  one,  with  the  principal  scenes  drawn  from  his  own  observa 
tions, —  a  courteous,  happy,  proud,  indolent  race,  living  in  the  past, 
enmeshed  in  superstition,  blind  to  their  best  interests,  jealous  and  sus 
picious  of  innovations.  They  were  content  to  dance  through  life,  and 
satisfied  to  throw  the  burden  of  thought  on  priest  and  church.  They 
were  their  own  worst  enemies.  There  was  an  understrain  of  sadness 
throughout  it  all.  Perhaps  the  most  pitiful  of  all  was  that  small  group 
of  brave  statesmen  and  writers  who  were  the  progressionists,  and  yet 


566  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

knew  their  dreams  were  vain.  Their  nation  was  doomed.  Mr.  Hamlin 
traced  the  decadence  of  Spain  to  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors,  who 
were  its  ablest  and  most  progressive  element.  They  cultivated  the 
soil,  and  sunk  wells  all  through  the  land.  The  Spanish  erred  in  driv 
ing  them  out  as  badly  as  the  Americans  would  in  forcing  out  their 
artisans  and  mechanics.  When  the  Spanish  took  this  step,  they 
wrote  the  edict  of  their  own  decay.  At  the  same  time  it  was  a  vital 
blow  to  the  Moors.  Mr.  Hamlin  visited  the  Barbary  States  to  study 
the  Moors.  They  had  lost  their  civilization  in  losing  Spain. 

Mr.  Hamlin  found  indolence  a  national  fault  in  the  Spanish  people, 
from  the  statesman  who  directed  great  affairs  to  the  peasant  who 
tilled  the  land  with  a  stick.  He  told  several  stories  of  amusing  expe 
riences  with  the  government  officials  that  illustrated  this  failing.  On 
the  first  occasion,  when  he  had  official  business  to  transact,  the  Span 
ish  State  Department  sent  him  important  papers  to  be  signed.  He 
read  them  at  once,  and,  seizing  his  pen,  he  was  about  to  sign  them, 
when  the  Spanish  diplomat  who  had  presented  him  with  the  papers 
interrupted  and  said  with  several  bows  :  "  To-morrow,  your  excellency  ; 
please  sign  to-morrow,  and  I  will  then  call  for  the  papers."  This  pro 
crastination  was  not  pleasant  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  and  he  appears  to  have 
expressed  himself  vigorously  on  several  occasions.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Spanish  diplomats  were  equally  surprised  at  his  promptness 
and  terse  way  of  coming  to  the  point.  He  said  in  relating  this  : 
"  They  were  really  pained  to  find  that  I  wanted  to  do  an  act  on  the 
spot."  An  incident  that  greatly  amused  Mr.  Hamlin  was  his  expe 
rience  in  getting  a  permit  to  receive  some  cigars  sent  him  free  of 
duty,  which  was  allowed  as  a  courtesy  to  foreign  diplomats.  He 
applied  for  the  permit,  and  the  cigars  arrived.  Several  months  after 
he  had  smoked  the  last  one  the  permit  was  forwarded. 

On  the  whole,  Mr.  Hamlin' s  diplomatic  experience  with  the  Span 
ish  government  did  not  suit  him,  although  he  managed  by  insistence 
to  accomplish  what  the  United  States  government  desired.  But  while 
it  was  pleasant  living  in  sunny  Spain,  there  was  a  pleasanter  place, 
and  that  was  home.  He  had  desired  only  a  year  abroad,  and  when 
that  had  passed  away,  he  tendered  his  resignation.  When  his  suc 
cessor,  John  W.  Foster,  since  secretary  of  state,  arrived  at  Madrid, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hamlin  took  leave  of  their  friends  and  acquaint 
ances,  and  proceeded  leisurely  homeward.  They  arrived  in  Maine 
after  a  little  over  a  year's  absence.  On  Mr.  Hamlin 's  arrival  in 
Bangor,  the  people  of  his  old  home  gave  him  another  public  reception. 
The  addresses  were  made  by  Mayor  Lysander  Strickland,  ex-Mayors 
Edward  B.  Neally  and  Frederick  M.  Laughton,  Samuel  H.  Blake, 
Abram  Sanborn,  ex-Governor  Daniel  F.  Davis,  and  Congressman 
Charles  A.  Boutelle,  who  was  then  entering  on  his  long,  useful,  and 


MINISTER   TO   SPAIN  567 

distinguished  public  career.  He  made  the  principal  speech,  sketch 
ing  Mr.  Hamlin's  life,  and  noting  that  it  almost  spanned  that  of  the 
republic  from  the  administration  of  Jefferson  to  Arthur's ;  that  he 
had  seen  the  nation  grow  from  seventeen  States  and  seven  millions  of 
people  to  thirty-eight  States  and  fifty  millions  ;  that  he  had  borne  an 
honorable  part  in  the  grandest  chapter  of  the  world's  history ;  that  he 
had  lived  to  hasten  the  edict  of  emancipation ;  and  could  now  rest  in 
the  affection  of  his  people  and  home. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  reply  was  very  brief,  though  full  of  feeling. 

"  The  deep  blue  sky  that  bends  above,  and  the  twinkling  stars  that 
look  down,  afford  a  pleasant  augury.  Coming  from  other  lands,  this 
greeting  is  an  augury  that  stars  cannot  furnish  or  forestall.  No  lan 
guage  is  adequate  to  express  the  emotions  of  my  heart.  Of  my 
public  life  and  public  services  alluded  to  by  my  friends  it  does  not 
become  me  to  speak.  I  have  endeavored  to  do  my  duty  as  best  I 
knew.  I  may  have  failed,  as  others  have,  but  I  have  done  what  I  con 
scientiously  believed  to  be  right,  and  I  am  proud  to  say  that  there  is 
not  in  my  political  life  a  single  act  that  I  would  blot  out. 

"  After  an  absence  of  fourteen  months,  I  return  with  unalloyed  plea 
sure.  You  cannot  tell  how  joyfully  and  with  what  intense  pleasure  I 
look  into  the  familiar  faces  of  those  I  have  long  known.  My  residence 
abroad  has  been  full  of  interest.  It  has  given  me  a  pleasant  oppor 
tunity  to  study  the  customs,  habits,  and  laws  of  the  people  I  have  been 
among.  From  the  king,  the  members  of  the  royal  family,  and  from 
all  connected  with  the  Spanish  government,  I  have  been  the  recipient 
of  most  pleasant  and  courteous  treatment.  I  have  with  much  interest 
examined  the  workings  of  governments  in  foreign  lands,  and  while 
there  is  much  that  is  good  in  other  governments,  I  can  say  without 
dogmatism  that  this  is  God's  own  country.  There  is  not  a  pulsation 
of  my  heart  that  does  not  love  this  land.  I  have  come  home  to  have 
among  my  neighbors  a  happy  ending  of  my  life,  if  the  good  health  a 
kind  Providence  has  bestowed  continues." 


CHAPTER   XLII 

THE    LAST   YEARS 

THE  last  years  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  life  form  a  pleasant  afterglow  to 
those  of  his  arduous  and  eventful  career.  He  fell  into  the  routine 
of  retirement,  and  grew  old  grandly.  He  enjoyed  every  day  of 
the  evening  of  his  old  age,  and  seemed  to  be  the  happiest  old  man 
in  Maine.  While  he  had,  perhaps,  not  unnatural  apprehensions  at 
first  that  he  "could  not  learn  how  to  do  nothing,"  as  he  jocosely 
termed  a  life  of  leisure,  he  had  enough  to  do  to  occupy  his  time 
pleasantly.  He  entered  into  the  social  life  of  Bangor  with  zest,  he 
enjoyed  his  neighbors,  he  kept  his  little  farm  until  almost  the  end, 
he  occasionally  spoke  in  the  campaigns,  he  was  a  constant  figure  at 
the  Grand  Army  camp-fires,  he  fished,  read,  traveled,  —  in  short,  he 
lived  the  life  of  a  country  squire  rather  than  that  of  a  retired  states 
man.  No  one  ever  heard  him  regret  his  decision  to  leave  public 
life,  and  enjoy  his  old  age  at  home ;  indeed,  one  meeting  him  for 
the  first  time  was  not  likely  to  hear  him  speak  of  his  public  life 
of  his  own  accord.  His  services  were,  of  course,  much  sought  for 
in  political  times,  and  there  are  a  few  more  incidents  of  this  kind 
to  relate  ;  but  he  was  averse  to  returning  to  politics,  and  as  he  mel 
lowed  out  "in  the  blaze  of  excellence"  he  seemed  to  forget  party 
animosities,  and  was  glad  to  be  reconciled  with  former  personal  op 
ponents.  One  of  the  last  acts  of  his  life  was  to  ask  a  Republican 
President  to  retain  a  Democrat  through  his  full  term  in  a  high  office 
solely  on  the  grounds  of  faithful  service.  To  the  end  he  was  blessed 
with  the  graces  of  old  age,  and  spared  its  infirmities. 

Mr.  Hamlin's  home  is  an  attractive  and  picturesque  place.  It  is  a 
typical  New  England  homestead,  embowered  with  trees  and  flowers, 
and  standing  on  an  estate  where  a  retired,  elm-shaded  street  and  one 
of  the  thoroughfares  of  the  city  meet.  The  residence,  a  large,  three- 
story  frame  mansion,  rests  between  an  orchard  on  one  side,  a  flower- 
garden  on  the  other,  with  a  little  vegetable  patch  with  waving  corn 
and  currant  bushes  in  the  rear.  On  three  sides  are  rows  of  elm, 
maple,  white  birch,  and  cedar  trees.  In  front  is  a  pretty  little  lawn, 
while  rosebushes  here  and  there  and  flowers  and  plants  give  a  grace 
ful  touch  to  the  picture.  In  snug  retreat  near  the  house  is  a  vine- 
covered  well,  suggestive  of  New  England  life  of  other  days.  Adjoin- 


HANNIBAL  HAMLIN.     AET.  80, 


THE   LAST   YEARS  569 

ing  the  flower-garden  is  the  home  of  General  Hamlin.  Thus  the 
veteran  passed  the  latter  part  of  his  life  among  his  sons  and  grand 
sons  and  in  a  "garden  of  nature."  There  was  a  hive  in  the  orchard 
and  a  dovecot  in  the  stable.  It  was  a  pleasant  sight  to  see  the 
gray-haired  veteran  of  many  a  stormy  contest  spending  his  last  days 
among  his  flowers,  trees,  and  bees,  communing  with  nature  and  enjoy 
ing  the  flower-laden  atmosphere  of  his  home.  He  could  have  wished 
no  pleasanter  place  to  pass  his  closing  years. 

Another  writer  gave  an  interesting  picture  of  Mr.  Hamlin  in  his 
home  and  its  interior.  "  Passing  over  the  porch  you  are  shown  into  a 
parlor,  neatly  furnished.  Nothing  stiffly  modern  in  furniture  or  fur 
nishings  forces  you  to  sit  upright,  nor  is  there  the  stuffy  haircloth, 
bead-basket  odor  common  to  so  many  New  England  parlors.  The 
room  has  a  perfect  chain  of  flowers,  and  what  is  most  agreeable  to 
them,  they  are  arranged  by  hands  that  know  the  art.  Nothing  formal, 
every  idea  graceful  as  is  '  kind  nature's  neatest  housewifery.'  Oppo 
site,  over  the  mantle,  hangs  an  admirable  copy  of  Stuart's  Washington. 
Engravings  of  Lincoln  and  Grant  and  a  photograph  of  Mr.  Hamlin 
further  embellish  the  walls.  There  are  bookcases  and  a  piano.  On 
the  well-stored  shelves  political  and  scientific  works  intermingle  with 
poetry,  painting,  biography,  and  history.  The  Smithsonian  Reports, 
piles  of  Harpers  and  the  Atlantic,  Tennyson's  poems,  Lives  of  Lin 
coln,  Webster,  Sumner,  and  others,  encyclopaedias  and  others  find  a 
home  together.  Before  your  inspection  can  go  farther,  Mr.  Hamlin 
enters.  You  are  greeted  by  a  man  of  rather  medium  stature,  which 
you  later  observe  is  caused  by  a  slight  stoop.  The  face  has  the 
ruddiness,  the  eyes  a  coal-black,  all  the  strength  they  ever  owned. 
Beneath  iron-gray  bushy  eyebrows,  they  with  the  prominent  forehead, 
pronounced  nose,  and  firm  mouth  impress  you  at  once  that  you  are  in 
the  presence  of  marked  ability.  It  is  a  sensation  somewhat  akin  to 
that  you  always  feel  when  face  to  face  with  a  bust  of  Daniel  Webster." 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  often  pictured  in  social  life,  though  only  a  few  last 
ing  glimpses  were  revealed  in  the  pages  of  his  crowded  life.  He  loved 
to  be  among  congenial  people  at  their  social  gatherings,  and  if  he  did 
not  say  much  his  beaming  face  and  gentle  manner  showed  it.  He 
liked  dancing,  card-playing,  and  the  theatre.  While,  with  Wellington 
and  other  men  of  iron,  he  disliked  music,  yet,  as  is  often  the  case  with 
men  of  this  sort,  he  had  an  accurate  rhythmic  sense,  and  danced  well. 
In  his  younger  days  he  could  cut  the  pigeon-wing,  and  in  his  old  age, 
like  General  Sherman,  he  enjoyed  the  society  of  bright-faced  young 
women  at  the  dance,  and  sometimes  opened  the  ball.  Another 
writer  pictured  him  among  his  people,  and  moralized  as  follows  :  "  It 
looked  so  strange  to  me  to  see  this  companion  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
dancing  like  a  boy,  knowing  all  the  figures,  his  large  frame  and  old 


570  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

age  putting  no  check  on  his  energy,  though  his  countenance  never 
relaxed  from  dignity.  We  are  brought  up  wrong  and  taught  to  be 
lieve  in  appearances.  Some  of  us  are  taught  to  believe  that  any  man 
who  will  dance  will  go  to  hell.  Persons  of  no  great  virtue  will  won 
der  whether  the  associate  of  Lincoln,  who  has  gone  to  glory,  should 
be  dancing  on  this  earth  among  the  lads  and  lassies.  How  absurd 
this  education !  Not  a  Scottish  king  but  danced  among  his  people. 
Not  a  Highland  or  Lowland  duke  or  marquis  but  makes  himself  at 
home  with  his  clan  on  festive  occasions,  just  like  Mr.  Hamlin." 

When  Mr.  Hamlin  retired,  one  of  the  pleasantest  coincident  hap 
penings  in  Bangor  was  the  establishing  of  the  Tarratine  Club,  which 
filled  a  long-felt  need  in  the  social  life  of  the  city.  He  was  elected 
president,  and  the  Tarratine  was  of  no  little  pleasure  to  him  the  rest 
of  his  life.  He  was  almost  certain  to  find  his  way  there  every  after 
noon  except  Sunday,  and  enjoy  a  game  of  cards  with  his  old  friends. 
Card-playing,  indeed,  was  a  source  of  relaxation  and  delight  to  him  all 
his  life.  Mr.  Hamlin  had  no  sympathy  for  puritanical  notions,  and 
looked  on  dancing,  card-playing,  and  theatre-going  as  enjoyable  and 
sensible  forms  of  amusement  and  instruction,  if  not  abused.  He  never 
gambled  or  made  a  bet  in  his  life.  Men  would  no  more  dare  to  pro 
pose  to  him  to  play  cards  for  money  than  they  would  dare  to  tell  an 
indecent  story  in  his  presence.  His  views  were  as  well  known  as  his 
practices.  He  played  cards  as  he  did  everything  else,  as  well  as  he 
could,  and  many  amusing  stories  were  told  of  his  innocent  enjoyment 
in  u bluffing"  an  opponent  in  euchre.  When  he  was  fairly  in  a  game 
he  went  in  with  his  whole  nature,  and  did  not  like  to  be  interrupted. 
The  ruling  passion  to  win  was  ever  strong  with  him.  When  he  was 
told  that  he  had  been  nominated  for  Vice-President,  he  was  at  a  game 
of  euchre.  He  laughingly  whispered  to  Wade  and  Colfax :  "You 
people  have  spoiled  a  good  lone  hand  I  held." 

While  Mr.  Hamlin  was  not  a  regular  theatre-goer,  he  nevertheless 
made  it  a  point  to  see  the  best  plays  and  actors  whenever  he  could 
spare  the  time,  and  he  became  an  excellent  judge  of  acting  and  the 
drama.  He  likewise  knew  many  of  the  leading  players  of  the  time, 
and  numbered  some  of  them  among  his  personal  friends.  He  did  not 
parade  his  views,  and  it  was  a  surprise  to  those  of  critical  experience 
to  find  how  wide  was  his  knowledge  and  sound  his  judgment.  When 
he  became  a  theatre-goer,  the  playhouse  was  still  under  the  ban  of 
Puritan  prejudice.  His  attitude  was  that  of  the  broad  and  tolerant 
public,  which  saw  the  theatre  as  a  means  of  enjoyment,  enlightenment, 
and  education.  He  regarded  acting  as  a  dignified  profession,  and  he 
estimated  actors  at  their  own  personal  worth.  He  knew  Forrest, 
Junius  Brutus  Booth,  William  Warren,  James  E.  Murdock,  Charlotte 
Cushman,  E.  A.  Sothern,  E.  L.  Davenport,  the  elder  Wallack,  Burton, 


THE   LAST  YEARS  571 

and  many  other  leaders  of  the  stage  in  his  day.  Forrest,  who  showed 
Mr.  Hamlin  his  best  side,  valued  his  opinions  and  sought  his  advice 
about  entering  politics,  which  Mr.  Hamlin  thought  would  be  a 
mistake.  He  regarded  Booth  the  elder  as  a  greater  genius  than  his 
more  scholarly  son  Edwin,  and  thought  the  latter  was  best  as  lago. 
William  Warren  he  considered  as  the  most  versatile  comedian  of 
his  day,  and  Jefferson  unrivaled  in  his  own  role.  While  he  enjoyed 
the  classic  drama,  he  preferred  the  modern  drama,  for  he  liked  to 
keep  up  with  the  times. 

A  glance  at  Mr.  Hamlin's  library  would  satisfy  good  judges  that  he 
was  a  lover  of  books  and  a  well-read  man,  though  as  a  rule  only  in 
quiry  brought  out  what  he  had  read.  Consciously  or  unconsciously, 
he  generally  followed  the  precept  of  Emerson,  and  did  not  buy  a  book 
until  it  had  been  out  a  year.  His  library,  though  small,  was  well 
chosen,  and  was  composed  of  historical,  biographical,  educational, 
scientific,  poetic,  romantic,  and  dramatic  works  of  standard  authors. 
He  best  liked  the  books  of  Americans,  and  he  best  enjoyed  biography. 
He  was  opposed  to  what  may  be  called  the  Latin  and  Greek  humbug, 
that  is,  the  custom  of  drilling  the  youth  of  the  country  in  dead  lan 
guages  and  their  classics  before  they  were  familiar  with  their  own 
tongue  and  the  great  men  of  their  own  nation.  He  believed  that  a 
child  should  learn  how  to  stand  before  it  tried  to  walk.  Thus  he 
read,  for  example,  the  life  of  Horace  Mann  with  peculiar  pleasure, 
one  whom  he  had  well  known  and  esteemed  as  the  noblest  educator 
of  his  age.  The  lives  of  Lincoln,  Webster,  Grant,  Washington,  Jef 
ferson,  and  other  illustrious  Americans  were  also  to  him  a  constant 
source  of  pleasure  and  profit.  In  the  field  of  historical  romance 
he  preferred  Cooper,  and  also  liked  Scott.  Dickens  and  Thackeray 
were  not  favorites  of  his,  though  he  recognized  the  former  as  a  great 
humanitarian,  and  the  latter  as  a  true  artist.  But  their  books  did 
not  specially  appeal  to  him  ;  he  preferred  to  read  about  his  own  people. 

Perhaps  Mr.  Hamlin  read  poetry  almost  as  widely  as  prose,  and  in 
a  casual  way  he  was  a  student  of  the  drama.  He  was  thoroughly 
familiar  with  the  poems  of  Whittier,  —  a  dearly  beloved  personal 
friend,  —  and  of  Bryant  and  Campbell.  He  recited  verses  from  Whit- 
tier,  Scott,  and  Campbell  by  heart,  and  was  fond  of  quoting  from 
them.  They  were  poets  of  the  people.  He  also  knew  Shakespeare 
well,  and  studied  both  his  plays  and  poems.  His  library  included  a 
collection  of  the  standard  plays  of  his  day,  such  as  Bulwer  Lytton's 
"Richelieu"  and  "Money,"  Sheridan's  "School  for  Scandal,"  "The 
Ticket-of-Leave-Man,"  and  others,  all  of  which  he  had  annotated.  In 
truth  he  had  the  artistic  nature  and  appreciation  of  the  beautiful, 
although  in  his  busy  life  he  had  opportunity  to  develop  it  only  in  a 
casual  way.  When  his  attention  was  called  to  artistic  subjects  he 


572  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

would  express  his  ideas  in  an  original  manner.  John  Quincy  Adams 
Ward,  the  sculptor,  recalled  one  of  these  expressions  after  he  had 
made  a  bust  of  Mr.  Hamlin.  It  was  during  the  civil  war,  and  while  he 
was  anxious  and  preoccupied,  Mr.  Ward  found  him  punctual,  patient, 
and  agreeable.  "  During  his  first  sittings  the  art  seemed  rather  new 
to  him,  and  he  seemed  to  question  its  utility,  but  after  a  moment's 
reflection  he  remarked :  '  Oh,  yes  ;  only  another  way  of  recording 
painting  or  poetry,  a  phase  of  it  —  that  words  cannot  express.'  " 

Mr.  Hamlin  was  not  a  poet,  and  did  not  profess  to  be  one,  yet  he 
could  write  smooth  verse,  and  occasionally  did  so,  though  with  no 
intention  that  his  poetry  should  become  public  property.  Once,  how 
ever,  he  composed  a  poem  which  William  Cullen  Bryant  reprinted  in 
the  "New  York  Evening  Post,"  in  1855.  The  occasion  was  the  cele 
bration  of  the  semi-centennial  of  the  founding  of  Hebron  Academy, 
where  Mr.  Hamlin  received  his  brief  education.  His  lines  were  as 

follows  :  — 

"  Back  to  these  scenes  of  early  years, 
Of  youthful  hopes,  of  joys  and  fears, 
Back  to  these  halls  to  learning  dear, 
We  come,  to  pay  our  homage  here. 
All  the  events  of  toil  or  plays, 
Connected  with  our  schoolboy  days  ; 
Your  rugged  hills,  your  lovely  girls, 
With  laughing  eyes  and  shining  curls ; 
The  stage,  on  which  we  strode,  and  where 
In  halls  was  trained  the  young  idea ; 
The  old  church,  too,  whose  aisles  we  trod, 
To  listen  to  the  word  of  God; 
These  groves,  thro'  which  we  lov'd  to  stray, 
And  while  a  leisure  hour  away  ; 
To  loiter  here  in  glee  and  pride, 
With  winning  beauty  by  our  side  ; 
Then  *  Greenwood's  hills '  loom  on  the  right, 
With  *  Singepole  '  bursting  on  the  sight ; 
While  far  above,  and  o'er  the  rest, 
Old  «  Streaked  Mountain  '  rears  its  crest ; 
These  things  and  scenes  before  us  pass, 
Like  colors  in  a  magic  glass. 
No  fairer  scenes  will  meet  the  eye, 
Beneath  the  sky  of  Italy  ; 
And  you  '11  not  meet  a  brighter  glance, 
From  beauty,  in  the  land  of  France, 
Than  you  will  find  among  these  hills, 
Or  in  the  music  of  their  rills  ; 
And  unto  us,  where'er  we  stray, 
We  find  no  scenes  like  this,  to-day. 
Where  erst  in  childhood  we  have  played, 
The  very  trees  beneath  whose  shade 
We  sported,  mused,  and  gamboled  then, 
Attach  us  to  them  more  as  men. 


THE   LAST   YEARS  573 

"  The  babbling  brook,  that  struggles  on, 
Beside  whose  banks  we  've  strayed  along, 
And  traced  its  winding  course  about 
To  angle  for  the  speckled  trout, 
Yields  music  as  it  leaps  along, 
More  pleasing  than  the  poet's  song. 
Oh  !  happy  hours  of  youth  we  've  spent, 
On  thy  green  banks  in  merriment. 
Up  yonder  mountain,  dark  and  gray, 
We  oft  have  traced  our  weary  way, 
To  chase  sly  reynard  from  his  lair, 
Or  to  arouse  the  awkward  hare; 
To  start  the  pheasant  and  '  to  brace 
Our  active  sinews  for  the  chase  : ' 
These  scenes  are  o'er,  but  they,  forsooth, 
Were  happy  pastimes  of  our  youth. 

"  And  last,  not  least,  the  social  dance, 
Where  we  have  seen  the  winning  glance 
From  beauty's  eye  —  bright,  sparkling,  fair, 
Play  o'er  the  forms  assembled  there  — 
All  —  all  are  scenes  so  strongly  set 
In  memory,  that  we  '11  ne'er  forget. 
The  water's  foam,  the  mountain  side, 
The  social  dance,  where'er  we  bide  — 
The  impress  made  on  life's  young  heart 
Will  only  with  our  life  depart. 

"  But  one  sad  thought  comes  o'er  us  now. 
A  shade  of  sorrow  clouds  the  brow  ; 
There  were  glad  hearts,  to  us  most  dear, 
Who  trod  the  path  of  learning  here, 
Who  shared  our  sports,  joined  in  our  toil, 
And  conned  their  task  by  '  midnight  oil.' 
Who  built  with  us  those  fabrics  fair, 
In  prose  called  '  castles  in  the  air ; ' 
Resolved,  with  us,  to  meet  the  frown 
Of  life,  and  nobly  bear  it  down ; 
And  do  great  things,  no  doubt.     But  where, 
Where  are  they  now  ?     Not  with  us  here. 
Some  to  far  distant  lands  have  hied, 
Away  from  friends  and  home  have  died  ; 
The  bones  of  some  bleach  on  the  plain, 
And  some  are  whit'ning  in  the  main; 
And  others,  once  so  full  of  mirth, 
Now  slumber  in  the  silent  earth, 
While  by  God's  mercy  we  've  been  spar'd 
To  gather  round  the  festive  board. 
Pause,  then,  and  to  their  virtues  dear, 
Pay  the  just  tribute  of  a  tear." 

As  with  most  public  men  the  question  was  often  asked,  what  was 
Mr.  Hamlin's  religion.     To  one  who  made  the  inquiry  he  replied 


574  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

gently  :  "  It  is  something  too  sacred  for  me  to  talk  about."     As  Lin 
coln  did,  so  did  he  often  quote  the  lines :  — 

"  There  's  a  divinity  that  shapes  our  ends, 
Rough-hew  them  how  we  will." 

His  constant  attendance  at  church  was  sufficient  evidence  of  his  be 
lief  in  the  Christian  religion.  His  preference  was  for  the  Unitarian 
Church,  and  for  some  years  he  was  president  of  the  Unitarian  So 
ciety  of  Maine.  But  he  did  not  bind  himself  to  any  special  creed 
or  dogmas  ;  he  was  liberal  in  his  faith.  He  loved  the  writings  of 
Channing,  and  the  quotations  in  some  of  his  speeches  show  that  he 
was  influenced  not  a  little  by  him.  But  his  nature  did  not  allow  him 
to  attach  himself  entirely  to  the  leaders  of  his  own  church.  The 
liberal  men  of  all  churches,  who  out  of  their  faith,  reason,  and  life 
taught  the  existence  of  a  Supreme  Being,  were  lights  to  him.  Thus 
he  believed  that  all  Christian  churches  were  necessary,  since  they  all 
pointed  in  the  end  to  the  same  goal,  and  also  since  it  was  necessary 
to  appeal  to  different  people  in  different  ways.  This  was  his  view  of 
toleration  as  practiced  by  the  Unitarian  Church.  He  honored  the 
Catholic  Hughes,  the  Episcopalian  Brooks,  and  earnest  laymen  such 
as  George  Hay  Stuart,  a  philanthropist  and  an  Irish  Presbyterian. 
When  Stuart  was  presiding  over  the  Young  Men's  International 
Christian  Association  at  Washington  in  1865,  Mr.  Hamlin  wrote  his 
wife  :  "  I  believe  he  is  a  good  man,  and  a  Christian  if  there  ever  was 
one  on  earth.  I  never  in  all  my  life  ever  saw  a  man  where  the  good 
ness  of  his  heart  shone  in  his  face  as  in  Mr.  Stuart's.  No  one,  it 
seems  to  me,  can  know  and  not  love  him.  What  a  noble  man  he  is 
—  God  bless  him." 

Another  glimpse  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  inner  nature  was  revealed  in  his 
fondness  for  children  and  pets.  He  was  necessarily  abstracted  by 
public  duties,  but  he  hardly  failed  in  his  voluminous  home  correspond 
ence  to  speak  of  his  children,  and  in  terms  of  endearment  which  he 
would  not  want  given  to  the  public.  Children  were  fascinated  by 
him,  and  while  they  at  first  stood  in  awe  of  him  on  account  of  his 
striking  appearance,  his  friendly,  kind,  and  gentle  ways  at  once  won 
their  confidence.  When  his  younger  sons  and  grandsons  would  tear 
through  his  house,  and  "  raise  the  roof  "  with  their  frolics,  he  would 
quietly  submit,  and  sometimes  one  would  hear  him  say  that  he  had 
not  forgotten  that  he  had  once  been  a  boy.  He  exacted  strict  obedi 
ence  to  his  commands,  but  if  there  was  any  displeasure  it  was  quickly 
over,  and  an  atmosphere  of  kindness  reassured  the  refractory  one. 
On  one  occasion  a  young  son  and  two  little  grandsons  were  impatient 
for  a  church  service  to  end.  They  stood  on  the  same  stool,  swaying 
over  the  pew  in  front,  and  saying  in  unison,  "  Amen,  Amen  !  "  But 
the  stool  slipped  out  from  underneath  them,  and  to  the  scandal  of  the 


THE   LAST   YEARS  575 

congregation  they  pitched  into  the  next  pew  just  as  the  pastor  was 
pronouncing  the  benediction.  They  were  fished  out,  and  reprobated 
by  an  awful  look  from  those  big,  black  eyes  ;  but  when  they  marched 
home  in  disgrace  they  caught  a  twinkle  in  those  same  eyes  that 
denoted  forgiveness.  Not  a  word  was  said.  Another  time  he  repri 
manded  a  young  son  for  fidgeting  in  church,  whereupon  the  youngster 
upset  the  equanimity  of  the  congregation  by  throwing  his  arms  around 
his  father's  neck,  and  giving  him  a  smack  that  resounded  through 
the  church.  Mr.  Hamlin  laughed  until  the  tears  came. 

No  one  who  knew  Mr.  Hamlin  could  remember  the  time  when  he 
did  not  have  a  dog  and  a  cat.  He  had  at  least,  from  first  to  last,  a 
dozen  dogs,  and  perhaps  the  last  was  the  most  interesting.  This  was 
Jack,  a  tiny  terrier,  which  Mr.  Hamlin  could  hold  in  his  hand.  The 
two  were  inseparable,  and  it  was  a  quaint  sight  to  see  the  tall  veteran 
striding  down  town  with  the  step  of  a  young  man,  looking  around  now 
and  then  to  see  that  he  was  not  outstripping  little  Jack.  He  kept  his 
pet  in  a  basket  by  his  chair  near  his  fireplace.  Sometimes  he  would 
lift  the  little  fellow  into  his  lap,  and  say,  "  Jack,  I  believe  you  love  me 
for  myself,  and  you  don't  ask  anything  but  my  love.  Well,  little  dog, 
I  wouldn't  sell  a  wag  of  your  tail  for  a  thousand  dollars."  Jack  kept 
his  master  to  his  word,  and  was  jealous  of  any  living  being  who  wanted 
to  share  his  privileges.  Mr.  Hamlin's  favorite  cat  was  a  handsome 
and  dignified  Maltese  named  Pedro.  He  would  walk  into  the  sitting- 
room  every  morning,  waving  his  tail  like  a  banner,  and  rub  around  Mr. 
Hamlin's  chair,  say  "good-morning"  in  his  cat's  way,  and  then  retire 
to  the  kitchen.  Jack  would  usually  fly  at  Pedro,  who  never  paid  any 
attention  to  him.  On  one  occasion  Jack  tried  to  bite  Pedro,  but  the 
cat,  who  was  a  good  fighter,  slipped  out  of  the  room.  A  grandson 
noticed  that  his  grandfather  scolded  Jack  a  little,  and  then  followed 
Pedro.  Out  in  the  kitchen  he  found  his  grandfather  bending  over  the 
cat,  stroking  his  arching  back,  and  saying  gently :  "  It  was  good  of 
you,  Pedro,  not  to  strike  little  Jack.  You  are  a  good  cat,  a  real  gentle 
man." 

The  suffering  of  dumb  animals  always  caused  Mr.  Hamlin  pain  and 
concern.  His  home  letters  written  in  the  Senate  often  had  inquiries 
about  the  condition  of  a  favorite  dog  or  horse,  and  suggestions  for  its 
treatment.  The  best  remembered  incident  was  his  grief  over  the  fate 
of  Jess,  a  white  Morgan  mare  which  his  son  Cyrus  captured  in  West 
Virginia,  and  brought  home  from  the  war.  When  General  Hamlin 
settled  in  New  Orleans,  where  he  died  in  1867,  he  asked  his  father  to 
promise  him  that  if  anything  should  happen  to  him,  Jess  should  have 
a  comfortable  home.  This  was,  indeed,  one  of  the  last  requests 
Cyrus  made  of  his  father.  In  some  respects  Jess  was  a  remarkable 
horse.  She  would  always  run  up  a  hill,  no  matter  how  large  a  load 


576  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

she  was  drawing.  Mr.  Hamlin  worked  Jess  carefully,  and  while  she 
was  a  fiery  beast,  and  not  fond  of  being  petted,  she  would  slip  her 
nose  into  her  master's  hand  whenever  he  was  near.  But  she  remained 
a  genuine  war-horse  until  the  end  of  her  life,  and  repelled  advances 
from  others.  Jess  lived  to  be  probably  more  than  twenty-five  years 
old,  and  was  comfortably  passing  her  last  da^  in  a  pasture  when  she 
broke  a  leg.  The  one  in  charge  told  Mr.  Hamlin  that  it  would  be  a 
mercy  to  kill  her.  The  tears  came  to  the  old  man's  eyes.  "  No,"  he 
said,  "  I  can't  give  the  word."  But  it  had  to  be  done  as  soon  as  Mr. 
Hamlin  left  the  scene.  He  afterwards  wrote  his  wife  :  "  I  cared  more 
for  old  Jess  than  some  men  I  knew." 

In  his  relations  with  his  old  friends  Mr.  Hamlin  remained  un 
changed,  no  matter  how  humble  their  lot  might  be.  Mountain  born, 
his  thoughts  would  turn  to  the  home  of  his  youth,  the  little  village 
that  nestled  in  the  Switzerland  of  New  England,  and  there  he  would 
find  Hiram  Hubbard,  a  companion  of  his  boyhood,  who  kept  the  inn, 
and  they  would  talk  over  the  frolics  and  scrapes  of  their  younger  days 
with  the  enjoyment  of  youth.  A  born  fisherman,  he  would  seek 
brooks  which,  it  was  said,  only  himself  knew,  and  he  rarely  failed  to 
return  with  a  large  string  of  speckled  beauties.  He  was  one  of  the 
best  fishermen  in  Maine,  and  his  passion  for  angling  carried  him  from 
home  every  season  until  the  last  year  of  his  life.  Sometimes  he 
would  take  young  men  with  him.  Once  an  amusing  story  was  told 
of  some  juniors  who  thought  that  they  would  "set  an  easy  pace" 
for  the  veteran,  only  to  find  that  he  set  a  rapid  one  for  them.  But 
usually  he  hunted  up  his  old  friends  for  a  fishing  trip.  One  was 
Jere  Patten,  a  rough  jewel,  who  was  the  drummer  in  the  Hampden 
Rifles,  of  which  Mr.  Hamlin  was  captain  in  his  early  days.  He  re 
mained  a  humble  farmer.  When  Patten  began  to  decline,  he  sent 
for  his  old  friend  to  say  good-by,  and  an  affecting  scene  took  place. 
Patten  dragged  himself  to  the  door  of  his  little  farmhouse,  and  put 
ting  his  hand  on  Mr.  Hamlin's  shoulder,  said  :  "  I  'm  going  to  die.  I 
know  nothing  about  heaven,  and  I  have  offered  only  one  prayer ;  that 
was  when  I  died,  I  should  go  where  you  did." 

Many  incidents  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  democracy  and  belief  in  the  dignity 
of  manual  labor  left  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  young  people  who 
were  witnesses.  Henry  Lord,  a  leading  citizen  of  Bangor,  who  has 
presided  over  both  branches  of  the  Maine  legislature,  related  a  story 
in  evidence.  He  was  a  boy  of  fifteen,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  was  then  Vice- 
President.  One  day  he  was  surprised  to  see  Mr.  Hamlin  riding  in 
a  hay-cart,  and  also  to  hear  him  say,  "Henry,  don't  you  want  to 
help  me  get  my  hay  in  ? "  Young  Lord  accepted  the  invitation,  and 
they  rode  out  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  farm  together.  But  there  they  found 
that  the  men  engaged  had  been  called  over  to  Major  Thomas  Hersey's 


THE   LAST   YEARS  577 

farm.  "Well,  Henry,"  remarked  Mr.  Hamlin,  pulling  off  his  coat, 
"you  and  I  will  put  in  the  hay."  Mr.  Hamlin  pitched  from  the 
ground  to  the  cart,  where  young  Lord  trod  it  down,  and  then  from 
the  cart  to  the  mow,  where  Lord  stowed  it  away.  "  It  was  a  very  hot 
day,"  said  Mr.  Lord,  "and  yet  Mr.  Hamlin  enjoyed  himself  immensely. 
Although  he  was  past  middle  life,  yet  he  seemed  to  me  to  be  one  of 
the  most  powerful  men  I  ever  saw.  The  incident  taught  me  a  lesson 
in  regard  to  the  dignity  of  manual  labor."  Some  years  afterward, 
when  Mr.  Lord  was  president  of  the  Board  of  Trade  of  Maine,  he  en 
tertained  a  governor-general  of  Canada.  When  they  drove  by  Mr. 
Hamlin's  house,  he  was  sawing  wood  in  the  back  yard.  "  That  man 
the  illustrious  Hannibal  Hamlin  !  You  Yankees  are  jokers,"  said  the 
Englishman.  "  It  seems  to  me,"  replied  Mr.  Lord  with  a  quizzical 
smile,  "that  I  have  heard  that  Gladstone  chopped  wood  for  exercise." 

A  feat  of  strength  which  Mr.  Hamlin  performed  was  described  by 
a  grandson.  He  wrote  :  "  My  grandfather  was  at  the  time  I  saw  this 
more  than  sixty  years  old,  and  in  the  Senate.  He  stood  at  the  end  of 
a  large  hay-rack,  and  pitched  to  a  man  who  was  at  the  other 'end  and 
passed  the  hay  up  to  another  man  in  the  barn  chamber.  These  two 
men  were  veritable  giants  and  both  farmers.  They  fell  to  disputing 
as  to  which  was  the  stronger,  and  the  battle  waxed  hot.  Presently  I 
noticed  that  they  were  lifting  larger  and  larger  loads,  which  came  with 
great  rapidity.  They  stopped  talking,  and  worked  with  desperation. 
All  at  once  the  man  on  the  rack  staggered  up  with  an  immense  load, 
and  he  and  the  man  in  the  barn  chamber  between  them  were  unable 
to  lift  it  in.  They  collapsed,  and  fell  down  panting  and  apparently 
exhausted.  I  had  had  an  inkling  of  what  was  going  on,  and  peering 
out  of  the  barn  chamber  I  saw  my  grandfather  leaning  on  his  pitch 
fork,  surveying  the  scene  of  those  two  giants  sprawling  before  him. 
I  caught  his  eye.  There  was  a  twinkle  in  it  as  much  as  to  say,  '  You, 
see,  my  boy,  they  forgot  me.'  The  boys  in  the  yard  told  me  that  when 
the  men  began  to  brag,  they  saw  my  grandfather  watching  them 
quietly.  Then,  without  saying  a  word,  he  began  to  bury  the  other 
men.  There  was  a  smile  on  his  face,  but  he  did  not  say  a  word.  The 
twinkle  in  his  eye  told  the  story." 

Mr.  Hamlin  retained  his  remarkable  strength  until  the  last:  year  of 
his  life,  while  his  mental  faculties  remained  alert.  This  was  due  both 
to  his  superior  constitution  and  his  simple  habits  of  life.  Manual  labor 
was  both  a  recreation  and  a  health-saving  device  to  him.  The  only 
physical  ailment  he  suffered  in  his  old  age  was  rheumatism,  and  this 
he  would  combat  after  his  own  fashion.  When  he  had  a  twinge,  he 
would  start  for  the  wood-pile,  and  chop  or  saw  wood.  Then  he  would 
come  into  his  house,  eyes  shining,  and  face  wreathed  with  smiles. 
"  Once  more  I  have  met  my  old  enemy,  and  he  is  mine,"  he  would 


578  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

say,  and  sometimes  he  added  :  "There  is  nothing  like  work  to  cure 
ills  of  the  flesh  and  mind.  It  is  a  sovereign  remedy."  Another  thing 
that  contributed  to  his  good  health  was  his  temperate  habits.  He  ate 
sparingly,  and  his  diet  was  confined  to  simple  and  substantial  dishes. 
For  the  larger  part  of  his  life  his  supper  the  year  round  was  a  bowl  of 
milk  and  a  little  bread.  He  drank  liquor  only  for  medicinal  purposes, 
and  did  not  serve  it  on  his  table.  He  was  an  inveterate  smoker,  and 
it  may  be  truthfully  said  of  him  that  he  was  one  of  the  rare  men  in 
this  world  who  took  up  the  habit  at  the  advice  of  a  physician.  He 
went  to  bed  early  at  nine  o'clock  as  a  rule,  and  rose  with  the  sun. 
He  wore  the  old-fashioned  black  "swallow-tail"  coat,  and  did  not  put 
on  an  overcoat  until  he  was  well  advanced  in  years.  This  evidenced 
his  rugged  health  and  the  constant  climate  of  Maine. 

There  were  many  stories  told  of  Mr.  Hamlin  s  consideration  for  oth 
ers.  A  grandson  wrote  :  "  There  was  a  serious  illness  at  my  father's 
house  one  winter  when  I  was  at  college,  and  he  wrote  me  that  I  would 
have  to  spend  my  Christmas  vacation  at  my  grandfather's.  But  when 
I  arrived  in  town  about  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  I  went  directly 
home,  and  was  anxious  to  go  in  to  see  my  brother,  who  was  ill  with 
diphtheria.  My  father  opened  the  door,  and  told  me  that  it  would 
not  be  safe  for  me  to  enter.  My  grandfather  was  expecting  me,  and 
I  rrrast  go  to  his  house  across  the  garden.  I  objected,  and  said  that 
with  the  thermometer  below  zero  and  the  hour  four  o'clock,  my 
grandfather  would  not  be  awake.  '  You  don't  know  him,'  was  the 
reply.  '  You  will  find  him  waiting  for  you  now.'  I  walked  over  to 
the  other  'house  with  some  misgivings,  but  my  foot  had  no  sooner 
touched  the  piazza  than  the  front  door  opened,  and  my  grandfather 
stood  there,  with  a  lamp  in  one  hand,  and  his  dog  Jack  under  his 
other  arm.  'Welcome,  my  grandson,'  said  he,  like  an  old  uncrowned 
king,  '  you  are  my  guest. '  He  had  been  up  before  my  carriage  arrived 
from  the  station,  and  received  me  with  just  as  much  cordiality  and 
interest  as  if  it  had  been  high  noon.  He  would  not  allow  me  to  feel 
that  I  had  disturbed  him,  and  that  early  hour  which  I  passed  with 
him  before  the  household  was  astir  is  one  of  the  most  delightful  in 
my  recollection  of  my  grandfather." 

Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  forget  honesty  or  dishonesty  in  other  men. 
Frederick  H.  Costello,  a  Bangor  writer,  said  that  when  he  was  a  boy 
he  found  a  ten-dollar  bill  in  front  of  Mr.  Hamlin's  house.  He  gave 
it  to  his  father,  and  asked  him  to  inquire  whether  it  belonged  to 
Mr.  Hamlin.  It  happened  that  that  day  Mr.  Hamlin  had  paid  a  man 
some  thirty  or  forty  dollars  while  standing  at  his  gate.  On  entering 
his  house  he  found  that  he  was  ten  dollars  short,  and  supposed  that 
he  had  overpaid  his  bill.  Taking  out  a  five-dollar  bill,  he  said  to  Mr. 
Costello,  when  the  latter  called,  "  I  should  have  lost  the  ten  dollars  if 


THE   LAST   YEARS  579 

it  had  not  been  for  your  son,  and  I  guess  he  is  entitled  to  half.  But 
you  tell  your  boy  to  keep  on  being  honest  ;  that 's  better  than  having 
money."  Another  incident  was  in  the  nature  of  retribution.  A  man, 
who  may  be  called  Blank,  had  been  chosen  to  the  legislature  to  vote 
for  Mr.  Hamlin  in  one  of  his  anti-slavery  battles  for  the  Senate.  But 
he  broke  his  word,  and,  like  many  men  of  that  kind,  lied  about  Mr. 
Hamlin.  He  left  the  State  eventually,  and  probably  supposed  that 
Mr.  Hamlin  had  forgotten  his  conduct.  Years  afterward  Mr.  Hamlin 
was  in  Massachusetts  at  a  reunion  of  old  soldiers,  and  who  should 
turn  up  but  Mr.  Blank.  He  hailed  the  veteran  in  an  effusive  man 
ner,  and  with  an  oily  smile  spoke  of  their  former  acquaintance.  Mr. 
Hamlin  did  not  seem  to  recognize  him  until  he  exclaimed,  "Why, 
have  you  forgotten  John  Blank  ? "  "I  have  not  forgotten  that 
Blank,"  replied  Mr.  Hamlin  somewhat  grimly,  "because  he  was  an 
awful  liar." 

Mr.  Hamlin  did  not  take  an  active  part  in  politics  during  the  latter 
period  of  his  life,  because  he  felt  that  he  was  entitled  to  rest ;  but  he 
was  deeply  interested  in  the  course  of  his  party,  and  a  special  emer 
gency  brought  him  to  the  front.  As  the  presidential  campaign  of 
1884  approached,  he  saw  with  apprehension  that  factional  differences 
were  threatening  the  success  of  the  party,  and  he  came  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  in  the  interests  of  safety  it  would  be  wiser  to  defer  the 
claims  of  both  Arthur  and  Blaine,  and  choose  a  man  who  was  not 
identified  with  either  wing.  In  a  letter  which  he  caused  to  be  pub 
lished,  he  outlined  the  situation,  hinting  at  defeat  unless  a  new  man 
should  be  nominated,  and  suggesting  General  Lucius  Fairchild,  of 
Wisconsin.  At  this  time  General  Fairchild  was  commander  of  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  and  was  favorably  considered  as  the 
soldier's  candidate.  He  fulfilled  the  requirements  of  the  presidency 
as  laid  down  by  Benton  in  his  interesting  letter  to  Mr.  Hamiin  on  this 
subject.  He  was  a  gallant  soldier,  an  upright  executive  of  Wisconsin, 
a  conspicuously  creditable  diplomat  at  Liverpool,  Paris,  and  Madrid. 
He  had  strong  common  sense,  a  firm  will,  and  was  genial  and  ap 
proachable.  Finally,  he  was  an  Ohio  man  by  birth.  But  General 
.Logan  came  on  the  scene  as  the  soldier's  candidate,  and  the  chance 
for  compromise  was  lost.  The  result  of  the  election  justified  Mr. 
Hamlin's  fears.  The  solid  South,  factional  troubles,  a  bolt,  and  other 
causes  defeated  Mr.  Blaine,  and  the  country  rued  it  until  it  came  back 
to  Republican  principles  of  government. 

Mr.  Hamlin  intended  to  take  no  part  in  this  campaign  on  account 
of  his  age,  but  circumstances  conspired  to  bring  him  on  the  stump. 
When  he  was  closing  his  career  in  Congress,  William  McKinley  was 
beginning  his.  A  strong  and  interesting  friendship  grew  up  between 
them,  —  the  veteran  and  the  young  statesman.  In  1884  McKinley 


580  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

found  a  hard  fight  for  reelection  before  him,  and  wrote  Mr.  Hamlin, 
asking  him  to  come  to  Ohio.  But  once  out  of  the  harness,  the  old 
senator  did  not  desire  to  return,  and  declined.  McKinley  was  not 
to  be  balked,  and  coming  to  Bangor,  he  and  others  induced  Mr.  Ham 
lin  to  join  them  on  a  stumping  tour  through  the  Aroostook  valley. 
McKinley  used  his  persuasive  powers  with-such  good  effect  that  Mr. 
Hamlin  was  finally  prevailed  on  to  go  West  with  him  and  speak  in 
his  district  for  him.  But  before  they  left  Maine  an  incident  happened 
which  shows  how  much  Mr.  Hamlin  thought  of  Mr.  McKinley  at  this 
time.  Mr.  Blaine,  Mr.  Hamlin,  Mr.  McKinley,  and  others  were  in  the 
same  car,  and  when  McKinley  left  the  group  for  a  moment,  Mr.  Ham 
lin  spoke  up  and  said,  "Mac  will  be  president  some  day." 

"No,  sir,"  put  in  Blaine,  "no  man  whose  name  has  a  'Me'  to  it 
will  ever  be  President." 

The  charming  feature  of  this  story  is  the  fact  that  the  one  who 
revealed  it  was  President  McKinley,  who  related  it  to  Mrs.  Hamlin  in 
the  winter  of  1897,  when  she  was  on  a  visit  at  the  White  House. 

The  speech  which  Mr.  Hamlin  delivered  in  the  Blaine  campaign  for 
Representative  McKinley  might  be  read  with  interest  in  the  days  of 
President  McKinley.  He  advocated  the  doctrine  of  protection,  and 
predicted  that  the  Democratic  tariff  policy,  whatever  it  might  be, 
would  bring  disaster  to  the  nation.  He  also  urged  the  adoption  of  a 
strong  and  definite  foreign  policy,  on  the  grounds  that  it  would  make 
for  peace  and  also  enlarge  American  commerce. 

Mr.  McKinley  was  reflected,  and  on  November  17,  1884,  wrote  Mr. 
Hamlin  in  part  as  follows  from  Canton :  — 

I  thank  you  most  heartily  for  your  congratulations,  but  I  want  to 
say  that  no  man  contributed  more  than  you  did.  You  did  me  good 
and  the  party  good  in  this  neighborhood.  We  achieved  a  splendid 
victory  in  the  State,  but  it  counts  as  naught  in  the  general  result. 
We  feel  awfully  here  that  Mr.  Blaine  is  beaten.  It  is  too  bad,  too 
bad.  Nothing  is  left  now  but  to  get  ready  to  whip  them  next  time. 

I  cannot  tell  you  how  much  Mrs.  McKinley  and  all  our  friends 
enjoyed  Mrs.  Hamlin's  visit  with  them.  With  many  thanks  to  you 
for  your  splendid  service  in  my  campaign,  and  with  best  wishes  for 
yourself  and  Mrs.  H.,  believe  me, 

Your  sincere  friend,  Wr.  McKiNLEY,  JR. 

When  the  presidential  election  of  1888  drew  near,  Mr.  Hamlin 
once  more  looked  over  the  field,  and  although  he  took  little  part  in 
the  selection  of  a  Republican  candidate,  it  is  of  interest  that  he  wrote 
to  public  men,  advising  the  nomination  of  Benjamin  Harrison.  The 
following  letter  from  Frederick  H.  Appleton,  son  of  Chief  Justice 


THE   LAST   YEARS  581 

Appleton,  of  Maine,  and  a  leading  lawyer  of  the  State,  evidences 
this.  Mr.  Appleton  wrote  that  his  father  always  spoke  of  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  as  "  a  statesman  who  was  conspicuously  endowed  with  the  faculty 
of  correctly  judging  events,  who  not  only  clearly  read  the  signs  of 
the  times,  but  who  clearly  saw  what  they  portended,  so  that  his  judg 
ment  upon  all  matters  of  public  concern  carried  with  it  great  weight 
and  influence.  In  a  letter  to  my  father,  I  distinctly  remember  that 
he  advocated  Mr.  Harrison  as  the  most  available  Republican  candi 
date  for  the  presidency  long  before  his  name  appeared  in  that  con 
nection  in  any  of  the  papers  of  the  day,  and  my  father  used  to  refer 
to  this  fact  as  evidencing  his  wonderful  knowledge  of  men  and  his 
ability  to  detect  long  in  advance  of  the  public  mind  their  adaptability 
to  the  exigencies  of  the  day." 

When  General  Harrison  was  about  to  be  inaugurated  he  intimated 
that  he  wished  Mr.  Hamlin  to  be  present.  Harrison  was  the  last 
man  Mr.  Hamlin  saw  inducted  into  the  presidency,  and  he  lived 
long  enough  to  see  the  wisdom  of  his  party's  choice  vindicated,  and 
to  know  that  the  Harrison  administration  would  pass  into  history  as 
one  of  the  purest  and  ablest  in  the  existence  of  the  government.  He 
had  admiration  and  respect  for  Benjamin  Harrison. 

Naturally  Mr.  Hamlin's  influence  was  often  sought  in  behalf  of 
public  measures.  The  last  occasion  of  note  when  he  appeared  before 
a  legislative  body  was  in  the  winter  of  1887,  when  he  addressed  the 
legislature  of  Maine  on  the  abolition  of  capital  punishment — just 
half  a  century  after  he  had  made  his  first  appeal.  This  time  the 
movement  originated  with  William  Engel,  of  Bangor,  who  came  to 
this  country  a  poor  boy,  and  achieved  a  creditable  career  in  the 
legislature.  He  wrote  :  "  It  was  a  fortunate  thing  for  me  that  when 
my  mind  was  filled  with  this  cause  I  met  Hannibal  Hamlin  one  morn 
ing.  To  him  it  mattered  but  little  whether  it  was  a  forlorn  hope  if 
the  cause  was  right.  When  justice  and  humanity  appealed  to  him 
his  sympathies  were  always  aroused.  '  Young  man/  said  he,  '  you  have 
a  hard  fight  before  you ;  the  legislature  is  overwhelmingly  orthodox  ; 
but  you  have  right  on  your  side  ;  try  it,  and  I  will  help  you.'  My  bill 
had  two  thousand  signatures.  It  was  referred  to  the  Judiciary  Com 
mittee,  and  then  our  beloved  senator  spoke.  A  pin  might  have  been 
heard  to  drop  while  he  was  speaking.  At  times  his  pathos  could 
not  have  been  equaled.  His  closing  words  touched  all  :  '  You  have 
honored  me  a  great  many  times,  and  in  the  evening  of  my  life, 
when  the  shadows  are  gathering  about  me,  grant  me  this  ;  it  is  all  I 
shall  ever  ask  you.  What  little  time  I  have  left  brighten  for  me,  and 
let  me  return  home  with  the  knowledge  that  I  have  not  wholly  out 
lived  my  usefulness,  and  have  in  a  small  measure  aided  the  cause  of 
humanity.'  These  simple  words  of  Maine's  Grand  Old  Man  carried 


582  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

the  day.     Although  the  committee  reported  against  the  bill,  it  passed 
the  legislature  by  an  immense  majority." 

To  the  end  of  his  life  Mr.  Hamlin  was  called  on  to  intercede  for 
the  unfortunate.  One  incident  must  suffice.  A  boy,  who  was  the 
son  of  a  country  postmaster,  in  a  moment  of  weakness  took  a  small 
sum  of  money  out  of  the  mail.  He  was  .detected,  and  his  father 
refunded  the  money.  The  United  States  district  attorney  was  com 
pelled,  however,  to  lay  the  case  before  the  United  States  grand  jury, 
and  the  lad  was  indicted.  The  boy's  record  had  been  good,  and  as 
this  was  his  first  offense  the  neighbors  sought  to  have  the  indictment 
nol-prossed.  The  authorities  could  not  do  that,  and  suggested  that 
the  Maine  congressional  delegation  ask  the  President  to  pardon  the 
young  fellow.  The  affair  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Wesley  Har 
mon,  an  old  friend  of  Mr.  Hamlin.  He  easily  induced  the  congres 
sional  delegation  to  sign  a  petition  asking  for  pardon.  When  he  was 
about  to  present  it,  Senator  Hale  advised  him  to  see  Mr.  Hamlin, 
saying :  "  Mr.  Hamlin  would  have  more  weight  with  President  Arthur 
than  the  entire  Maine  delegation."  Mr.  Harmon  returned  to  Bangor, 
and  found  Mr.  Hamlin  in  his  garden.  He  heard  the  case,  and  re 
plied  :  "  If  that  boy  is  locked  up  behind  the  bars,  it  may  ruin  him 
for  life.  If  he  is  pardoned,  it  may  make  a  man  of  him.  I  will  write 
the  President."  He  at  once  wrote  the  letter,  and  Mr.  Arthur 
promptly  granted  the  pardon. 

In  the  years  of  his  retirement,  Mr.  Hamlin  devoted  himself  to  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic.  After  Logan's  death  he  was  described 
as  the  old  soldier's  idol,  and  was  a  prominent  figure  at  the  national 
and  state  encampments.  Another  writer  pictured  him  at  the  encamp 
ment  in  Boston,  when  "  the  venerable  ex-Vice-President  rode  in  an 
open  barouche  through  the  streets,  bowing  right  and  left  to  the 
plaudits  of  the  crowd,"  and,  sketching  other  scenes,  said,  "There  was 
always  an  eloquence  in  the  man  and  the  occasion,  as  from  adown  the 
long  vista  of  the  past  —  a  past  marked  by  some  of  the  most  eventful 
scenes  in  our  country's  history  —  there  appeared  the  figure  of  this 
grand  old  man,  amid  a  burst  of  applause,  his  silvery  head  erect,  his 
keen  eyes  flashing  their  olden  fire,  and  anon  the  clear  ring  of  his 
clarion  voice,  as  he  graphically  depicted  those  momentous  events  of 
long  ago,  'the  most  of  which  he  saw,  and  a  part  of  it  he  was.' ' 
Another  scene  at  a  camp-fire  at  St.  Louis  was  pictured  by  General 
James  M.  Lewis :  "  An  ex-Confederate  general  was  one  of  the  com 
mittee,  and  he  called  on  Mr.  Hamlin  to  respond  to  the  toast,  The 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Hamlin  arose.  He  was  then 
seventy-nine  years  of  age,  but  he  did  not  look  over  fifty-five.  He 
looked  from  one  person  to  another,  until  he  had  surveyed  the  whole 
party,  and  then  burst  into  a  flow  of  eloquence  that  drew  tears  from  all 
present,  and  surpassed  anything  I  ever  heard." 


THE   LAST   YEARS  583 

There  were  many  attempts  made  to  induce  Mr.  Hamlin  to  write 
his  memoirs.  Statesmen,  editors,  friends,  and  relatives  joined,  but  in 
vain.  As  a  last  hope  his  son  Charles,  in  1886,  sent  out  a  circular 
note  to  Mr.  Hamlin's  associates  and  friends,  informing  them  of  his 
intention  to  write  his  father's  Life,  and  asking  for  his  letters.  Mr. 
Elaine  became  interested  in  this  plan,  and  gave  it  his  aid  in  the 
following  thoughtful  and  suggestive  letter  of  April  3,  1886  :  — 

"  I  am  exceedingly  glad  you  are  undertaking  this  filial  duty  while 
your  father  is  in  full  health  and  strength,  with  his  mental  faculties  in 
full  and  original  vigor.  He  can  impart  to  you  a  thousand  things  which 
no  one  could  ever  give  you.  If  you  will  accept  a  suggestion  from  me, 
and  your  father  will  agree  to  it,  I  would  strongly  advise  that  he  give 
an  autobiography  of  that  early  period  of  his  life,  say  from  birth  to 
majority,  before  any  public  record  was  made  by  him,  —  incidents  of 
his  family,  his  ancestors,  revolutionary  traditions,  of  his  boyhood,  his 
school  days,  recollections  of  his  father  and  his  mother,  and  of  that 
remarkable  body  of  men  of  Oxford,  of  whom  his  own  family  con 
stituted  a  prominent  part, — the  Livermores,  the  Benjamins,  the 
Washburns,  the  Danas,  etc.  Let  him  write  it  just  as  if  he  were 
writing  a  family  and  neighborhood  letter.  He  will  find  a  thousand 
things  of  interest  as  soon  as  he  begins  to  live  over  again  the  era  of 
sixty  years  ago.  You  could  then  take  the  matter  up  where  his  pro 
fessional  and  public  career  began." 

But,  alas !  this  diplomatic  stroke  failed  to  lead  Mr.  Hamlin  out. 
He  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  did  not  have  the  literary  habit, 
and  that  his  memory  might  cause  him  to  do  unintentional  injustice 
to  some  men.  But  above  this  was  his  unwillingness  to  talk  or  write 
about  himself,  and  he  finally  said  that  he  should  write  no  memoirs, 
and  would  be  content  with  whatever  estimate  his  countrymen  might 
place  on  his  services.  He  was  willing,  however,  to  discuss  with  his 
son  Charles  the  principal  events  in  his  life,  in  order  that  the  truth 
might  be  recorded  should  his  Life  ever  be  written,  and  it  required 
many  years  of  careful  and  adroit  questioning  to  obtain  even  a  modi 
cum  of  details  which  form  a  sauce  to  the  feast  of  interesting  facts. 
He  would  eliminate  himself  as  much  as  he  could,  and  rarely  failed 
on  the  other  hand  to  go  out  of  his  way  to  speak  kindly  of  the 
many  men  he  had  known  in  public  life.  It  was  rare,  too,  that  he 
spoke  harshly  of  men  or  reflected  on  their  characters.  It  was  known 
that  he  disliked  a  certain  senator  who  was  once  a  very  prominent 
figure,  but  he  refused  explanation.  By  accident  it  was  learned  that 
it  was  believed  in  the  inner  circles  of  the  Senate  that  that  man,  like 
Webster,  took  pay  for  his  services  in  advocating  private  bills,  —  the 
difference  being  that  Webster  thought  that  it  was  right,  and  admitted 
it,  while  the  other  man  knew  that  it  was  wrong,  and  was  silent. 


584  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

Mr.  Hamlin  made  only  one  exception  to  his  rule  of  declination,  and 
that  was  to  write  an  historical  sketch  and  estimate  of  the  United 
States  Senate.  Whitelaw  Reid  urged  him  to  write  a  few  reminis 
cences  for  the  " Tribune,"  and  Charles  H.  Taylor  once  offered  him  one 
hundred  dollars  a  column  to  write  ten  columns  of  personal  matter 
for  the  "  Globe  ;  "  but  although  the  labor  inyolved  was  comparatively 
slight,  and  political  friends  and  opponents  united  in  advising  him  to 
contribute  a  few  memoirs,  he  still  refused.  Fortunately,  he  wrote  his 
impressions  of  Lincoln,  and  they  were  saved,  although  they  were  only 
for  private  inspection.  The  following  short  monogram  on  Lincoln 
was  for  Thomas  Donaldson,  of  Philadelphia :  — 

BANGOR,  April  25,  1881. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  23d  instant. 
You  ask  me  to  give  you  my  "  impressions  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  as  to 
his  habits,  manners,  and  personal  traits  of  character."  To  do  so  fully 
would  fill  a  volume.  Little  can  be  said  in  a  simple  letter.  I  can 
therefore  give  but  a  very  limited  reply. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  indeed  a  very  wonderful  man ;  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  of  all  time  and  of  all  nations.  In  all  respects  his  habits 
were  praiseworthy  and  unexceptionable.  In  his  habits  of  business  he 
was  systematic  and  industrious.  No  man  could  be  more  prompt  in 
the  discharge  of  his  public  duties.  In  fact,  nothing  but  system,  with 
unceasing  toil,  enabled  him  to  discharge  the  almost  overwhelming 
duties  that  devolved  upon  him  during  the  war  of  the  rebellion.  You 
and  the  world  know  his  celebrated  habit  of  story-telling  and  anecdote. 
There  was  no  end  to  it,  and  every  story  or  anecdote  told  by  him 
always  illustrated  and  enforced  a  point  with  wonderful  power  and 
effect.  I  often  thought  he  sometimes  coined  them  from  his  own 
fertile  brain  for  the  occasion.  And  that  habit,  I  am  confident,  acted 
as  a  safety  valve  to  divert  his  mind,  and  in  a  degree  to  relieve  him 
from  the  cares  and  duties  upon  him. 

In  his  manners  he  was  plain  and  unassuming.  There  was  no  as 
sumed  dignity  of  position.  Abraham  Lincoln  as  President  was  only 
Abraham  Lincoln  as  a  citizen.  He  was  the  same  in  one  place,  in 
manner,  as  in  the  other.  He  was  tall,  angular,  and  spare  in  person, 
without  much  that  might  be  called  polished  or  fashionable,  but  he 
was  at  all  times  and  in  all  places  a  true  gentleman. 

His  marked  traits  of  character  were  unsullied  integrity,  great  kind 
ness  of  heart,  a  devoted  love  of  his  whole  country,  clear  convictions 
of  right,  and,  to  use  his  own  language,  the  courage  to  follow  to  the 
end  "the  right  as  God  gave  him  the  power  to  see  the  right."  His 
name  will  be  cherished  in  all  time  as  one  of  the  wisest,  purest,  and 
noblest  of  men,  and  one  of  the  most  distinguished  benefactors  of 
mankind. 


THE   LAST  YEARS  585 

Friend  Donaldson,  I  have  thus  given  you  a  hasty  and  brief  reply 
to  your  request,  and  very  imperfect  from  its  brevity.  But  you  must 
excuse  it  and  take  it  as  it  is. 

Yours  truly,  H.  HAMLIN. 

THOMAS  DONALDSON,  Esq. 

Harrison  Hume,  a  well-known  Republican  of  Maine,  desired  to 
write  an  address  on  Lincoln,  and  asked  Mr.  Hamlin  for  some  points. 
He  replied  on  February  5,  1888,  in  the  following  hastily  written 
letter  :  - 

"  I  go  from  home  to-morrow  morning,  to  be  gone  a  week.  I  am 
extremely  busy  to-day,  and  I  have  not  possibly  the  time  to  give  you 
my  views  and  opinions  at  length.  But  I  can  say  briefly  that,  ist. 
The  life  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is  a  splendid  illustration  of  the  possibilities 
of  our  government  of  all  its  citizens.  Mark  his  early  life,  and  then 
his  dying  in  the  highest  position  in  the  world. 

"  2d.  In  his  great  debate  with  Douglas  he  brought  himself  to 
national  attention,  and  exhibited  great  intellectual  powers  and  the 
first  order  of  statesmanship.  That  secured  his  nomination  for  Presi 
dent. 

"  3d.  He  was  President !  With  such  men  as  Seward  and  Chase 
in  the  Cabinet,  yet  his  was  the  superior  and  controlling  mind.  He 
dominated  the  Cabinet.  The  Cabinet  did  not  control  him. 

"  4th.  The  Emancipation  Proclamation  was  his  work.  I  saw  it,  as 
he  said  when  he  showed  it  to  me,  before  any  member  of  the  Cabinet 
saw  it. 

"  5th.  He  was  a  man  of  great  humor.  With  the  terrible  responsi 
bility  resting  upon  him  he  must  have  relaxation,  or  he  would  break 
down.  His  wit  and  humor  were  his  relaxation.  They  worked  like  a 
safety  valve  to  an  engine. 

"6th.  Though  without  moral  or  physical  fear,  his  heart  was  as 
warm  and  gentle  as  a  woman's. 

"  I  have  hastily  stated  points  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  life.  But  if  I  were 
to  discuss  them,  I  should  put  the  Proclamation  last,  as  most  impor 
tant." 

The  last  days  had  come,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  knew  it.  But  he  was 
never  more  serene  or  cheerful.  He  did  not  say  much,  but  he  radi 
ated  affection.  His  only  great-grandchild  was  a  little  girl,  and  no 
venerable  courtier  paid  more  devoted  tribute  to  his  queen  than  he  to 
little  Louise.  "  Her  majesty —  my  queen,"  he  would  say,  as  he  wel 
comed  the  child  and  listened  to  her  with  a  beaming  face.  Some  old 
opponents,  who  were  also  "  passing  into  the  sere  and  yellow,"  sought 
reconciliation,  and  he  gladly  gave  them  his  hand.  He  was  ready  to 


S86  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

go,  and  was  only  thinking  of  the  happiness  he  could  make  for  others. 
A  movement  was  started  among  the  Republican  politicians  of  Bangor 
to  prevent  the  confirmation  of  the  nomination  of  General  Charles  W. 
Roberts  for  the  collectorship  of  that  port.  Mr.  Hamlin,  remember 
ing  General  Roberts's  bravery,  wrote  his  former  associate  in  the 
Senate,  asking  as  his  last  request  that  General  Roberts  should  be 
confirmed,  and  it  was  granted.  But  in  spite  of  the  pathos  which 
naturally  surrounded  the  veteran's  declining  days,  there  was  a  gleam 
of  grim  humor  occasionally.  When  Hillman  Smith,  later  warden  of 
the  state  prison,  was  a  small  boy,  he  was  once  lost  from  his  home  in 
Hampden.  The  whole  town  turned  out,  and  Mr.  Hamlin  was  the 
one  who  found  him.  Many  years  afterwards,  when  he  was  a  Union 
veteran,  Smith,  then  residing  in  Maryland,  wanted  to  be  United 
States  marshal,  and  asked  Mr.  Hamlin  for  a  letter  to  President  Har 
rison.  He  wrote :  "  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of  giving  letters  of  recom 
mendation  to  office.  But  as  I  once  found  you  when  lost,  I  think  you 
rather  belong  to  me.  So  I  inclose  you  a  letter  to  the  President  as  an 
exception  to  my  general  rule."  To  a  woman  who  wanted  a  lock  of 
his  hair,  he  replied,  "  I  have  not  enough  for  myself." 

On  July  4,  1 890,  Mr.  Hamlin  and  General  Sherman  attended  the 
Grand  Army  encampment  at  Portland.  "General,"  said  he,  "you 
and  I  will  not  attend  many  more  reunions."  "That's  so,"  replied 
Sherman.  In  the  following  winter  Mr.  Hamlin  had  an  attack  of 
heart  trouble,  probably  due  to  his  failing  physical  strength.  He  said 
to  Dr.  Mason,  his  physician,  in  his  quiet,  quaint  way,  "  I  thought  that 
I  was  going  over  the  river  that  time  sure."  He  was  now  eighty-one, 
and  premonitions  of  approaching  death  decided  him  on  his  last  impor 
tant  public  act,  and  that  was  to  urge  the  nation  to  make  Lincoln's 
birthday  a  national  holiday.  The  propagation  of  anarchistic  doc 
trines,  the  glorification  of  the  lost  cause,  and  the  celebration  of  Jef 
ferson  Davis' s  birthday  in  some  Southern  States  were  the  chief 
considerations  which  impelled  him  to  this  course.  He  thought  that 
this  nation  could  with  profit  spend  one  day  in  the  year  demonstrating 
to  the  masses  the  lesson  of  the  Emancipator's  life.  The  perpetuity  of 
a  government  depended  on  the  character  of  its  citizenship,  and  know 
ledge  of  Lincoln's  life  was  one  thing  which  ought  to  be  brought  home 
to  the  masses  to  illustrate  the  possibilities  of  American  citizenship. 
In  1887  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Republican  Club  of  New  York,  to  be 
read  at  its  Lincoln  dinner,  to  this  end.  But  his  suggestion  was  too 
early;  and  in  February  of  1891,  five  months  before  his  death,  when 
his  failing  strength  made  travel  hazardous,  he  came  to  New  York  to 
make  his  last  public  speech,  and  pay  his  last  tribute  to  his  friend  and 
associate. 

The  occasion  was  the  Lincoln  dinner  given  by  the  Republican  Club 


THE   LAST   YEARS  587 

at  Delmonico's.  The  scene  was  thus  described  by  one  present :  "  In 
all  my  life  I  never  saw  anything  that  stirred  so  many  emotions  and 
aroused  so  many  memories  as  when  Hannibal  Hamlin  pleaded  with 
the  nation  to  make  Abraham  Lincoln's  birthday  a  holiday.  I  had 
seen  him  in  many  a  stirring  contest  of  other  days,  and  remembered 
him  as  a  rugged  giant  full  of  fire  and  conviction.  But  when  he  arose 
I  saw  a  venerable  man,  mellowed  out,  standing  at  the  end  of  his  great 
and  useful  life,  happy  in  the  approval  of  his  own  conscience,  and  re 
spected  by  all.  He  had  grown  old  grandly.  He  stood  before  us  an 
anti-slavery  leader,  one  of  the  fathers  of  the  Republican  party,  and  the 
trusted  friend  and  counselor  of  Lincoln.  His  speech,  simple  and  dig 
nified,  ought  to  pass  into  our  literature  as  a  classic  ;  and  yet  cold  type 
cannot  breathe  again  the  charm  of  his  personality  nor  sound  out  the 
sweetness  of  his  voice.  The  audience  venerated  him  and  kept  the 
silence  of  death  while  he  was  speaking,  except  when  they  had  to  cheer 
to  relieve  their  emotions.  When  he  had  closed,  he  left  us  to  go  to  a 
reception  at  the  Union  League  Club.  His  leave-taking  was  simple 
and  characteristic.  Standing  in  the  doorway  of  the  banquet-hall, 
with  hundreds  of  men  cheering,  some  weeping,  he  lifted  his  hands, 
and  said  in  a  gentle  voice  :  '  Good-by ;  God  bless  you  all.'  It  was 
like  a  benediction,  and  the  picture  which  the  old  Vice-President  pre 
sented  at  that  moment  can  never  be  effaced  from  the  minds  of  those 
who  saw  it." 

The  chairman,  William  Brookfield,  said,  in  introducing  Mr.  Ham 
lin  :- 

"  Gentlemen,  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Republican  party,  the  friend 
and  associate  of  Lincoln,  the  man  for  whom  his  fellow-citizens  through 
out  the  land  entertain  an  affectionate  regard,  needs  no  introduction  in 
a  gathering  like  this.  We  will  have  the  pleasure  of  listening  to  Mr. 
Hamlin." 

Mr.  Hamlin  replied  in  part :  — 

"  I  came  from  my  home  to  be  with  you  to-night  to  do  homage  to 
the  memory  of  one  of  the  greatest  men  the  world  has  ever  known.  I 
left  my  home  at  the  hazard  of  my  health,  that  I  might  testify  by  my 
presence  here  in  joining  with  you  in  paying  a  tribute  to  the  memory 
and  the  worth  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  It  was  for  that  I  came,  and  not 
to  talk.  But  I  had  a  thought  in  my  mind  which  it  was  my  purpose  to 
suggest  to  this  noble  club,  and  I  will  do  it.  We  speak  of  Washington 
as  the  Father  of  his  Country,  and  we  know  that  by  his  Fabian  policy 
the  liberties  and  the  independence  of  these  colonies  were  finally 
secured.  We  know  the  wisdom  of  George  Washington  aided  in  lay 
ing  deep  and  strong  the  foundations  upon  which  our  government 
rests.  We  know  that  he  aided  in  launching  the  old  ship  of  state 
upon  that  foundation  that  has  outridden  all  the  storms  in  the  past, 


588  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

as,  in  God's  name,  we  trust  it  will  outride  all  the  storms  in  the  future. 
All  honor,  then,  to  George  Washington  and  the  commemoration  of 
his  name. 

"  I  think,  Mr.  President,  that  you  have  in  your  by-laws  a  provision 
that  this  day  shall  be  saved  to  the  memory  of  the  birth  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
Do  you  remember  that  we  have  incorporated  in  the  statutes  of  our 
country  one  that  makes  the  birthday  of  George  Washington  a  national 
birthday  ?  It  rests  upon  no  separate  articles  of  political  organization, 
but  it  rests  upon  the  everlasting  law.  I  have  come  here  to-night, 
and  if  I  have  any  power,  I  would  ask  it  with  all  the  force  I  can  urge, 
that  you  join  with  me  in  making  the  birthday  of  Abraham  Lincoln  a 
national  birthday.  That,  in  addition  to  participating  with  you  on  this 
occasion,  has  brought  me  here.  They  are  equally  entitled  to  have 
their  birthdays  commemorated.  Every  age  has  produced  its  great 
and  distinguished  men,  the  names  of  some  of  whom  shall  never  die. 
In  art,  in  literature,  in  arms,  in  the  mechanic  arts,  in  everything  that 
serves  to  aid  and  elevate  the  people,  the  world  has  produced  its  great 
and  distinguished  men.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  not  an  educated  man, 
but  he  was  a  learned  man.  The  world  was  the  school  in  which  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  graduated.  It  was  not  confined  to  the  walls  of  your  col 
leges  and  your  higher  schools.  He  was  educated  in  the  great  school 
of  the  world.  His  professors,  his  tutors,  were  the  men  with  whom  he 
came  in  contact  in  after  life,  and  learned  the  lesson  of  humanity  which 
belonged  to  the  world.  Such  was  the  school  in  which  Abraham  Lin 
coln  was  educated.  Why,  that  little  gem  of  a  speech  which  he  made 
at  Gettysburg  will  be  taught  by  our  mothers  to  their  children,  and  it 
will  stand  as  a  gem  of  English  literature  in  all  the  ages  that  shall 
come.  It  was  a  little  speech  that  spoke  from  the  man  who  was  edu 
cated  in  the  schools  of  the  world,  and  it  came  closer  home  to  the 
hearts  and  the  firesides  of  our  people.  Yes,  read  carefully  the  Life  of 
Lincoln,  by  Nicolay  and  Hay.  They  give  you  a  better  idea  of  the 
early  training  and  the  early  schooling  of  that  eminent  man,  and  you 
can  learn  there  how  close  he  was  to  the  hearts  of  all  our  people.  Was 
it  an  education  equal  to  that  other  school  ?  I  will  not  stop  to  discuss 
the  question.  Undoubtedly  the  blending  of  the  two  would  be  the 
desideratum,  but  which  is  the  better  I  stand  not  here  to  declare. 

"  One  was  an  education  that  brought  the  man  home  directly  to  the 
great  mass  of  our  people.  They  felt  it.  They  felt  his  words,  that 
would  have  been  cold  as  the  icicle,  dropping  purely  from  the  educated 
man  of  the  schools.  .  .  .  Now,  Mr.  President,  the  time  has  come  when 
all  the  bitter  asperities  that  existed  against  Mr.  Lincoln  have  ceased. 
The  world  will  say  that  his  birthday  should  be  a  national  holiday. 
Had  I  remained  in  the  Senate  to  this  hour,  it  would  have  been  done 
before  now.  You  are  a  strong,  a  vigorous,  an  active,  an  intelligent, 


THE   LAST   YEARS  589 

and  purely  a  Republican  party.  Now  you  can  put  that  wheel  in 
motion  which  shall  roll  on  to  success.  See  to  it  that  the  birthday  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  is  made  a  national  holiday.  Perhaps  I  may  say  that 
mainly  to  utter  these  few  words  I  was  induced  to  come  here.  Re 
member,  I  can  see  the  boys  in  blue  as  they  tread  their  solitary  rounds 
in  their  camping  grounds,  and  I  can  hear  a  voice,  gentle,  but  potent 
to  my  ear,  that  commands  me  from  them  to  regard  the  memory  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  as  they  would  have  done  had  God  in  his  inscrutable 
wisdom  changed  our  relative  positions."  1 

The  following  May,  Mr.  Hamlin  took  his  farewell  from  the  people 
of  his  home.  He  was  still  active  and  every  day  visited  his  club;  but 
he  expected  the  summons  to  another  world  any  moment,  and  said 
good-by  to  his  old  neighbors  when  they  had  gathered  together  at  old 
Norumbega  Hall  at  a  public  meeting  in  honor  of  merchants'  week. 
There  were  many  calls  for  him,  and  he  came  slowly  forward.  The 
great  audience  divined  that  he  had  something  unusual  to  say,  and  a 
hush  fell  over  the  house  as  he  began  :  — 

"  I  give  you  my  cordial  thanks  for  this  most  generous  reception.  I 
am  not  here  to  speak.  You  cannot,  you  do  not,  expect  me  to  do  so. 
More  than  eighty  years  have  thinned  and  whitened  my  locks,  and  I 
stand  to-day  in  the  twilight  of  my  age,  and  the  fullness  of  years  folds 
about  me.  You  do  not  expect  a  speech  from  me.  Out  of  a  kind  re 
gard  for  our  merchants  I  said  I  would  testify  my  respects  to  them  by 
attending  this  meeting.  We  have  in  Bangor  a  measure  of  integrity, 
and  enterprise,  and  honesty  equal  to  any  town  in  the  world.  I  love 
the  city  of  Bangor.  It  has  been  my  home  for  long  years.  If  I  can 
add  a  word  for  her  prosperity,  if  I  can  say  Godspeed,  it  is  a  pleasure 
for  me  to  do  so.  For  that  purpose  I  am  here  to-night  —  I  may  add 
probably  the  last  time  I  may  ever  tread  these  boards.  God  bless  and 
prosper  our  city  !  God  bless  you  all !  " 

With  this  Mr.  Hamlin  left  the  platform,  and  slowly  walked  down  the 
hall,  while  the  audience,  deeply  moved,  rose  and  cheered  him  again  and 
again,  while  many  were  touched  to  tears. 

The  following  fourth  of  July  Mr.  Hamlin  seemed  unusually  bright 
and  active.  He  always  enjoyed  this  day.  He  walked  briskly  to  the 
Tarratine  Club  in  the  afternoon,  to  play  his  usual  game  of  cards  with 
his  old  friends.  He  complained  once  of  a  pain  in  his  back,  but  after 
he  had  been  rubbed  a  little  it  passed  off  and  he  continued  his  game. 
A  little  while  later  his  head  fell  on  his  breast  and  his  hands  grasped 
convulsively  over  his  heart.  He  was  unconscious  until  physicians 

1  Since  Mr.  Hamlin  originated  the  movement  to  nationalize  Lincoln's  birthday, 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  Connecticut,  Pennsylvania,  Wisconsin,  and  Washington 
have  followed  the  example  of  Illinois  in  establishing  Lincoln  Day  by  act  of  legis 
lature. 


590  HANNIBAL   HAMLIN 

were  called.  He  asked  for  his  wife  and  children,  and  spoke  once  or 
twice  to  them  and  the  physicians.  There  were  hopes  for  the  moment 
that  he  would  recover ;  but  the  faithful  heart  was  tired  out,  and  soon, 
on  the  anniversary  of  the  natal  day  of  the  nation  he  had  served  so 
long  and  loved  so  well,  the  old  commoner  of  Maine  was  gathered  to 
his  fathers  as  a  child  falls  asleep. 


SUPPLEMENT 


JOHN   G.    NICOLAY   TO   GENERAL   HAMLIN 

WASHINGTON,  February  24, 1896. 
GENERAL  CHARLES  HAMLIN,  Bangor,  Maine  : 

I  have  received  your  letter  in  which  you  request  from  me  a  written  state 
ment  of  the  facts  within  my  knowledge  relating  to  the  defeat  of  your  father, 
Vice-President  Hamlin,  for  renomination  at  the  Baltimore  convention  of 
1864;  adding  that  you  desire  this  written  statement  from  me  to  use  in  the 
biography  of  him,  which  you  are  writing  and  expect  soon  to  publish.  I 
cordially  accede  to  your  request  for  the  following  reasons  :  — 

About  five  years  ago,  on  the  day  after  the.  death  of  your  father,  there 
appeared  in  the  "  Philadelphia  Times  "  an  editorial  alleging  as  an  important 
revelation  of  political  history  that  Mr.  Hamlin's  defeat  for  renomination 
for  Vice-President  at  the  Baltimore  National  Convention  of  1864  was  by 
the  express  wish  and  direction  of  President  Lincoln.  The  writer  of  the 
"Times"  editorial  stated  that  he  "was  a  delegate  at  large  from  Pennsylva 
nia  in  the  Baltimore  convention  of  1864,  an<3  in  response  to  an  invitation 
from  the  President  to  visit  Washington  on  the  eve  of  the  meeting  of  that 
body,  a  conference  was  had  in  which  Lincoln  gravely  urged  the  nomination 
of  Johnson  for  Vice-President."  Also  that  in  consequence  of  this  urging 
he  and  other  Pennsylvania  delegates  voted  against  Hamlin.  The  sub 
stance  of  this  editorial  was  ostentatiously  given  to  the  Associated  Press, 
and  was  printed  in  leading  newspapers  throughout  the  country. 

Having  in  my  possession  a  document  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  own  handwriting 
which  absolutely  disproved  the  allegation  of  the  "  Times  "  editorial,  I 
promptly  on  the  same  day  sent  a  telegram  to  Mrs.  Hamlin  in  the  following 
words,  which  was  given  the  same  publicity  in  the  Associated  Press  and 
newspapers :  — 

WASHINGTON,  July  7,  1891. 
MRS.  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN,  Bangor,  Me.: 

The  editorial  statement  from  the  Philadelphia  "  Times  "  printed  in  this  morn 
ing's  news  dispatches,  to  the  effect  that  President  Lincoln  opposed  Mr.  Hamlin's 
renomination  as  Vice-President,  is  entirely  erroneous.  Mr.  Lincoln's  personal 
feelings,  on  the  contrary,  were  for  Mr.  Hamlin's  renomination,  as  he  confiden 
tially  expressed  to  me,  but  he  persistently  withheld  any  opinion  calculated  to 
influence  the  convention  for  or  against  any  candidate,  and  I  have  his  written 
words  to  that  effect,  as  fully  set  forth  on  pages  72  and  73,  chapter  iii.,  volume  9, 
of  "  Abraham  Lincoln :  A  History,"  by  Nicolay  and  Hay. 

Permit  me,  in  addition,  to  express  my  deepest  sympathy  in  your  and  the  nation's 
loss  through  Mr.  Hamlin's  death. 

JOHN  G.  NICOLAY. 


592  SUPPLEMENT 

On  the  morning  of  July  9  there  appeared  a  second  editorial  in  the 
"Times,"  signed  by  the  initials  of  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure,  the  editor-in- 
chief  of  that  paper,  directed  to  three  main  efforts  :  First,  to  repeat  his 
assertion  about  his  interview  with  Lincoln,  and  Lincoln's  instructions  that 
Johnson  should  be  nominated  ;  second,  inventing  a  theory  to  explain 
away  Lincoln's  written  record  that  he  refused  to  interfere  about  the  vice- 
presidency;  and,  third,  violent  personal  abuse  of  myself  to  muddy  and 
obscure  the  real  point  of  the  controversy. 

I  replied  to  this  second  editorial  in  an  open  letter  of  about  a  column, 
refuting  Colonel  McClure's  explanatory  theory,  and  adding  to  Lincoln's 
written  record  convincing  circumstantial  and  personal  evidence. 

Against  my  reply  Colonel  McClure  printed  in  the  "Times"  of  July  12 
an  open  letter  to  me,  reiterating  his  allegations  and  his  explanatory  the 
ories,  and  indulging  in  yet  more  offensive  personal  abuse  of  myself. 

I  as  in  duty  bound  rejoined  in  a  second  open  letter,  in  which  I  summed 
up  the  evidence  on  my  behalf.  That  ended  the  controversy  on  my  part, 
because  my  position  and  argument  were  sufficient. 

Up  to  this  time  the  substance  of  the  discussion  on  both  sides  had  been 
telegraphed  by  the  Associated  Press,  and  printed  in  the  leading  news 
papers.  During  those  few  days  it  excited  much  public  attention,  and 
caused  much  and  very  diverse  journalistic  comment ;  and  what  was  more 
important,  it  called  out,  by  way  of  interviews  and  letters,  a  number  of 
statements  by  men  yet  living  who  had  been  delegates  to  the  Baltimore 
convention  of  1864,  and  who  had  personal  knowledge  relating  to  the 
events  under  discussion. 

The  "  Philadelphia  Times  "  kept  up  for  a  week  or  two  after  the  main  dis 
cussion  ceased,  a  desultory  fire  of  small  paragraphs  directed  against  myself, 
and  it  would  appear  that  Colonel  McClure  wrote  private  letters  of  inquiry 
to  sundry  persons  ;  for  on  August  i  the  "  Times  "  printed  a  supplementary 
series  of  letters  and  extracts  which  was  headed,  "  Testimony  of  Lead 
ing  Political  Actors ; "  and  in  this  the  editor  grouped  and  arranged  such 
evidence  as  in  his  opinion  bore  on  his  side  of  the  fight.  But  he  as  con 
spicuously  omitted  any  notice  of  the  yet  more  important  evidence  bearing 
against  him  that  had  been  printed  by  competent  witnesses  during  this  same 
period  without  any  solicitation  on  my  part.  I  had  in  the  mean  time  gone 
away  on  my  summer  vacation,  and  in  the  quiet  and  isolated  New  England 
village  where  I  was  sojourning  Colonel  McClure's  supplement  did  not  fall 
into  my  hands  for  some  weeks,  for  the  reason  that  it  was  only  printed  as 
ordinary  newspaper  reading  matter,  and  not  mentioned  in  press  telegrams. 
When  I  did  see  it  I  made  no  reply  to  it,  as  I  was  away  from  my  home 
and  all  my  memoranda,  and  because  so  much  time  had  elapsed  that  more 
recent  topics  of  public  interest  had  diverted  and  absorbed  public  attention. 

Colonel  McClure  had,  however,  not  yet  finished.  About  a  year  later, 
during  1892,  he  published  a  book,  an  octavo  volume  of  462  pages,  entitled 
"  Lincoln,  and  Men  of  War  Times."  In  an  appendix  he  printed  in  full  all 
the  discussion  alluded  to  above  ;  that  is,  his  several  editorials  and  my 
several  open  letters  to  him  ;  also  the  supplementary  series,  omitting,  how- 


SUPPLEMENT  593 

ever,  as  before,  all  new  evidence  which  did  not  favor  his  argument ;  and 
several  chapters  in  the  body  of  the  volume  were  also  in  part  devoted  to  a 
review  and  restatement  of  the  controversy  as  he  wished  it  understood,  but 
which  I  hold  to  be  erroneous. 

Now  Colonel  McClure  and  I  are  agreed  upon  one  point.  He,  in  one  of 
his  editorials,  expressed  the  belief  that  this  dispute  "  must  lead  to  the  clear 
establishment  of  the  exact  truth  as  to  the  defeat  of  Hamlin  in  1864."  I 
believe  so,  too.  But  I  also  think  that  this  "  exact  truth  "  cannot  be  estab 
lished  by  his  course  of  omitting  important  evidence  which  bears  against 
his  contention.  As  Colonel  McClure  has  appealed  from  the  hot  air  of 
ephemeral  journalism  to  the  cooler  judgment  of  history,  and  as,  in  the  ordi 
nary  phraseology  of  debate,  he  has  twice  had  the  "  conclusion  "  on  me,  once 
in  his  supplement  and  again  in  his  book,  it  is  now  fairly  my  turn ;  and, 
discarding  his  bad  example,  I  shall  mention  and  review  all  the  essential 
evidence  which  has  come  to  my  notice.  I  have  always  intended  at  some 
proper  time  to  write  such  a  review,  and  your  request  for  it,  to  be  used  in 
your  biography,  renders  the  time  eminently  fitting  and  proper.  I  am 
moved  to  comply  with  your  wish,  not  alone  by  my  warm  personal  friend 
ship  for  your  father,  and  the  respect  and  gratitude  due  to  his  character  and 
public  services,  but  also  by  the  higher  duty  of  vindicating  the  truth  of 
history.  Very  truly  yours, 

JNO.  G.  NICOLAY. 

REVIEW 

I 

When  in  1864  the  meeting  of  the  Baltimore  convention  drew  near,  it 
was  already  known  that  the  renomination  of  President  Lincoln  was  certain 
beyond  a  doubt,  and  contests  would  only  arise  upon  the  vice-presidency 
and  subordinate  political  strategy.  All  parties  develop  rival  factions  and 
individual  fault-finders  in  every  State  ;  and  even  in  Lincoln's  home  State  of 
Illinois  there  were  a  few  "  soreheads  "  who,  unable  to  stem  the  tide  of 
Lincoln's  popularity,  had  striven  to  magnify  their  own  local  importance  by 
intriguing  in  committee  against  a  vigorous  indorsement  of  the  President  in 
the  Illinois  State  Convention  that  appointed  delegates  to  the  Republican 
National  Convention  of  1864. 

On  Sunday,  the  5th  of  July,  I  went  to  Baltimore  to  attend  the  convention 
as  a  spectator.  I  was  not  a  delegate,  and  had  no  object  or  mission  beyond 
that  of  curiosity.  My  going  was  not  suggested  by  the  President,  neither 
did  he  object  when  I  informed  him  of  my  intention.  That  being  the  fifth 
year  of  my  service  as  his  confidential  and  official  private  secretary,  I  knew 
I  would  be  questioned  about  the  President's  desires.  I  mentioned  this  to 
him,  and  asked  him  specially  whether  he  wished  me  to  say  anything  as  to 
whom  he  might  prefer  to  have  associated  with  him  as  candidate  for  Vice- 
President. 

His  answer  was  that  all  the  various  candidates  and  their  several  sup 
porters  being  his  friends,  he  deemed  it  unbecoming  in  him  to  advocate  the 


594  SUPPLEMENT 

nomination  of  any  one  of  them  ;  but  that  privately  and  personally  he  would 
be  best  pleased  if  the  convention  would  renominate  the  old  ticket  that  had 
been  so  triumphantly  elected  in  1860,  and  which  would  show  an  unbroken 
faith  and  leadership  in  the  Republican  party,  and  an  unbroken  and  undi 
vided  support  of  that  party  to  the  administration  and  in  prosecution  of 
the  war. 

Having  arrived  in  Baltimore  on  Sunday  afternoon,  June  5,  I  wrote  back 
that  same  night  to  my  associate,  then  Major,  now  Colonel  John  Hay,  as 
follows :  — 

..."  One  of  the  first  men  I  met  was  B.  C.  Cook,  who  stands  at  the  head  of 
our  Illinois  delegation,  and  had  quite  a  long  and  confidential  talk  with  him.  He 
told  me  he  had  thought  of  going  to  Washington  to-morrow,  but  seeing  me  he 
concluded  he  could  sufficiently  post  himself.  He  premised  by  telling  me  that  the 
milk-and-water  Lincoln  resolution  which  was  first  reported  to  the  Illinois  State 
Convention  was  cooked  up  by  a  few  plotters,  to  the  utter  surprise  and  astonish 
ment  of  nine  tenths  of  the  convention,  and  by  only  a  part  of  the  committee,  and 
was  with  the  others  reported  to  the  convention  when  there  was  but  a  small  attend 
ance,  it  being  late  at  night,  but  that  the  convention  very  handsomely  repudiated 
them,  and  referred  them  to  a  new  committee,  which  introduced  and  passed  others 
of  the  right  stripe.  .  .  . 

"  Cook  says  there  will  be  three  or  four  disaffected  members  in  the  delegation 
from  Illinois,  but  that  nevertheless  the  delegation  will  vote  and  act  as  a  unit,  under 
the  instructions  of  the  convention  and  also  the  will  of  the  large  majority  of  the 
delegation.  He  says  the  delegation  will  in  good  faith  do  everything  they  can  for 
Lincoln;  that  is,  in  arranging  the  Vice-President,  the  committee,  platform,  etc., 
taking  his  own  nomination  of  course  as  beyond  question. 

"  What  transpired  at  home,  and  what  he  has  heard  from  several  sources,  have 
made  Cook  suspicious  that  Swett  may  be  untrue  to  Lincoln.  One  of  the  straws 
which  led  him  to  this  belief  is  that  Swett  has  telegraphed  here,  urging  the  Illinois 
delegation  to  go  for  Holt  for  Vice-President.  I  told  Cook  that  I  thought  Lincoln 
would  not  wish  even  to  indicate  a  preference  for  Vice-President,  as  the  rival  can 
didates  were  all  friendly  to  him.  .  .  . 

"  Cook  wants  to  know  confidentially  whether  Swett  is  all  right  ;  whether  in 
urging  Holt  for  Vice-President  he  reflects  the  President's  wishes  ;  whether  the 
President  has  any  preference,  either  personally  or  on  the  score  of  policy,  or  whether 
he  wishes  not  even  to  interfere  by  a  confidential  indication.  Also  whether  he 
thinks  it  would  be  good  policy  to  give  the  radical  delegates  from  Missouri  the 
seats  on  their  promising  to  vote  for  him.  Please  get  this  information  for  me  if 
possible.  Write  and  send  your  letter  by  express,  so  that  it  will  reach  me  by  the 
earliest  practicable  hour  to-morrow  (Monday).  This  will  go  to  you  by  express  by 
the  seven  A.  M.  train  to-morrow,  so  you  ought  to  have  it  by  ten  A.  M.  Address  me 

at  Eutaw  House. 

"N." 

Now  it  will  be  seen  from  this  letter  of  inquiry  that  I  had  faithfully 
reflected  Lincoln's  wish  and  policy  to  express  no  preference  for  any  candi 
date.  I  had  not  even  informed  Chairman  Cook  that  I  knew  what  Lincoln's 
private  preference  was.  I  had  not  written  the  letter  for  my  own  informa 
tion,  because  I  had  had  that  directly  from  the  President's  own  lips.  I  was 
merely  repeating  the  request  of  the  chairman  of  the  Illinois  delegation. 

But  the  chairman's  desire  to  know  was  not  based  merely  on  the  question 


SUPPLEMENT  595 

of  the  vice-presidency.  He  wished  to  understand  and  be  assured  whether 
there  was  anything  in  these  rumored  factional  intrigues  in  the  Illinois 
delegation  itself ;  whether  it  could  be  possible  that  undercurrents  existed, 
or  whether  marplots,  who  had  given  some  sign  in  the  Illinois  State  Conven 
tion,  would  spring  a  disturbing  intrigue  upon  the  deliberations  of  the 
National  Convention  ;  whether  the  hoped-for  unanimous  renomination  of 
Lincoln  would  be  marred  by  the  bickerings  of  a  few  malcontent  delegates 
from  Illinois. 

Colonel  Hay  received  my  letter  after  ten  o'clock  A.  M.  on  Monday,  June  6, 
and  laid  it  before  the  President,  who  immediately  indorsed  upon  it  with  his 
own  hand  a  clear  and  explicit  answer  to  all  the  questions  as  follows :  — 

"  Swett  is  unquestionably  all  right.  Mr.  Holt  is  a  good  man,  but  I  had  not 
heard  or  thought  of  him  for  V.  P.  Wish  not  to  interfere  about  V.  P.  Cannot 
interfere  about  platform.  Convention  must  judge  for  itself.'1'1 

Cook's  question  was  twofold :  First,  was  Swett  true  to  Lincoln  ;  that  is, 
Lincoln's  renomination  for  President  ?  Second,  whether  in  urging  Holt 
for  Vice-President  he  reflected  the  President's  wishes.  Both  these  ques 
tions  were  answered  in  the  President's  indorsement :  First,  that  Swett 
was  unquestionably  true  to  Lincoln's  renomination ;  second,  that  he  had 
never  thought  of  Holt  for  Vice-President,  and  wished  not  to  interfere  about 
Vice-President. 

Colonel  Hay  immediately  communicated  this  answer  to  me  at  Baltimore, 
where  I  in  turn  at  once  gave  it  to  Chairman  Cook.  The  answer  was  not 
for  my  information  or  guidance  or  benefit.  I  was  only  the  medium  of 
transmission.  It  was  the  President's  personal  instruction  to  the  chairman 
of  the  Illinois  delegation,  who  was,  so  to  speak,  the  direct  personal  repre 
sentative  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  national  convention  of  the  Republican 
party ;  and  as  such  representative,  and  by  virtue  of  his  standing  and  party 
commission  as  a  delegate,  and  as  chairman  of  the  Illinois  delegation,  Mr. 
Cook,  on  the  second  day  after,  renominated  Mr.  Lincoln  as  the  Republican 
candidate  for  President,  not,  however,  until  he  had  made  assurance  doubly 
sure.  On  that  same  afternoon  of  Monday,  June  6,  Cook  went  to  Washing 
ton,  and  heard  from  the  President  himself  what  I  had  communicated,  and, 
in  addition,  enough  to  convince  him  of  Lincoln's  real  desire,  to  have  the 
old  ticket  renominated  as  a  whole. 


II 

I  quote  first  of  all  Chairman  Cook's  testimony  as  printed  in  the  Asso 
ciated  Press  telegrams  under  date  of  July  9,  1891  :  — 

"  Mr.  Nicolay's  statement  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  favor  of  Hannibal  Hamlin  is 
correct.  The  dispatch  which  is  published  this  morning  was  sent  to  me  in  reply  to 
an  inquiry  to  Mr.  Lincoln  in  regard  to  the  matter.  It  read,  'Wish  not  to  interfere 
about  V.  P. ;  cannot  interfere  about  platform  ;  convention  must  judge  for  itself.' 

"  I  went  to  see  Mr.  Lincoln  personally,  however.  There  are  always  men  who 
say  the  presidential  candidates  prefer  this  man  or  that,  and  they  do  it  without  the 
slightest  authority.  It  was  so  in  this  campaign.  It  was  reported  that  Andrew 


596  SUPPLEMENT 

Johnson  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  choice,  and  it  was  my  business  to  find  out  whether  it 
was  or  not.  We  were  beyond  all  measure  for  Mr.  Lincoln  first,  last,  and  for  all 
time.  If  he  desired  Mr.  Johnson,  he  would  have  been  our  choice,  but  he  did  not. 
"As  the  dispatch  indicates,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  particularly  anxious  not  to  make 
known  his  preferences  on  the  question  of  his  associate  on  the  ticket.  But  that  he 
had  a  preference  I  positively  know.  After  my  interview  with  him,  I  was  as  posi 
tive  that  Hannibal  Hamlin  was  his  favorite  as  I  an^that  I  am  alive  to-day.  The 
fact  is  further  proven  by  the  action  of  the  entire  Illinois  delegation,  which  was  a 
unit  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  and,  as  I  stated  before,  we  were  at  his  service  in  the  matter." 

In  another  interview  with  a  different  reporter,  the  account  of  which 
appeared  on  the  same  day  in  a  special  telegram  to  the  "  New  York  Tribune," 
Mr.  Cook  repeated  the  substance  of  the  foregoing  in  different  phraseology ; 
and  the  reporter  put  this  direct  question  :  "  But  there  is  no  doubt  in  your 
mind,  Mr.  Cook,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  favor  the  nomination  of  a 
Southern  Unionist  ? "  Mr.  Cook's  reply  was,  "  None  at  all.  I  know  he  did 
not.  I  know  he  would  have  been  pleased  with  the  nomination  of  Hannibal 
Hamlin." 

In  connection  with  this  testimony  of  the  chairman  of  the  Illinois  delega 
tion,  I  here  quote  the  corroborative  evidence  of  Dr.  F.  A.  Powell,  one  of 
the  delegates  at  large  from  Illinois,  an  intimate  personal  friend  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  who  saw  the  President  both  immediately  before  and  immediately 
after  the  convention.  In  an  interview  printed  in  the  Washington  "  Even 
ing  Star"  of  July  18,  1891,  Dr.  Powell  states:  — 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  in  the  remotest  degree  responsible  for  the  naming  of 
Andrew  Johnson  as  his  yoke-mate  on  that  ticket.  He  neither  suggested  nor 
encouraged  such  action,  and  I  feel  justified  in  saying  even  that  he  was  probably  as 
much  surprised  at  it  as  were  the  members  of  the  Illinois  delegation  to  the  conven 
tion.  That  we  were  surprised  I  can  sincerely  testify.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  by 
this  that  we  had  not  heard  it  suggested  that  Mr.  Hamlin  would  be  opposed  in  the 
convention  for  renomination,  but  the  movement  had  not  appeared  formidable  to 
us,  and  certainly  the  name  of  Andrew  Johnson  had  not  come  to  my  ears  in  connec 
tion  with  it.  The  attitude  of  the  Illinois  delegation  in  that  convention  we  saw  in 
advance  must  be  a  conservative  one.  We  were  all  personal  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln  ; 
we  were  about  to  receive,  without  the  shadow  of  opposition,  all  that  we  were 
asking,  the  nomination  of  our  favorite,  and  we  felt  that  for  the  rest  we  should  not 
obtrude  our  wishes  on  the  convention.  We  wanted  the  whole  work  well  done,  of 
course,  and  we  felt  that  that  would  be  accomplished  without  any  particular  activity 
on  our  part.  In  taking  that  position,  too,  we  knew  that  we  would  be  acting  in  strict 
accord  with  the  wishes  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  whose  position  at  that  time  was  well  under 
stood  by  all  his  friends.  We  thought  well  of  Mr.  Hamlin.  We  believed  him  to 
be  an  honest  man  and  a  patriot,  and  our  purpose  was  to  vote  for  his  renomination. 
.  .  .  We  listened  respectfully  to  whatever  was  communicated  to  us,  but  our  only 
reply  was  an  expression  of  gratitude  at  the  general  favor  in  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
regarded.  It  was  generally  known  that  we  would  vote  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  but  we  did 
not  parade  our  intentions,  nor  seek  to  influence  others  to  support  him." 

I  next  quote  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Isaac  Jenkinson,  the  editor  of  the 
"  Richmond  (Indiana)  Palladium,"  who  was  a  delegate  at  large  from  the 
State  of  Indiana,  and  who  printed  the  following  editorial  statement  in 
the  "Palladium"  of  July  u,  1891  :  — 


SUPPLEMENT  597 

"Whether  President  Lincoln  preferred  the  nomination  of  Hannibal  Hamlin  or 
Andrew  Johnson  for  the  vice-presidency  in  1864  would  not  seem  to  be  of  sufficient 
importance  to  justify  the  bitter  quarrel  now  existing  between  Colonel  McClure,  of 
the  "  Philadelphia  Times,"  and  Mr.  Nicolay,  President  Lincoln's  private  secretary. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  we  believe  Mr.  Nicolay  is  in  the  right  and  Colonel 
McClure  in  the  wrong  upon  the  question.  We  were  a  member  of  the  Indiana 
delegation  at  the  Baltimore  convention  in  1864,  and  we  distinctly  remember  that  at 
the  convention  it  was  very  generally  understood  that  Mr.  Lincoln  refused  to 
express  any  choice  between  the  candidates  for  second  place.  In  company  with 
Judge  Kilgore  of  this  State,  we  made  a  lengthened  call  upon  President  Lincoln  the 
day  before  the  nominations  were  made,  and  while  the  President,  in  answer  to  the 
direct  question,  frankly  said  he  desired  his  own  nomination,  he  utterly  refused  to 
indicate  any  preference  for  the  vice-presidency.  We  do  not,  therefore,  believe  he 
could  have  really  been  urging  the  selection  of  Johnson.  If  he  were  doing  so, 
some  one,  beside  Colonel  McClure,  at  the  convention,  would  have  known  it ;  cer 
tainly  the  Indiana  delegation,  which  supported  Johnson,  would  not  have  been 
ignorant  of  the  fact." 

I  next  quote  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Robert  Gardner,  one  of  the  delegates 
from  the  State  of  California,  who,  in  a  letter  printed  in  the  "  San  Francisco 
Evening  Bulletin  "  of  July  13,  1891,  makes  the  following  statement :  — 

"  We  arrived  in  Washington  early  in  June,  and  it  was  noted  by  some  of  the 
delegation  that  an  effort  was  being  made,  looking  to  the  nomination  of  Andrew 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  for  Vice-President,  instead  of  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine, 
the  distinguished  incumbent  of  that  office,  who,  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  had 
been  one  of  the  truest  representatives  of  our  Northern  type  of  civilization  at  the 
nation's  capital.  I  could  not  understand  why  this  change  in  the  vice-presidency 
was  being  agitated,  especially  as  Johnson  was  from  Tennessee,  a  State  practically 
out  of  the  Union,  without  state  organization,  and  the  civil  war  still  in  progress. 

"  A  few  days  before  the  meeting  of  the  Baltimore  convention  an  arrangement 
was  made  with  William  H.  Seward,  secretary  of  state,  through  Thompson 
Campbell,  of  our  delegation,  for  the  presentation  to  Abraham  Lincoln  of  the  dele 
gates  then  in  Washington.  We  met  at  the  White  House,  in  the  room  occupied  by 
the  Cabinet,  as  I  remember,  Lincoln  being  present.  Not  wishing  to  occupy  his 
valuable  time,  our  interview  was  brief,  but  an  opportunity  was  here  afforded  me 
to  ascertain  the  President's  views  on  the  vice-presidency,  which  I  was  anxious  to 
know.  In  passing  out,  and  while  shaking  hands,  I  said,  'Mr.  President,  we  are 
going  to  Baltimore  to  nominate  you  for  President,'  and  asked  the  question,  '  Have 
you  any  preference  for  Vice-President?'  He  replied:  'I  see  no  reason  for  a 
change.' " 

I  next  quote  the  evidence  of  Ex-Governor  Wm.  M.  Stone,  delegate 
from  the  State  of  Iowa,  and  chairman  of  the  Iowa  delegation,  and  who 
was  one  of  the  principal  actors  in  bringing  about  the  nomination  of  Andrew 
Johnson,  as  given  in  a  long  interview  printed  in  the  Washington  "  Evening 
Star"  of  July  20,  1891.  Governor  Stone  states  that  he  and  the  Iowa  dele 
gates  called  upon  Mr.  Lincoln  on  Monday  (June  6,  1864),  the  day  before 
the  Baltimore  convention  met.  Among  other  things,  he  says  he  asked  Mr. 
Lincoln  who,  in  his  opinion,  would  be  the  most  available  candidate  for 
Vice-President,  and  then  proceeds  :  — 

"Without  directly  answering  my  question,  he  said  that  it  might  be  deemed 


598  SUPPLEMENT 

advisable  to  select  some  prominent  Union  Democrat,  in  order  to  encourage  that 
sentiment  throughout  the  country,  and  satisfy  Southern  men  that  the  Republican 
party  was  not  acting  altogether  upon  strict  party  lines,  but  was  willing  to  cooperate 
with  any  set  of  men  who  were  willing  to  assist  it  in  saving  the  Union.  He  further 
said  that  the  loyal  element  in  the  Democratic  party  had  rendered  us  great  assist 
ance  in  their  unselfish  devotion  to  the  Union,  and  it  was  but  just  that  they  should 
be  recognized.  He  then,  in  about  the  following  order,  proceeded  to  name  General 
Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  Joseph  Holt,  of  Kentucky,  General  Dix,  D.  S.  Dickinson, 
and  Lyman  Tremain,  of  New  York,  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  and  some 
others  of  lesser  note  that  I  am  not  now  able  to  recall,  stating  that  these  men  were 
entitled  to  recognition,  and  that  by  selecting  from  men  of  that  class  we  would 
thereby  demonstrate  the  liberality  of  the  Republican  party,  encourage  recruits 
from  the  opposition,  and  strengthen  the  cause  of  the  Union.  In  short,  on  the 
highest  grounds  of  expediency,  he  thought  it  would  be  wise  to  select  some  so-called 
Union  Democrat  for  Vice-President.  But,  as  you  see,  he  shrewdly  avoided  ex 
pressing  any  preference  among  the  number  that  were  named  over." 

"Governor,  did  President  Lincoln  say  anything  against  the  renomination  of 
Vice-President  Hamlin?" 

"  He  certainly  did  not,  otherwise  than  by  expressing  his  preference  for  some 
Union  Democrat.  As  I  have  before  stated,  Mr.  Hamlin's  name  was  not  men 
tioned.  No,  he  did  not  intimate  any  preference,  and  I  got  the  impression  that 
he  would  be  satisfied  with  any  one  of  the  gentlemen  named.  But  had  I  been 
asked  what  I  thought  about  his  preferences,  I  would  have  said  they  were  in  the 
order  as  named  above,  beginning  with  General  Butler,  and  so  on.  He  did  not 
intimate  to  me  any  desire  for  Andrew  Johnson's  nomination,  nor  have  I  ever  been 
under  the  impression  that  Mr.  Lincoln  personally  desired  his  nomination." 

Now  we  have  here  the  evidence  of  five  witnesses,  delegates  to  the  con 
vention,  who  made  special  inquiry  on  the  point ;  evidence  solid  and  con 
sistent  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  written  indorsement,  and  agreeing  with  my 
telegram  to  Mrs.  Hamlin,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  positively  refused  to  express 
any  public  preference  for  Vice-President,  or  to  take  sides  for  or  against 
any  candidate ;  and  in  addition  the  concurrent  testimony  of  Chairman 
Cook,  Mr.  Gardner,  and  myself  that  privately  and  confidentially  he  pre 
ferred  Mr.  Hamlin.  If  in  his  secret  heart  he  had  desired  Johnson,  would 
he  have  thus  refused  the  eighty-four  votes  which  the  representatives  of 
these  delegations  as  good  as  offered  him  ? 

Ill 

When  my  denial  of  Colonel  McClure's  allegation  was  printed,  Colonel 
McClure,  finding  his  assertion  thus  positively  refuted  by  Mr.  Lincoln's 
written  words,  in  order  to  justify  himself  resolved  on  the  desperate  expe 
dient  of  trying  to  prove  President  Lincoln's  words  untrue,  and  imputing 
to  him  the  low  political  manoeuvre  of  deceit  and  duplicity.  In  an  editorial 
signed  with  his  initials  and  printed  in  the  "  Philadelphia  Times  "  of  July  9, 
1891,  he  began  with  bitter  personal  abuse  of  myself,  charging  me  with 
ignorance  and  incompetence,  and  on  the  other  hand  indulging  in  extreme 
laudation  of  himself  as  enjoying  the  especial  confidence  of  the  President. 
On  this  latter  point  he  said  :  — 

"  I  saw  Abraham  Lincoln  at  all  hours  of  the  day  and  night  during  his  presiden- 


SUPPLEMENT  599 

tial  service,  and  he  has  himself  abundantly  testified  to  the  trust  that  existed  be 
tween  us.  ...  In  all  of  the  many  grave  political  emergencies  arising  from  the  new 
and  often  appalling  duties  imposed  by  internecine  war,  I  was  one  of  those  called 
to  the  inner  councils  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  distrusted  his  own  judgment  in 
politics,  and  was  ever  careful  to  gather  the  best  counsels  from  all  the  varied 
shades  of  opinion  and  interest  to  guide  him  in  his  conclusions ;  and  there  were 
not  only  scores  of  confidential  conferences  in  the  White  House  of  which  John 
G.  Nicolay  never  heard,  but  no  man  ever  met  or  heard  of  John  G.  Nicolay  in 
such  councils." 

I  did  not  then,  nor  shall  I  now,  pay  any  attention  to  his  personal  abuse. 
It  is  an  old  and  stale  trick  of  editors  when  facts  and  reason  are  against 
them.  It  is  only  necessary  to  state  in  the  briefest  way  the  relations  each 
of  us  bore  to  President  Lincoln.  If  a  somewhat  careful  biographical  sketch 
printed  in  a  work  entitled  "A  Biographical  Album  of  Prominent  Pennsylva- 
nians  "  (Philadelphia,  1888)  be  correct,  Colonel  McClure  was  during  the 
presidential  term  from  1861  to  1865  at  various  times  chairman  of  the 
Republican  State  Central  Committee  of  Pennsylvania ;  member  of  the  state 
Senate  of  Pennsylvania,  chairman  of  its  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  ; 
adjutant-general  of  the  State,  having  superintendence  of  the  draft,  and 
editor  of  the  Chambersburg  "  Repository,"  a  local  newspaper.  His  chief 
political  prominence,  however,  arose  from  the  fact  that  he  was  the  party 
lieutenant  of  Governor  Curtin,  who  headed  one  Republican  faction  of  the 
State,  while  General  Cameron  headed  the  other  Republican  faction.  These 
two  factions  about  equally  divided  the  Republican  strength  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  and  were  as  bitterly  hostile  and  as  unceasingly  active  in  their  opposi 
tion  to  each  other  as  was  possible  with  maintaining  an  unbroken  party  front 
to  the  Democrats.  It  was  only  through  the  tact  and  sagacity  of  President 
Lincoln  that  the  Republicans  of  Pennsylvania  were  held  together  at  all. 
The  President  was  equally  courteous  and  generous  to  Cameron  and  to  Cur- 
tin  as  well  as  to  their  respective  adherents.  In  this  condition  of  Pennsyl 
vania  politics  Colonel  McClure  did  not  shine  by  any  representative  quality 
of  his  own,  but  only  by  the  light  reflected  on  him  as  being  the  confidential 
friend  and  factotum  of  Governor  Curtin.  The  interviews  and  confidence 
given  him  by  President  Lincoln  related  to  local  Pennsylvania  matters,  and 
not  to  national  questions  ;  for  advice  upon  those,  President  Lincoln  had 
his  cabinet,  his  generals,  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States,  the  Republican 
senators  and  members  of  Congress,  and  leading  politicians  and  statesmen 
from  the  whole  loyal  North  from  Maine  to  California,  together  with  devoted 
loyal  Union  leaders  from  the  border  States,  affording  him  an  array  of  sev 
eral  hundred  official  and  unofficial  advisers,  among  whom  neither  Colonel 
McClure  nor  myself  had  any  claim,  by  either  years,  talent,  or  experience* 
to  be  counted  or  admitted. 

From  the  above  it  will  be  seen  that  in  virtue  of  his  position  as  chairman 
of  the  Republican  State  Central  Committee,  as  a  member  of  the  state 
legislature,  and  as  adjutant-general,  as  well  as  his  local  editorship,  all  in 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  the  official  labors  and  duties  of  Colonel  McClure 
were  localized  at  Harrisburg,  the  state  capital,  and  his  private  occupations 


600  SUPPLEMENT 

at  the  town  of  Chambersburg,  where  his  paper  was  published  ;  both  of 
them  some  hundreds  of  miles  from  the  city  of  Washington.  On  the  other 
hand  I  was  and  remained  President  Lincoln's  confidential  private  secre 
tary,  first  at  Springfield,  111.,  from  his  nomination  in  1860  until  he  went 
to  Washington,  and  his  confidential  and  official  private  secretary  from  his 
inauguration  as  President  until  his  death.  I  hajd  charge  of  all  his  papers, 
and  his  letters  and  correspondence  passed  through  my  hands.  During  the 
whole  four  years  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  presidency,  I  had  a  room  in  the  White 
House  and  literally  lived  there  day  and  night,  except  when  absent  on  a 
few  brief  vacations  ;  and  yet  Colonel  McClure  by  a  bold  stroke  of  the  pen 
assumes  and  claims  to  reverse  these  relative  positions,  and  asks  people  to 
believe  that  he,  living  and  working  in  distant  Pennsylvania  and  meeting 
the  President  possibly  in  a  dozen  casual  interviews  on  local  Pennsylvania 
business,  knew  Lincoln  better  and  enjoyed  more  of  his  confidence  than  the 
man  Lincoln  chose  to  live,  and  work  by  his  side  and  under  his  orders,  day 
and  night  during  four  long  and  busy  years. 

It  is  quite  possible  that  there  were  many  scores  of  political  conferences 
of  which  I  knew,  and  cared  to  know,  nothing  whatever  ;  and  it  is  yet  more 
certain  that  there  were  thousands  of  such  conferences  of  which  Colonel 
McClure  was  as  ignorant  as  were  the  Patagomans,  for  the  quite  sufficient 
reason,  if  no  other,  that  they  went  on  month  after  month  and  year  after 
year  while  he  was  absent  in  Pennsylvania,  running  Pennsylvania  politics, 
making  Pennsylvania  laws,  superintending  the  Pennsylvania  draft,  and 
editing  his  Pennsylvania  local  newspaper.  For  such  stations  as  he  held 
and  such  service  as  he  rendered  he  received  due  consideration  ;  but  when 
he  assumes  to  have  ranked  with  cabinet  officers,  governors,  generals,  and 
national  statesmen,  or  the  President's  personal  friends,  such  assumption  is 
ridiculous.  When  Colonel  McClure  asserts  that  by  day  and  by  night,  in 
all  great  crises  he  was  called  to  the  inner  councils  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  he 
sets  up  a  claim  that  refutes  itself  by  its  stupendous  recklessness  and  im 
possibility,  and  enables  the  reader  to  scale  down  all  his  other  pretensions 
and  statements  in  a  corresponding  ratio. 

Colonel  McClure's  next  step  was  to  reiterate  with  hardihood  his  first 
assertion.  He  wrote :  — 

"  I  now  repeat  that,  in  obedience  to  a  telegraphic  request  from  President  Lin 
coln,  I  visited  him  at  the  White  House  the  day  before  the  meeting  of  the  Balti 
more  convention  of  1864.  At  that  interview  Mr.  Lincoln  earnestly  explained 
why  the  nomination  of  a  well-known  Southern  man  like  Andrew  Johnson  —  who 
had  been  congressman,  governor,  and  senator  by  the  favor  of  his  State  —  would 
not  only  nationalize  the  Republican  party  and  the  government,  but  would  greatly 
lessen  the  grave  peril  of  the  recognition  of  the  Confederacy  by  England  and 
France." 

And  in  his  book  published  a  year  later,  Colonel  McClure  again  says  :  — 

"  I  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  Lincoln's  purpose  to  nominate  Johnson  for 
Vice-President  until  the  day  before  the  Baltimore  convention  met.  He  tele 
graphed  me  to  visit  Washington  before  attending  the  convention,  and  I  did  so. 
He  opened  the  conversation  by  advising  me  to  give  my  vote  and  active  support  to 
Johnson  as  his  associate  on  the  ticket." 


SUPPLEMENT  601 

When  I  sent  to  Mrs.  Hamlin  my  telegram  contradicting  the  assertion  in 
its  first  form,  I  had  no  intention,  and  have  none  now,  to  question  Colonel 
McClure's  sincerity  of  belief ;  but  I  did  then,  and  do  now,  question  and 
deny  the  accuracy  of  his  memory.  I  have  already  stated  how  his  assertion 
is  directly  contradicted  by  the  highest  possible  proof,  namely,  Mr.  Lincoln's 
declaration  in  his  own  handwriting,  "  Wish  not  to  interfere  about  V.  P. 
Cannot  interfere  about  platform.  Convention  must  judge  for  itself"  written 
by  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  very  same  day,  Monday,  June  6,  on  which  Colonel 
McClure  fixes  his  supposititious  interview.  It  was  also  the  same  day  on 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  visited  by  Chairman  Cook  of  the  Illinois  delega 
tion  ;  the  very  same  day  on  which  he  was  visited  by  Mr.  Jenkinson,  editor 
of  the  "  Richmond  (Ind.)  Palladium,"  and  another  of  the  Indiana  dele 
gates  ;  the  very  same  day  on  which  he  was  visited  by  ex-Governor  Stone 
and  the  Iowa  delegation,  to  all  of  whom  he  gave  the  same  public  answer 
he  had  given  in  his  written  indorsement,  and  that  he  had  given  to  the  Cal 
ifornia  delegation  a  few  days  before.  How  could  it  come  about  that  he 
would  give  to  all  these  applications  this  direct  refusal  to  interfere,  and 
then  call  and  commission  Colonel  McClure  as  directly  and  positively  to 
interfere  to  secure  the  nomination  of  Johnson  ?  What  was  Colonel 
McClure's  function  and  power  in  the  Baltimore  convention  ? 

He  says  that  he  had  been  chosen  first  a  district  delegate  and  then  a 
delegate  at  large  to  the  Baltimore  convention,  and  that  the  latter  was  at 
the  President's  request.  Granting  this  for  argument's  sake,  it  is  easily 
explained  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  general  policy  of  "holding  the  balance  true" 
between  Cameron  and  Curtin.  But  it  is  a  historical  fact  that  the  whole 
presidential  movement  in  Pennsylvania  had  been  managed  by  Cameron, 
who  had  as  early  as  January  14,  1864,  obtained  the  written  request  of  every 
Union  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  legislature  to  Mr.  Lincoln  to  accept  a 
renomination.  This  movement,  inaugurated  by  Cameron,  gathered  support 
and  strength  in  the  whole  country,  and  soon  rendered  Mr.  Lincoln's  renomi 
nation  a  practical  certainty.  If  Mr.  Lincoln  had  had  any  need  or  desire 
to  secure  secret  manipulation  to  nominate  Johnson,  it  would  have  been  not 
only  an  advantage,  but  an  honorable  obligation,  to  confide  that  wish  to 
Cameron.  He  certainly  would  not  have  chosen  the  mere  factotum  of 
Curtin  under  such  circumstances.  Especially  so  when,  only  about  a  month 
before  the  Baltimore  convention  met,  Colonel  McClure  had  been  openly 
accused  of  party  treachery,  as  the  following  note  shows :  — 

FRANKLIN  REPOSITORY  OFFICE, 

CHAMBERSBURG,  PA.,  May  2,  1864. 

"  SIR,  —  I  have  been  amazed  to  see  it  intimated  in  one  or  two  journals  that  I  am 
not  cordially  in  favor  of  your  renomination.  I  shall  notice  the  intimations  no 
further  than  to  assure  you  that  you  will  have  no  more  cordial,  earnest,  or  faithful 
supporter  in  the  Baltimore  convention  than  your  obedient  servant, 

A.  K.  MCCLURE. 
To  the  PRESIDENT. 

Colonel  McClure  says,  as  is  probably  true,  that  this  accusation  was 
unjust ;  but  it  shows  that  he  was  in  no  such  condition  of  party  confidence 


602  SUPPLEMENT 

as  fitted  him  to  be  selected  by  Mr.  Lincoln  as  the  most  available  agent  of 
a  dark  and  deep  political  intrigue. 

Colonel  McClure  next  invents  a  theory.  He  says  in  his  editorial,  and 
repeats  in  his  book,  that,  when  Lincoln  wrote  his  indorsement,  "  Swett  is 
unquestionably  all  right,"  etc.,  the  President  was  merely  throwing  me  off 
my  guard,  so  as  not  to  give  me  "  an  opportunity  to  herald  Lincoln's 
sacredly  private  convictions."  Now  this  theory  is  absurd,  in  view  of  the 
fact  which  I  have  already  mentioned,  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  indorsement  was 
not  written  for  my  benefit,  but  was  the  answer  to  the  question  specially  and 
urgently  sent  by  Chairman  Cook  of  the  Illinois  delegation,  and  was  intended 
to  guide  the  action  of  the  Illinois  delegation.  It  was  personally  repeated 
by  the  President  when  Chairman  Cook  visited  him,  and  the  direction  was 
implicitly  followed  by  the  Illinois  delegation,  which  refused  its  vote  to 
Johnson  until  even  after  Maine  had  changed  its  vote  to  him. 

The  other  branch  of  the  theory  is  equally  fallacious.  Colonel  McClure 
says,  in  his  editorial  of  July  9  :  — 

"  I  saw  and  conferred  with  Swett  almost  every  hour  of  the  period  of  the  conven 
tion.  We  both  labored  to  nominate  Johnson,  and  Swett  made  Holt,  who  was  an 
impossible  candidate,  a  mere  foil  to  divide  and  conquer  the  supporters  of  Hamlin. 
Had  Lincoln  desired  Hamlin's  nomination,  Swett  would  have  desired  and  labored 
for  it,  and  Hamlin  would  have  been  nominated  on  the  first  ballot." 

To  show  how  completely  both  Colonel  McClure's  theory  and  his  memory 
are  at  fault,  I  here  quote  the  testimony  of  Hon.  Josiah  H.  Drummond,  who 
was  one  of  the  active  Maine  delegates  in  managing  Mr.  Hamlin's  campaign 
both  before  and  at  Baltimore.  Mr.  Drummond  wrote  a  letter  to  the  "  Port 
land  Express  "  on  July  17,  1891,  in  which  he  explained  that  Mr.  Hamlin's 
defeat  was  owing  primarily  to  the  serious  defection  among  the  New  England 
delegates.  He  says  on  the  point  here  in  issue  :  — 

"  I  was  a  delegate  to  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1864.  I  had  very 
slight  personal  acquaintance  with  public  men  outside  of  Maine,  but  I  knew  Leon 
ard  Swett  intimately,  we  having  been  college  class-mates  and  room-mates,  and 
having  kept  up  a  continuous  correspondence  from  boyhood.  .  .  .  When  the  roll 
was  called  for  the  first  ballot  for  Vice-President,  Johnson  did  not  have  votes  enough 
to  nominate  him  on  that  ballot,  but  came  so  near  it  that  his  nomination  was  a  fore 
gone  conclusion,  and  several  delegations  changed  their  votes  to  him ;  and  when 
he  lacked  some  twenty  votes  of  a  majority  Simon  Cameron  changed  the  vote  of 
Pennsylvania  to  him,  thereby  giving  him  votes  enough  to  nominate  him,  and 
Cameron's  example  was  followed  very  largely,  to  such  an  extent  that  the  Maine 
delegation  deemed  it  their  duty  to  show  their  acquiescence  in  Johnson's  nomina 
tion  by  changing  their  vote.  I  had  talked  with  Cameron  upon  the  question  but  a 
few  minutes  before  the  ballot  commenced.  He  expressed  himself  very  strongly  in 
favor  of  Hamlin's  nomination,  but  added  that  if  it  was  manifest  from  the  first 
ballot  that  Johnson  would  be  nominated,  he  did  not  deem  it  wise  to  prolong  the 
contest;  and  while  the  balloting  was  going  on  he  beckoned  me  to  him,  and  said 
that  from  the  vote  thrown,  it  was  absolutely  certain  that  Mr.  Johnson  would  be 
nominated,  so  that  I  was  not  greatly  surprised  when  he  arose  in  his  place  and 
gave  the  decisive  vote  which  it  did  give. 

"  Illinois  adhered  to  Hamlin  throughout,  and  utterly  refused  to  change  its  vote 
from  him  until  after  Maine  had  changed  her  vote.  I  was  in  constant  consultation 


SUPPLEMENT  603 

with  Swett,  and  I  had  not  then,  and  never  have  had  since,  the  slightest  reason  to 
believe  that  he  had  any  knowledge  of  any  views  or  wishes  on  Lincoln's  part  that 
any  other  man  than  Hamlin  should  be  nominated.  It  is  true  that  Swett  told  me  at 
the  time  that  Lincoln's  position  was  that  he  could  take  no  part  whatever  in  the 
nomination  for  Vice- President,  or,  indeed,  in  any  matter  that  was  to  come  before 
the  convention.  If  Mr.  Lincoln's  views  were  in  favor  of  Johnson's  nomination,  he 
concealed  them  from  Swett  entirely,  as  I  fully  believe.  If  he  did  favor  the  retire 
ment  of  Hamlin,  he  must  have  committed  to  those  not  so  near  to  him  the  task  of 
bringing  it  about,  while  concealing  his  wishes  and  acts  from  his  closest  and  most 
intimate  friends.  Is  this  probable?  I  do  not  myself  believe  such  was  the  case." 

IV 

I  have  thus  far  quoted  the  direct  testimony  of  six  delegates  to  the  con 
vention,  and  the  evidence  of  every  one  goes  to  prove  that  Colonel  McClure 
is  wrong.  I  will  next  cite  the  indirect  and  circumstantial  evidence  fur 
nished  by  the  official  proceedings  of  the  convention,  which,  since  it  does 
not  depend  upon  memory,  but  is  the  historical  record  made  on  the  spot,  is 
yet  more  convincing.  In  his  editorial  of  July  9,  Colonel  McClure  says  that 
after  having  received  the  alleged  instructions  from  Mr.  Lincoln  to  bring 
about  the  defeat  of  Hamlin  and  the  nomination  of  Johnson,  "  I  returned 
to  Baltimore  to  work  and  vote  for  Johnson,  although  against  all  my  personal 
predilections  in  the  matter."  On  the  contrary,  the  official  record  shows  that 
when  the  vote  was  taken  for  Vice- President  the  whole  Pennsylvania  dele 
gation,  including  Colonel  McClure,  voted  solid  for  Hamlin. 

When  this  contradiction  was  pointed  out,  Colonel  McClure  amended  his 
explanation  as  follows  :  — 

"  The  Pennsylvania  delegation  was  personally  harmonious,  although  divided  on 
Vice-President.  In  the  Pennsylvania  caucus  an  informal  vote  put  Johnson  in  the 
lead,  with  Hamlin  second,  and  Dickinson  third.  Cameron  knew  that  Hamlhvs 
nomination  was  utterly  hopeless,  and  he  accepted  the  result  without  special  grief. 
He  urged  a  solid  vote  as  a  just  compliment  to  Hamlin,  and  it  was  given  with  the 
knowledge  that  it  could  not  help  Hamlin,  and  that  a  solid  vote  for  Johnson  would 
follow." 

And  again  he  writes  in  his  book  :  — 

u  I  supposed  that  Cameron  was  sincerely  friendly  to  Hamlin,  and  would  battle 
for  his  renomination,  until  he  finally  proposed  to  me,  the  night  before  the  conven 
tion  met,  that  we  give  a  solid  complimentary  vote  to  Hamlin,  and  follow  it  with  a 
solid  vote  for  Johnson." 

The  reader  will  note  that  in  the  first  extract  Cameron  is  represented  as 
having  "accepted  the  result  without  special  grief," — that  is,  with  some 
grief,  —  and  in  the  second  as  having  "proposed"  the  result.  But  with 
what  surprising  expertness,  as  if  they  were  juggler's  balls,  Colonel  McClure 
also  tosses  probabilities  about.  He  would  have  us  believe  that  Lincoln 
had  sent  for  him,  pleaded  with  him,  depended  upon  him  as  the  one  man 
who  could  and  must  defeat  Hamlin ;  and  that  twenty-four  hours  later  he 
(McClure),  forgetting  or  neglecting  these  instructions,  readily  consented  to 
this  "complimentary"  vote  to  Hamlin,  thereby  incurring  at  least  the  pos- 


604  SUPPLEMENT 

sibility  of  his  being  nominated,  and  thwarting  the  alleged  eager  desire  and 
instruction  of  the  President.     This  is  certainly  trifling  with  argument. 

But  the  official  record  of  the  proceedings  also  makes  it  quite  evident 
that  no  such  understanding  existed  with  Cameron.  There  was  no  reason 
why  the  Pennsylvania  delegation  should  merely  compliment  a  Maine  states 
man.  And  Cameron  on  his  part  was  much  too  astute  a  politician  to  throw 
away  the  fifty-two  votes  of  Pennsylvania  on  an  "unnecessary  compliment  to 
a  candidate  from  Maine,  if  he  wanted  to  give  sure  success  to  a  candidate 
from  Tennessee.  Cameron  doubtless  knew  what  Mr.  Lincoln  wanted,  and 
accordingly  he  took  somewhat  extraordinary  pains  to  nominate  Mr.  Ham 
lin.  He  did  not  even  wait  until  the  subject  of  the  vice-presidency  was 
reached.  As  soon  as  a  motion  had  been  made  to  proceed  to  nominations 
for  President,  Cameron  moved  the  adoption  of  the  following  substitute  :  — 

"  Resolved,  That  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  be  declared  the  choice  of  the 
Union  party  for  the  President,  and  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  be  the  candidate 
for  Vice-President  of  the  same  party." 

If  the  Pennsylvania  caucus  had  "  put  Johnson  in  the  lead  "  it  would  not 
have  allowed  this  motion  to  be  put  in  this  way.  If  Cameron  had  desired 
the  success  of  Johnson,  he  would  not  have  made  such  a  motion.  If  Colo 
nel  McClure  had  been  instructed  to  defeat  Hamlin,  he  would  have  objected 
to  this  course  of  proceeding.  Neither  can  it  be  explained  on  any  theory 
of  a  "  complimentary  "  vote.  A  compliment  to  Hamlin  had  no  need  to  be 
coupled  with  an  acclamation  vote  for  Lincoln.  It  was  clearly  intended  by 
Cameron  to  make  sure,  even  in  a  measure  to  force  an  immediate  renomi- 
nation  of  the  old  ticket  of  1860  through  the  all-pervading  enthusiasm  for 
Lincoln. 

There  was  great  applause  by  one  portion  of  the  convention,  and  loud 
ones  of  "  No,  no  "  by  another  portion.  A  Maryland  delegate  called  for  a 
division,  and  then  the  chairman  of  the  Iowa  delegation,  ex-Governor 
Stone,  who  was  the  most  active  among  the  Johnson  followers,  moved  to 
lay  the  substitute  upon  the  table.  The  motion  was  put  viva  vote,  and  the 
presiding  officer  declared  it  carried. 

If  the  Pennsylvania  delegates  had  intended  a  mere  compliment,  a  mere 
deception  to  conceal  a  deep-laid  intrigue,  here  was  a  chance  to  carry  out 
that  deception  by  dropping  the  matter.  On  the  contrary,  Thad.  Stevens, 
of  the  Pennsylvania  delegation,  and  others  called  for  a  vote  by  States  on 
the  tabling  motion,  insisting  that  he  had  done  so  before  the  presiding 
officer  announced  its  adoption.  A  parliamentary  wrangle  then  sprang  up 
which  lasted  at  least  half  an  hour  ;  and  all  this  time  Colonel  McClure  sat 
dumb,  and  said  no  word  to  carry  out  what  he  claims  to  have  been  secret 
and  urgent  instructions  from  President  Lincoln  to  defeat  Hamlin.  The 
circumstantial  evidence  is  overwhelming  that  he  received  no  such  instruc 
tions. 

The  confusion  was  finally  quieted  by  Cameron  withdrawing  his  sub 
stitute  on  repeated  and  urgent  request  from  many  delegates ;  and  then 
Chairman  Cook  of  the  Illinois  delegation  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln  for 
President,  which  the  convention  confirmed  by  a  regular  roll-call  and  ballot. 


SUPPLEMENT  605 

When  this  business  was  out  of  the  way  nominations  for  Vice-President 
were  declared  in  order.  Indiana  presented  and  Iowa  seconded  the  name 
of  Andrew  Johnson,  and  then  Cameron  once  more  arose  and  said  :  *'  I  am 
instructed  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  to  present  the  name  of  Hannibal 
Hamlin  for  Vice-President."  Here  was  a  second  or  third  chance  for 
Colonel  McClure  to  say  or  do  something  in  execution  of  his  alleged  in 
structions  to  defeat  Hamlin.  But  again  he  sat  dumb  ;  and  when  the  vote 
was  taken  Cameron  cast  the  whole  52  votes  of  Pennsylvania  (including 
Colonel  McClure)  for  Hannibal  Hamlin. 

This  first  ballot  was  the  decisive  vote.  There  was  no  second  ballot. 
Almost  every  delegate  and  every  spectator  in  the  hall  kept  a  tally-sheet 
and  put  down  the  vote  of  each  State  as  it  was  called.  When  the  roll- 
call  had  been  completed,  and  while  the  secretaries  were  making  up  their 
official  footings,  long  before  any  result  whatever  had  been  announced  by 
the  chair,  delegates  and  spectators  knew  from  their  own  memoranda  that 
Johnson  had  received  200  votes,  Hamlin  150,  Dickinson  108,  with  the 
remainder  scattered  among  seven  other  names.  This  showed  the  prepon 
derating  drift  of  sentiment,  and  still,  before  any  result  had  been  announced, 
delegations  began  changing  their  votes.  Kentucky  changed  21  votes  from 
Rousseau  to  Johnson.  Oregon  changed  6  votes  from  Colfax  to  Johnson. 
Kansas  changed  4  scattering  votes  to  Johnson.  Then  Cameron,  seeing  the 
inevitable  drift  and  feeling,  changed  the  52  votes  of  Pennsylvania  to 
Johnson,  which  was  followed  by  a  similar  change  of  New  Jersey,  and  then 
by  Maine  herself,  while  Illinois  did  not  change  until  six  other  States  had 
done  so. 

Now  if  we  analyze  the  first  ballot,  before  any  changes  began,  while  it  is 
plain  that  several  different  influences  contributed  to  defeat  Hamlin,  it  is 
obvious  that  the  attitude  of  New  England  alone  was  sufficient  of  itself  to 
cause  it.  New  England  gave  Hamlin  26,  Johnson  18,  and  scattering  34. 
If  this  whole  New  England  vote  had  been  given  solid  for  Hamlin,  it  would 
have  diminished  Johnson's  total  to  182  and  raised  Hamlin's  to  202.  That 
would  have  shown  a  popular  drift  to  Hamlin,  and  have  insured  his  success, 
for  changes  would  have  followed  as  rapidly  to  him  as  they  did  to  Johnson. 


Thus  far  it  will  be  seen  Colonel  McClure  has  dealt  only  in  assertion 
based  on  his  memory  or  imagination,  unsupported  by  any  word,  letter,  or 
dot  of  record  evidence.  But  realizing  the  insecurity  of  this  attitude,  he, 
as  already  stated,  printed  about  a  month  after  our  short  newspaper  contro 
versy  a  collection  of  extracts  and  letters,  to  which  he  gave  the  heading 
"  Testimony  of  Leading  Actors."  In  this  he  grouped  together  the  names 
of  Hamlin,  Butler,  Cameron,  Sickles,  Jones,  Truman,  Lamon,  and  Pettis  ; 
seeking  thus  to  make  an  impression  on  people  who  only  read  headlines.  I 
shall  show  that  the  prominent  and  weighty  names  in  this  list  say  nothing 
which  is  pertinent  to  the  question,  and  that  the  alleged  testimony  of  those 
who  assume  to  speak  to  the  point  refutes  itself  upon  mere  analysis. 


606  SUPPLEMENT 

The  question  at  issue  is  :  Did  Mr.  Lincoln  in  a  confidential  interview  on 
Monday,  June  6,  1864,  instruct  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure  to  bring  about  the 
defeat  of  Hamlin  and  the  nomination  of  Andrew  Johnson  ? 

ist.  He  quotes  a  letter  from  Mr.  Hamlin,  saying  that  somebody  in  the 
year  1889  convinced  him  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  caused  his  defeat.  Now  it 
is  only  necessary  to  say  that  whatever  Mr.  Hamlin  may  have  momentarily 
thought  in  1889  is  no  proof  of  what  Mr.  Lincoln  did  in  1864.  The  fact 
that  Mr.  Hamlin  had  disbelieved  such  silly  stories  a  whole  quarter  of  a 
century  is  a  mountain  of  inferential  evidence  on  the  other  side. 

2d.  He  quotes  from  statements  made  by  General  Butler  and  General 
Cameron  to  the  effect  that  the  latter  was  sent  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in  March, 
1864,  to  offer  to  the  former  the  candidacy  for  Vice-President.  Without 
stopping  to  discuss  the  probability  of  these  statements  made  from  memory, 
one  ten,  and  the  other  twenty-one  years  after  the  event,  it  is  enough  to  say 
that  whatever  Mr.  Lincoln  may  have  thought  or  done  three  months  before 
the  presidential  nominations  is  no  proof  that  on  the  day  before  the  meet 
ing  of  the  convention  he  instructed  Colonel  McClure  to  defeat  Hamlin 
and  nominate  Johnson. 

3d.  Under  the  heading  "Jones  speaks  for  Raymond,"  he  quotes  a  letter 
from  Jones  to  say  that  Raymond  had  often  talked  to  him  about  the  vice- 
presidential  contest,  and  that  from  such  information  he  (Jones)  thought 
Colonel  McClure's  statements  correct.  This  upon  the  merest  inspection 
is  seen  to  be,  ist,  a  blanket  answer  to  a  blanket  question.  2d.  That  it 
is  hearsay  evidence  and  therefore  inadmissible.  3d.  That  it  makes  no 
pretense  to  any  specific  knowledge  about  Colonel  McClure's  alleged  inter 
view  with  Lincoln  on  June  6,  1864. 

4th.  Next  he  quotes  from  an  article  of  ex-Secretary  Welles  in  the 
"  Galaxy  Magazine,"  where  Mr.  Welles  says  :  — 

"The  question  of  substituting  another  for  Vice-President  had  been  discussed  in 
political  circles  prior  to  the  meeting  of  the  convention,  without  any  marked  per 
sonal  preference,  but  with  a  manifest  desire  that  there  should  be  a  change.  Mr. 
Lincoln  felt  the  delicacy  of  his  position,  and  was  therefore  careful  to  avoid  the 
expression  of  any  opinion ;  but  it  was  known  to  those  who  enjoyed  his  confidence 
that  he  appreciated  the  honesty,  integrity,  and  self-sacrificing  patriotism  of  Andrew 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee." 

This  extract  is  also  utterly  irrelevant  as  to  Colonel  McClure's  alleged 
interview  with  Lincoln  on  June  6,  1864.  The  direct  statement  in  the  quo 
tation,  so  far  from  proving  the  instruction  which  Colonel  McClure  claims 
was  given  him,  shows  that  Mr.  Lincoln  refused  to  interfere  for  or  against 
any  candidate. 

5th.  He  next  quotes  what  he  calls  General  Sickles's  statement.  This, 
however,  contains  nothing  except  an  opinion  about  the  newspaper  contro 
versy.  General  Sickles  says :  "  The  President  never  said  to  me  that  he 
favored  Mr.  Johnson  as  against  Mr.  Hamlin,  nor  did  he  discuss  political 
matters  with  me."  And  Colonel  McClure  distinctly  says  in  his  book  :  "  The 
question  of  nominating  Johnson  for  the  vice-presidency  was  never  sug 
gested  or  even  intimated  to  Sickles." 


SUPPLEMENT  607 

From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  seen  that  these  five  prominent  names  were 
dragged  into  the  discussion  merely  for  their  effect  in  headlines,  and  that 
they  contribute  nothing  to  solve  the  question  at  issue.  I  now  come  to  the 
three  remaining  witnesses  of  Colonel  McClure. 

The  first  of  these  was  Major  Ben.  C.  Truman,  who  wrote  to  Colonel 
McClure  from  Chicago  under  date  of  July  25,  1891.  The  pith  and  sub 
stance  of  what  Truman  states  in  this  letter  is  the  following  :  — 

"I  was  private  secretary  of  Andrew  Johnson  in  Nashville  in  1864.  I  saw  and 
handled  all  his  correspondence  during  that  time,  and  I  know  it  to  be  a  fact  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  desired  the  nomination  of  Johnson  for  Vice-President.  ...  I  do  not 
know  that  General  Sickles  conferred  with  Johnson  on  the  subject,  and  it  is  possible 
that  General  Sickles  was  not  advised  by  Lincoln  at  the  time  he  sent  him  on  the 
secret  mission  what  he  had  in  view  ;  for  Lincoln  may  at  that  time  have  been  unde 
cided  in  his  own  mind.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  after  General  Sickles  returned 
and  reported  to  Lincoln,  Lincoln  decided  to  favor  the  nomination  of  Johnson." 

This  testimony  is  not  only  useless  because  of  its  vagueness  and  its  weak 
ness  in  other  respects,  but  is  rendered  worthless  by  the  fact  that  Truman 
two  weeks  earlier  had  written  a  letter  to  the  "  New  York  Times,"  printed  in 
its  issue  of  July  13,  1891,  in  which  he  told  an  altogether  more  circumstan 
tial  and  entirely -different  story,  namely:  That  he,  Truman,  returned  from 
the  battles  of  Resaca  (which  occurred  May  13-16,  1864)  to  Nashville. 
That  a  correspondent  of  the  "  New  York  Herald  "  told  him  that  Sickles  was 
there  to  see  whether  Johnson  "would  be  an  available  candidate  for  Vice- 
President,  in  case  there  was  a  movement  in  favor  of  a  war  Democrat." 
Truman  continues :  "  I  made  haste  after  dinner  to  acquaint  Johnson  with 
what  I  had  heard,  and  he  informed  me  that  Maynard  and  Brownlow  had 
already  set  the  ball  rolling.  .  .  .  Mr.  Johnson  then  asked  me  to  go  to  Phila 
delphia  or  Washington  and  see  what  Colonel  Forney  thought  about  it." 
That  he  went  to  Washington,  and  called  on  Mr.  Lincoln ;  and  in  addition 
to  other  conversation  he  says  :  — 

"  I  also  told  Mr.  Lincoln  that  I  thought  Mr.  Johnson  would  like  to  be  a  candi 
date  for  Vice-President  on  the  ticket  with  him.  .  .  .  The  President  seemed  deeply 
interested  in  what  I  said,  but  made  no  reply ;  at  least  I  do  not  feel  like  saying  he 
did,  when  I  cannot  remember  just  what  he  did  say.  I  am  sure,  however,  he  did 
not  tell  me  what  Sickles  was  in  Nashville  for,  and  no  name  was  mentioned  in  con 
nection  with  the  Vice-President  but  Johnson's,  and  that  name  was  mentioned  by 
myself.  But  I  retired,  believing  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  mighty  good  friend  of 
Johnson's." 

Thus  Truman's  vague  assertion  of  July  25  is  effectually  disposed  of  by 
his  prior  and  circumstantial  statement  of  July  n,  that  it  was  not  Lincoln, 
but  Johnson,  who  was  pulling  wires  ;  and  because  Lincoln  listened  patiently 
and  refused  him  any  satisfaction  or  information,  Truman  believed  (did  not 
know)  that  "  Lincoln  was  a  mighty  good  friend  of  Johnson's."  With  this 
candid  explanation  on  his  own  part,  Mr.  Truman  can  be  allowed  to  stand 
aside  as  a  witness.  And  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  whole  of  this  has 
no  relevancy  whatever  to  the  exact  question  whether  Lincoln,  on  the  6th 
of  June,  1864,  the  eve  of  the  meeting  of  the  Baltimore  convention,  in  a 


608  SUPPLEMENT 

private  interview,  commissioned  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure  to  defeat  Hamlin 
and  nominate  Johnson.  His  statement  of  July  25,  "  I  know  it  to  be  a  fact 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  desired  the  nomination  of  Johnson  for  Vice-President," 
is  annulled  by  his  confession  of  two  weeks  earlier,  that  he  knew  nothing 
whatever  about  it,  but  only  "believed"  that  Lincoln  was  "a  mighty  good 
friend  of  Johnson's." 

The  next  of  these  three  witnesses  is  Marshal  W.  H.  Lamon,  who,  in  a 
letter  to  Colonel  McClure,  dated  August  16,  1891,  among  other  things, 
wrote  the  following  :  — 

"  I  recall  to  mind  the  fact  that  Mr.  Lincoln  sent,  for  you,  Mr.  Editor,  the 
day  before  the  national  convention  was  to  meet,  for  consultation  on  this  veritable 
subject.  To  the  best  of  my  recollection,  you  were  not  in  sympathy  with  the 
scheme ;  that  you  opposed  it,  and  declared  yourself  in  favor  of  the  old  ticket  of 
1860;  and  I  am  confident  that  at  first  you  were  opposed  to  the  nomination  of 
Johnson.  But  after  some  discussion,  and  hearing  Mr.  Lincoln's  earnest  reasoning 
in  favor  of  his  position,  you  yielded  your  prejudices  and  seemed  convinced  that 
there  was  philosophy  and  perhaps  sound  politics  in  the  proposition.  The  late 
lamented  Leonard  Swett,  of  Illinois,  was  also  sent  for  and  consulted  before  the 
convention  met;  Mr.  Lincoln  always  had  great  faith  and  confidence  in  Mr.  Swett's 
political  wisdom.  The  proposition  took  Swett  by  surprise.  He  had  made  up  his 
mind  that  the  old  ticket  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  would  be  again  renominated  as  a 
matter  of  course.  Swett  said  to  him,  *  Lincoln,  if  it  were  known  in  New  England 
that  you  are  in  favor  of  leaving  Hamlin  off  the  ticket  it  would  raise  the  devil 
among  the  Yankees  (Mr.  Swett  was  born  in  Maine),  and  it  would  raise  a  bumble 
bee's  nest  about  your  ears  that  would  appall  the  country.  .  .  .  Lincoln  was  serious, 
earnest,  and  resolute.  He  produced  arguments  so  convincing  to  Swett  that  he 
shortly  became  a  convert  to  the  proposed  new  departure,  and  in  deference  to  Mr. 
Lincoln's  wishes  he  went  to  the  convention  as  a  delegate  from  Illinois  and  joined 
Cameron,  yourself,  and  others  in  supporting  Johnson.  I  recollect  that  Swett 
asked  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  he  was  leaving  the  White  House,  whether  he  was  authorized 
to  use  his  name  in  this  behalf  before  the  convention.  The  reply  was,  '  No ;  I  will 
address  a  letter  to  Lamon  here,  embodying  my  views,  which  you.  McClure,  and 
other  friends  may  use  if  it  be  found  absolutely  necessary.  Otherwise  it  may  be 
better  that  I  should  not  appear  actively  .on  the  stage  of  this  theatre.'  The  letter 
was  written,  and  I  took  it  to  the  convention  with  me.  It  was  not  used,  as  there 
was  no  occasion  for  its  use,  and  it  was  afterwards  returned  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  at  his 
request." 

It  must  be  added  in  this  connection  that  Colonel  McClure  not  only  quotes 
this  testimony  in  his  appendix,  but  comments  upon  it  in  the  text  of  his 
book,  and  approves  and  indorses  it  as  good  evidence. 

I  need  not  here  waste  time  and  space  to  set  forth  the  fact  that  Marshal 
Lamon  had  neither  the  capacity  nor  the  prudence  to  be  intrusted  with  such 
a  mission,  especially  if  a  capable  man  like  Swett  were  present.  In  his 
younger  and  better  years  Lamon  had  been  a  warm  friend  of  Lincoln,  whom 
the  President  valued  for  certain  qualities  of  cheerful  companionship  and 
strong  personal  devotion.  Lamon  himself  writes  in  a  little  book  of  remi 
niscences  recently  published  by  his  daughter,  that  he  was  sent  to  Washing 
ton  by  Lincoln's  friends  in  the  capacity  of  a  personal  body-guard.  Being 
a  man  of  herculean  strength  and  unflinching  courage,  he  would  at  any 
moment  gladly  have  given  his  life  to  save  that  of  the  President. 


SUPPLEMENT  609 

In  Lamon's  later  years,  however,  his  character  and  temper  had  become 
so  changed  by  disappointment  and  disease  that  he  took  an  attitude  of 
cynical  jealousy  and  insidious  depreciation  of  the  President,  and  downright 
unfriendliness  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends.  This  is  not  the  first  recklessly 
untrustworthy  reminiscence  of  this  character  which  Lamon  wrote  during  the 
evening  of  his  days.  The  absurd  inconsistency  of  this  long  rambling  story 
comes  out  when  we  compare  the  date  of  its  alleged  happening  with  other 
testimony  mentioned  in  this  review.  Lamon  says  it  was  the  day  before  the 
meeting  of  the  convention  —  that  is,  on  Monday,  June  6,  1864  —  that  this 
interview  occurred,  and  the  alleged  letter  to  him  was  written.  It  was  on 
this  same  Monday,  June  6,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  his  indorsement,  the 
original  of  which  lies  before  me :  "  Wish  not  to  interfere  about  V.  P." 
It  was  on  this  same  Monday,  June  6,  that  the  President  reiterated  this 
declaration  to  Chairman  Cook,  of  the  Illinois  delegation,  and  to  Chairman 
Stone,  of  the  Iowa  delegation. 

This  single  quotation  from  Lamon's  letter  shows  how  recklessly  he  made 
his  inventions  to  fill  his  momentary  need  of  argument  without  regard  to 
the  exigencies  of  time  and  circumstance.  In  one  sentence  he  writes  as  if 
Swett  had  been  summoned  alone ;  in  another  as  if  it  were  the  joint  inter 
view  of  Lamon,  Swett,  and  McClure  with  the  President  —  which  indeed  is 
the  dominating  inference  from  the  recital.  So  also  he  says  Swett  was 
taken  by  surprise,  and  combated  the  proposition  to  abandon  Hamlin, 
when  by  other  evidence  (and  upon  which  Colonel  McClure  insists  with 
equal  pertinacity)  Swett  had  been  telegraphing  to  Baltimore  a  day  or  two 
earlier  to  urge  the  nomination  of  Holt.  Most  preposterous,  however,  is 
Lamon's  declaration,  insisted  upon  as  true  evidence  by  Colonel  McClure, 
that  on  the  day  on  which  Lincoln  wrote  the  indorsement  for  Chairman 
Cook,  Lincoln  also  wrote  the  letter  for  Marshal  Lamon,  —  one  saying, 
"Wish  not  to  interfere  about  V.  P.,"  and  the  other  urging  the  nomination 
of  Johnson; — the  bald  inconsistency  that  Lincoln  on  the  same  day  put 
down  in  cold  writing  this  direct  contradiction  of  his  wishes,  both  to  be  sent 
to  Baltimore,  where  on  the  following  and  succeeding  day  these  two  contra 
dictory  pieces  of  manuscript  might  happen  to  be  exhibited  to  the  same 
delegates  or  read  to  the  same  caucus.  —  And  this  is  Colonel  McClure's 
idea  of  Lincoln's  political  sagacity,  shrewdness,  and  method  of  secret  com 
bination  !  A  more  ridiculous  aspersion,  and  a  more  bungling  hypothesis, 
was  never  put  before  the  public. 

Colonel  McClure's  third  witness  is  Judge  S.  Newton  Pettis,  who  in  a 
letter  written  under  date  of  July  20,  1891,  makes  the  following  state 
ment  :  — 

"On  the  morning  of  the  meeting  of  the  Baltimore  convention  in  1864  which 
nominated  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  immediately  before  leaving  for  Baltimore,  I  called 
upon  Mr.  Lincoln  in  his  study,  and  stated  that  I  called  especially  to  ask  him 
whom  he  desired  put  on  the  ticket  with  him  as  Vice-President.  He  leaned  for 
ward,  and  in  a  low  but  distinct  tone  of  voice  said,  '  Governor  Johnson,  of  Ten 
nessee.'  " 

To  my  mind,  the  very  boldness,  bluntness,  and  positiveness  of  this  asser- 


6io  SUPPLEMENT 

tion  is  evidence  that  it  is  incorrect.  It  shows  no  reason  for  being.  Neither 
the  official  proceedings  of  the  convention,  nor  the  official  list  of  delegates, 
contains  Judge  Pettis's  name.  He  does  not  claim  to  have  been  a  mem 
ber,  nor  to  have  had  anything  to  do  with  it.  He  states  no  object  in  asking 
Mr.  Lincoln  such  a  question,  nor  any  reason  why  Mr.  Lincoln  should  "  lean 
forward  "  and  answer  "  in  a  low  voice."  In  view  of  the  evidence  I  have 
arrayed,  this  assertion  belongs  to  the  same  cfass  as  the  letter  from  Lamon 
and  the  original  statement  by  McClure.  They  are  evidently  nothing  but 
the  joint  product  of  treacherous  memory  and  eager  imagination.  Granting 
that  they  were  written  in  the  utmost  sincerity  of  belief  a  full  quarter-century 
after  the  incidents  are  imagined  to  have  occurred,  such  sincerity  of  belief, 
contradicted  as  it  is  by  both  record  and  circumstantial  evidence,  forms  no 
proof  of  fact.  Upon  the  evidence  I  have  presented,  confirmed  by  Mr. 
Lincoln's  own  handwriting  now  in  my  possession,  intelligent  minds  will 
always  condemn  as  error  the  assertion,  though  it  be  a  thousand  times  re 
peated,  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  cause  of  Hannibal  Hamlin's  defeat 
for  renomination  as  Vice-President. 

No  reason  existed  why  Mr.  Lincoln  should  do  such  a  thing.  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  performed  his  official  duties  as  Vice-President  with  zeal  and  ability. 
He  was  a  consistent  Republican,  a  faithful  Unionist,  an  earnest  supporter 
of  the  administration  and  the  war.  An  intimate  personal  friendship  was 
maintained  between  him  and  the  President.  He  was  a  frequent  visitor 
and  adviser  at  the  White  House.  No  intimation  of  either  secret  or  open 
opposition  from  him  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  renomination  ever  came  to  my  know 
ledge.  He  supported  Mr.  Lincoln's  second  election  with  as  much  zeal  as 
he  did  the  first.  And  that  this  friendship  and  good-will  was  mutual  is 
proven  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  confidential  declaration  to  both  Chairman  Cook 
and  myself  that  he  hoped  again  to  have  Mr.  Hamlin  associated  with  him 

on  the  presidential  ticket  of  1864. 

JNO.  G.  NICOLAY. 


JOHN  HAY  TO  GENERAL  HAMLIN. 

800  SIXTEENTH  STREET,  LAFAYETTE  SQUARE, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  Cv  February  22,  1898. 

DEAR  MR.  HAMLIN,  —  I  have  your  letter  of  the  20th.  Mr.  Nicolay  has 
made  so  full  and  complete  a  statement  of  all  the  matters  referring  to  your 
father's  intimate  relations  with  President  Lincoln,  and  to  Mr.  Lincoln's 
wish  for  your  father's  renomination,  that  it  seems  altogether  unnecessary 
for  me  to  write  anything  additional  —  further  than  to  say  that  everything 
Mr.  Nicolay  has  written  has  my  full  concurrence,  so  far  as  my  knowledge 
extends  of  the  subject  under  discussion  ;  and  that  I  believe  him  to  be 
absolutely  correct  in  his  statement  of  those  matters  of  which  I  was  not 
personally  cognizant.  Yours  very  truly, 

JOHN  HAY. 


SUPPLEMENT  611 


MAJOR   ALBERT   E.    H.   JOHNSON   TO   GENERAL   HAMLIN. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C,  January  15,  1897. 
GENERAL  CHARLES  HAMLIN,  Counselor  at  Law,  Bangor,  Maine  : 

My  dear  General,  —  The  published  interview  with  me  by  the  "  New 
York  Evening  Post,"  on  the  subject  of  the  Lincoln-Hamlin-Johnson  con 
troversy,  to  which  you  refer,  is  correct  in  the  statements  referring  to  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  when  soliloquizing  on  the  telegram  announcing  the  nomina 
tion  of  Governor  Andrew  Johnson  for  Vice-President,  and  Mr.  Stanton's 
preference  for  the  old  ticket,  —  Lincoln  and  Hamlin. 

The  telegraph  office  in  the  War  Department  was  next  to  the  Secretary's 
room,  with  communicating  doors,  and  that  telegram  came  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  8th  of  June,  1864,  while  the  President  was  there.  After  the  Presi 
dent  had  left  the  department,  Mr.  Charles  A.  Tinker,  the  operator  who 
received  the  telegram,  came  into  the  Secretary's  room  and  told  me  that 
the  President  had  just  read  the  telegram  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Johnson 
for  Vice-President,  and  that  he  said,  "  Well,  I  thought  possibly  he  might 
be  the  man.  Perhaps  he  is  the  best  man,  but  " 

At  the  time  Mr.  Stanton  was  not  in  his  office,  and  when  he  came  I  told 
him  what  Mr.  Tinker  had  said.  He  said  nothing,  but  walked  the  room  for 
a  while  with  bowed  head. 

The  words  of  the  President  were  the  talking  of  a  man  to  himself,  some 
thing  which  would  inevitably  seek  out  its  suitable  expression.  It  was  not 
the  expression  of  gladness,  of  relief,  of  satisfaction,  of  approval,  at  what 
had  been  accomplished  by  alleged  intrigue.  It  was  not  the  expression  of 
hopefulness  that  he  would  be  benefited  by  it  in  a  political  sense. 

It  had  been  published  at  that  time  that  the  President  wanted  a  Unionist 
Democrat  from  an  insurgent  State  on  the  grounds  of  expediency ;  and  it 
has  since  been  published  that  the  President  gravely  urged  the  nomination 
of  Mr.  Johnson  in  deference  to  the  national  and  international  necessities 
that  the  Vice-President  should  be  taken  from  the  South. 

Mr.  Stanton  during  the  war  had  little  confidence  in  Southern  Unionists, 
and  there  were  few,  if  any,  persons  in  the  War  Department  who  did  have 
this  confidence.  About  seven  tenths  of  the  officers  of  the  army  from  the 
South  and  nearly  all  the  West  Point  graduates  from  the  South  turned 
against  the  government,  and  the  War  Department  officials  did  not  want  a 
Southern  man  in  position  in  any  contingency  to  take  the  place  of  the  Pre 
sident  in  that  fearful  struggle  of  the  government  for  existence. 

The  President  and  Vice-President  were  nominated  in  the  afternoon  of 
June  8,  1864,  and  the  only  telegram  the  President  received  before  this  was 
from  Colonel  Ward  H.  Lamon  at  nine  P.  M.  on  the  yth,  saying,  "Up  to  last 
night  Hamlin  favorable  for  Vice  ;  now  And.  Johnson  ahead."  Colonel 
Lamon,  history  tells,  was  certainly  trusted  by  President  Lincoln,  and  he 
went  direct  from  the  President  to  Baltimore.  His  telegram  to  the  Presi 
dent  seems  to  convey  the  impression  that  he  wanted  the  President  to  know 
that  Vice-President  Hamlin  was  ahead  for  the  nomination  up  to  the  night 
of  the  6th,  and  that  it  was  only  on  the  night  of  the  ;th  that  Colonel  Lamon 


612  SUPPLEMENT 

deemed  it  best  to  advise  the  President  of  the  change.  Colonel  McClure, 
as  I  have  read,  states  that  the  President  sent  for  him  at  Baltimore  the  day 
before  the  meeting  of  the  convention,  to  come  to  the  White  House,  and 
that  the  President  earnestly  told  him  then  and  there  that  he  wanted  Gov 
ernor  Johnson  nominated.  This  was  on  the  6th,  and  Colonel  McClure  at 
once  returned  to  Baltimore.  But  he  sent  no  telegram  to  the  President 
that  Mr.  Johnson  was  ahead,  or  that  he  would  be  nominated,  or  that  he 
was  nominated.  Nor  did  any  person  know  that  Colonel  McClure  held  this 
secret  of  the  President  until  the  death  of  Mr.  Hamlin.  Compare  this 
alleged  intriguing  of  that  marvelously  just  man  with  his  soliloquizing  in 
the  telegraph  office  when  he  was  advised  of  the  nomination,  and  the 
intrigue  is  without  substance. 

Moreover,  the  President's  soliloquy  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  facts 
as  given  by  his  historians,  —  his  confidential  secretaries,  —  that  he  did  not 
wish  to  interfere  with  the  nomination  of  the  Vice-President,  and  which  fact 
he  wrote  for  Mr.  Nicolay  probably  the  very  day  Colonel  McClure  states  he 
was  summoned  by  the  President  at  the  White  House  to  go  back  and  tell 
the  delegates  that  a  Southern  Unionist,  in  the  person  of  Governor  Johnson, 
was  his  choice.  Nor  was  it  then  known  by  the  convention  that  Colonel 
McClure  so  declared  to  any  of  the  delegates. 

I  read  during  the  McClure-Nicolay  controversy,  which  went  the  rounds 
of  the  press  a  few  years  ago,  that  a  newspaper  man  said  that  before  the 
Baltimore  convention  he  went  from  Washington  to  take  charge  of  the 
"  Pittsburg  Commercial,"  which  he  said  was  a  Stanton  paper,  and  that 
what  Stanton  said  was  considered  as  the  utterance  of  President  Lincoln 
himself.  That  his  position  was  to  advocate  and  favor  a  Democrat  and 
Southern  Union  man  for  Vice-President,  and  that  Stanton  had  announced 
Governor  Johnson  as  the  President's  choice.  In  this  about  Mr.  Stanton 
there  is  not  one  word  of  truth.  Mr.  Stanton  was  in  favor  of  the  old  ticket, 
—  Lincoln  and  Hamlin,  —  and  he  did  not  believe  the  convention  would 
change  that  ticket,  and  I  heard  him  so  state  a  number  of  times.  He  never 
said  a  word  in  favor  of  Governor  Johnson  for  the  nomination,  nor  in  favor 
of  any  Southern  Unionist  for  Vice-President,  and  when  I  told  him  of  the 
President's  comment  on  the  nomination  I  could  then  see  him  looking  for 
ward  to  the  blade,  then  to  the  ear,  then  to  the  full  corn  of  trouble.  This 
was  his  experience  in  the  Cabinet  of  President  Johnson. 

On  that  morning  when  Mr.  Stanton  summoned  the  Cabinet  and  Chief 
Justice  Chase,  at  the  ceremony  which  was  to  turn  over  the  government 
to  Vice-President  Johnson,  Mr.  Stanton  there  saw,  uninvited,  two  distin 
guished  politicians  —  both  Southern  Unionists.  These  were  Mr.  Stanton's 
enemies,  and  they  followed  him  as  an  illusion  of  the  spectre  of  the  trouble 
he  saw  in  the  White  House,  when  I  told  him  of  Mr.  Johnson's  nomination 
and  the  soliloquy  of  the  President  thereon. 

This  Cabinet  meeting  was  held  in  the  room  in  which  the  President  died 
and  it  resulted  in  a  communication  from  Secretary  Stanton  to  Vice-Presi 
dent  Johnson  advising  him  that  his  inauguration  was  desired  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment,  and  asking  him  to  state  the  place  and  time  at  which  the 
ceremony  should  be  performed. 


SUPPLEMENT  613 

At  eleven  o'clock  the  ceremony  took  place  in  the  Vice-President's  room 
at  the  Kirkwood  House,  and  among  those  present  in  that  room  were 
two  distinguished  politicians,  —  F.  P.  Blair,  Sr.,  and  Montgomery  Blair, 
both  famous  in  history  as  great  political  workers.  After  the  ceremony 
the  President  received  the  expressions  of  all  present  for  his  health  and 
safety. 

At  that  solemn  moment,  when  the  existence  of  the  republic  was  the 
issue,  he  said  :  "The  duties  of  the  office  are  mine  ;  I  will  perform  them  — 
the  consequences  are  with  God.  Gentlemen,  I  shall  lean  upon  you ;  I  feel 
that  I  shall  need  your  support.  I  am  deeply  impressed  with  the  solemnity 
of  the  occasion  and  the  responsibility  of  the  duties  of  the  office  I  am 
assuming.'* 

There  were  about  twelve  persons  present,  and  it  is  a  singular  coincidence 
that  of  them  these  two  distinguished  politicians  were  the  only  ones  whom 
he  finally  selected  to  lean  upon  for  support.  The  presence  of  these  gen 
tlemen  seems  prophetic,  and  in  the  distance  they  saw  the  fulfillment  of 
plans  conceived  when,  at  the  second  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln, 
they  took  Vice-President  Johnson  from  the  senate  chamber  in  a  deplorable 
condition  to  their  home  at  Silver  Spring. 

As  Secretary  Stanton  alone  gave  all  the  directions,  it  was  noted,  at  the 
time,  that  within  about  two  and  one  half  hours  his  bitterest  enemies  were 
present  at  the  ceremonies  ;  and  how  they  came  to  be  there  was  a  question. 

Mr.  Stanton,  in  carrying  into  effect  the  order  to  arm  the  colored  men 
into  regiments,  which  your  father  brought  him  from  President  Lincoln,  in 
March,  1863,  directed  the  adjutant-general  of  the  United  States  army  to 
go  forth  from  the  office  and  organize  these  regiments.  For  this  General 
Thomas  hated  Mr.  Stanton  and  looked  forward  for  revenge.  He  got  it 
through  President  Johnson,  and  Mr.  Stanton  then  saw  the  full  corn  which 
he  had  darkly  seen  in  the  unfinished  soliloquy  of  the  President. 

The  President's  comment  on  the  nomination  was  considered  then  as 
being  too  serious  a  matter  to  be  repeated  as  coming  from  the  War  Depart 
ment,  and  it  never  got  into  the  press  until  Colonel  McClure's  disclosure  of 
the  alleged  part  he  took  as  the  confidant  of  President  Lincoln  in  the  nomi 
nation  of  Governor  Johnson. 

As  corroborating  evidence  that  President  Lincoln  did  speak  out  suddenly 
the  very  words  which  Mr.  Tinker  has  given  and  of  which  he  told  me  at 
the  time,  I  have  just  received  the  confirmation  of  Colonel  Albert  B.  Chan 
dler,  who  was  at  that  time  one  of  the  operators  in  the  telegraph  office  and 
now  president  of  the  Postal  Telegraph-Cable  Company  of  New  York.  In 
his  letter  to  me  he  says  :  "  Referring  to  your  letter  of  yesterday's  date, 
January  n,  I  well  remember  about  the  telegrams  you  mention.  It  hap 
pened  to  fall  to  Mr.  Tinker  to  deliver  them  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  I  think 
there  was  no  one  except  Mr.  Tinker  present  at  that  time  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
soliloquy,  referring  to  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Johnson,  when  he  said,  '  Well, 
I  thought  perhaps  he  might  be  the  man,  and  perhaps  he  is  the  best  man, 
but'  — 

"  Mr.  Tinker  told  me  the  circumstances  at  the  time,  and  it  is  my  recol- 


614  SUPPLEMENT 

lection  that  the  messages  were  sent  by  Mr.  Nicolay.     I  think  it  very  proba 
ble  that  no  copies  were  made  of  these  messages. 

"  Thinking  you  may  not  have  written  Mr.  Tinker,  I  have  forwarded  your 
letter  to  him,  and  have  no  doubt  you  will  hear  from  him  direct." 

Whatever  the  precise  words  of  the  President,  whatever  his  manner  of 
utterance,  whatever  his  manner  of  leaving  the,  room  at  the  moment  of  such 
utterance,  one  thing  is  certain, — he  did  not  like  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Johnson.  He  was  not  pleased,  and  this  is  what  I  told  Mr.  Stanton  about 
an  hour  after  Mr.  Tinker  told  me,  and  I  distinctly  understood  Mr.  Tinker 
to  tell  me  the  words  I  have  quoted,  and  these  I  repeated  to  Mr.  Stanton. 

I  have  also  read  that  the  President  recanted  his  determination  not  to 
interfere,  and  that  he  did  say  that  he  wanted  Mr.  Johnson ;  but  the  con 
current  testimony  of  the  President  himself,  of  Mr.  Tinker,  Mr.  Chandler, 
and  myself,  is  that  the  very  last  words  of  the  President  conclusively  show 
that  he  never  recanted  his  determination  not  to  interfere.  His  last  words 
about  the  nomination  meant  that  it  was  a  leap  in  the  dark,  and  unmistak 
ably  show  that  he  did  not  favor  Mr.  Johnson. 

Whatever  the  great  Secretary's  suspicions  of  General  Thomas's  loyalty 
to  the  government  were  based  upon  I  never  knew,  but  he  was  so  intensely 
and  tyrannically  set  against  persons  who  wanted  to  save  the  Constitution  at 
the  expense  of  the  government  and  the  country,  that  he  could  not  tolerate 
any  person  near  him  against  whom  the  suspicion  of  Southern  sympathy 
rested.  While  I  believe  that  the  work  performed  by  General  Thomas  of 
putting  the  blacks  of  the  South  in  the  Federal  army  was  distasteful  to 
him,  —  was  not  congenial  to  his  feelings,  —  he  did  this  work  faithfully 
and  did  a  great  work  for  the  army  and  for  the  nation.  He  put  in  the  army 
nearly  a  hundred  thousand  blacks  from  the  South,  officered  and  armed. 
But  how  strange  the  change.  When  Mr.  Stanton  wanted  to  retire  General 
Thomas,  President  Johnson  took  that  occasion  to  give  Mr.  Stanton  a 
marked  snubbing  in  the  Cabinet.  He  refused  to  retire  General  Thomas 
and  used  him  to  retire  Mr.  Stanton. 

In  the  President's  soliloquy  did  he  see  this  change  ? 

In  his  conclusion  of  the  choice  of  the  Baltimore  convention,  what  did  he 
mean  ? 

Referring  to  your  father's  renomination,  I  have  heard  Mr.  Stantcn  speak 
of  the  matter  as  not  being  a  question  of  the  expediency  of  a  change,  but 
that  it  was  more  a  question  of  safety  against  contingencies  that  no  man 
could  foresee. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

A.  E.  H.  JOHNSON. 

CHICAGO,  22  April,  1896. 

DEAR  GENERAL  HAMLIN,  —  I  am  indeed  sorry  that  I  cannot  answer  your 
note  in  a  way  to  satisfy  myself.  Up  to  almost  the  end  of  the  war  I  was  a 
student  at  Harvard,  and  I  saw  next  to  nothing  of  my  father  in  Washington, 
but  I  distinctly  recall  that  he,  in  speaking  of  your  father,  always  spoke  of 
him  as  a  friend  in  a  different  way  from  his  reference  to  many  others. 


SUPPLEMENT  615 

I  knew  your  father  then,  but  only  as  a  lad  could  know  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent.  I  had  grown  up  from  childhood  familiar  with  my  father's  political 
contests,  and  I  knew  of  course  that  your  father  was  a  veteran  in  public  life 
and  had  been  one  of  the  first  to  resist  the  encroachments  of  the  slave 
power,  and  that  his  whole  heart,  as  was  my  father's,  was  in  the  cause.  In 
after  years,  as  time  made  the  disparity  in  our  years  less,  I  came  to  know 
him  better  personally  and  to  have  a  great  affection  for  him.  In  his  plain, 
sturdy  uprightness  he  seemed  to  me  to  be  an  ideal  American,  and  there  is 
a  solidity  and  endurance  in  the  regard  in  which  he  is  held  by  all  that  must 
be  most  gratifying  to  you  as  his  son. 

Believe  me,  my  dear  friend,  yours  very  sincerely, 

ROBERT  T.  LINCOLN. 


MR.  HAMLIN'S   RECORD  AS  COLLECTOR  OF  THE   PORT  OF 

BOSTON 

JOHN  FISKE,  for  many  years  deputy  collector  of  the  Boston  custom 
house,  wrote  May  19,  1898  :  — 

"  His  term  of  office,  though  brief,  was  long  enough  to  demonstrate  the 
wisdom  of  the  administration  in  its  choice.  He  filled  the  collectorship  with 
dignity,  ease,  and  becoming  grace.  To  his  subordinates  he  was  always  affa 
ble,  considerate,  and  kind,  and  won  from  all  their  confidence  and  regard. 
He  was  quick  to  comprehend  and  ready  to  fathom  the  complications  and 
intricacies  of  the  revenue  system.  His  decisions  were,  as  a  rule,  sound, 
and  rarely  were  they  overruled  by  the  Treasury  Department.  He  had 
strong  firmness  of  character,  and  when  once  he  had  made  up  his  mind  on 
any  question  he  had  duly  considered,  no  blandishments  could  move  him. 

Of  all  his  qualities  of  head  and  heart,  that  which  always  impressed  me 
most  and  which  seemed  to  me  to  be  the  secret  of  his  great  success  all 
through  his  busy  life,  was  his  plain  common  sense,  —  a  gift  as  valuable  as 
it  is  rare.  No  wonder,  therefore,  that  at  the  close  of  his  brief  term  of  office 
he  carried  with  him  into  his  voluntary  retirement  the  respect  of  the  mercan 
tile  community,  and  the  esteem  and  good-will  of  his  subordinates,  who  pre 
sented  him  with  a  silver  service  as  a  token  of  their  regard.  The  policy  of 
the  administration  he  could  not  indorse,  and,  true  to  his  political  antece 
dents,  he  refused  to  give  it  acquiescence." 


FORMATION   OF   THE   REPUBLICAN   PARTY   IN   MAINE 

FOLLOWING  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  in  May,  1854,  earnest 
anti-slavery  men  gathered  almost  simultaneously  in  Maine,  Michigan,  Wis 
consin,  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  and  other  States,  to  form  a  constitutional 
anti-slavery  party.  The  fact  that  organization  was  effected  in  the  interest 
of  a  new  political  party  in  so  many  different  localities,  at  nearly  the  same 


616  SUPPLEMENT 

time,  evidences  the  truth  that  the  Republican  party  was  of  national  rather 
than  local  origin,  and  had  its  birthplace  in  the  Northern  heart.  The 
question  of  priority  of  organization  subsequently  interested  the  historians, 
and  their  opinion  is  that  the  first  important  body  of  anti-slavery  men  for 
mally  to  meet  as  Republicans  assembled  at  Jackson,  Mich.,  in  June,  1854. 
But  while  the  Republican  fathers  of  Maine  did  not  take  formal  action 
until  the  following  August,  it  is  doubtful  whether,  any  of  their  contem 
poraries  in  other  States  began  to  cooperate  earlier  to  form  an  anti-slavery 
organization,  or  come  together  at  the  final  moment  with  a  longer  existing 
purpose  and  better  record  of  practical  affiliation.  The  Republican  fathers 
of  Maine  are  therefore  entitled  to  a  page  in  the  history  of  their  party. 

The  men  who  gathered  at  Strong  on  August  7,  1854,  were  the  chosen 
representatives  of  anti-slavery  Democrats  and  Whigs,  Free-Soilers  and 
Independent  Democrats,  or  Prohibitionists,  who  had  been  almost  continu 
ously  harmonious  in  spirit  and  action  for  four  years.  Their  cooperation 
dated  from  the  senatorial  election  of  1850,  when  their  representatives  in 
the  legislature  reflected  Hannibal  Hamlin  to  the  United  States  Senate. 
The  temperance  issue  which  arose  the  next  year  strengthened  the  bonds 
between  them,  and  when  Governor  Hubbard  was  opposed  for  reelection  by 
the  pro-slavery  wing  of  his  party  for  signing  the  prohibitory  liquor  law,  the 
anti-slavery  elements  united  to  elect  him  in  the  legislature.  In  1852  the 
contest  over  the  liquor  law  led  to  a  further  breach  in  the  Democracy,  and 
a  bitter  struggle  took  place  in  a  convention  at  Paris  Hill,  Mr.  Hamlin's  old 
home,  over  the  question  of  renominating  or  retiring  two  senators  who  had 
helped  defeat  Governor  Hubbard.  Sidney  Perham,  John  J.  Perry,  Hiram 
Hubbard,  Alden  Chase,  James  Clark,  and  other  leaders  of  Oxford  County, 
as  a  result  of  this  convention,  began  organizing  the  anti-slavery  and  tem 
perance  people  of  their  county  in  a  practical  manner.  The  notorious  Demo 
cratic  state  convention  of  1853  hastened  the  work  of  consolidating  the 
opponents  of  slavery  and  rum. 

Thus  the  conditions  in  Maine  were  ripe  for  the  coming  of  a  new  party, 
when  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  repealed.  The  leaders  of  the  anti- 
slavery  wing  of  the  Democracy  took  the  initiative  by  assembling  at  Port 
land  on  June  7,  and  nominating  Anson  P.  Merrill,  for  governor,  on  an  anti- 
slavery  and  temperance  platform.  The  purpose  of  forming  a  new  party  was 
evidenced  in  the  speech  of  Charles  J.  Talbot,  the  presiding  officer,  and  Mr. 
Hamlin's  lieutenant  in  many  a  contest.  He  officially  invited  "  the  friends 
of  freedom  and  temperance  of  every  party  to  act  together  in  solid  column." 
The  next  step  after  the  convention  had  adjourned  was  to  unite  all  who 
thought  alike  on  the  issues  of  the  day.  It  was  decided  among  the  leaders 
of  Franklin  County  to  drop  old  party  names  and  merge  all  elements  into 
one  organization,  and  to  hold  a  convention  for  that  purpose.  To  this  end 
the  anti-slavery  Democratic,  Whig,  and  Independent  Democratic  elements 
of  Franklin  County  published  calls  in  the  "  Farmington  Chronicle  "  on 
July  27,  for  a  delegate  convention  at  Strong  on  the  same  day,  August  7. 
The  calls  were  signed  by  the  regular  committees  of  each  party,  and  one 
hundred  delegates  were  allowed  to  each  organization.  After  holding  their 


SUPPLEMENT  617 

conventions  the  delegates  selected  a  conference  committee,  which  brought 
them  in  joint  session. 

Organization  was  perfected  by  the  election  of  O.  G.  Currier  as  president ; 
B.  F.  Eastman  and  C.  G.  Morrill,  vice-presidents,  and  J.  S.  Swift,  Hannibal 
Belcher,  and  G.  W.  Whitney,  secretaries.  On  the  motion  of  Major  John  H. 
Willard,  of  Wilton,  it  was  moved  that  the  party  created  should  bear  the 
name  of  the  Republican  party.  Alvan  Currier  was  nominated  for  state 
senator,  Ephraim  Hackett,  Jr.,  county  commissioner,  and  Albert  G. 
Wheeler,  Jr.,  county  treasurer.  The  resolutions,  which  were  drawn  up  by 
Charles  J.  Talbot,  enunciated  the  principles  of  the  party.  Among  the  men 
present  were  C.  G.  Morrill,  J.  B.  Morrison,  W.  Coffin,  G.  W.  Whitney,  D.  H. 
Chandler,  Zebulon  York,  S.  P.  Morrill,  Byron  Farrar,  Harrison  Green,  John 
Titcomb,  Samuel  Wyman,  Albert  Pease,  John  Baker,  Nathaniel  Gammon, 
Warren  Bullen,  A.  H.  Weeks,  and  others  of  the  Free-Soil  party  ;  O.  L. 
Currier,  Hannibal  Belcher,  P.  M.  Stubbs,  Seward  Dill,  T.  G.  Jones,  Daniel 
Howes,  Theodore  Marston,  George  Gage,  J.  G.  Hoyt,  William  H.  Josselyn, 
P.  M.  Garcelon,  Hiram  Stoyell,  Jared  Smith,  Winthrop  Norton,  and  others 
of  the  Whig  party  ;  B.  F.  Eastman,  C.  J.  Talbot,  J.  D.  Prescott,  J.  W. 
Porter,  Sewell  Cram,  J.  S.  Swift,  Samuel  Daggett,  Francis  Lawrence,  Jona 
than  Russ,  Curtis  Smith,  A.  T.  Talbot,  Daniel  Hale,  N.  H.  Clarke,  A. 
Bolan,  A.  G.  Wheeler,  James  Atkinson,  Thomas  Kennedy,  and  other  Inde 
pendent  Democrats. 

The  thirtieth  anniversary  of  this  historic  occasion  was  duly  commemo 
rated  at  Strong,  when  speeches  were  made  by  James  G.  Elaine,  Nelson 
Dingley,  William  P.  Frye,  Frederick  Robie,  Julius  L.  Burrows,  of  Michigan, 
and  Hannibal  Hamlin. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES 


ABBOTT,  NEHEMIAH,  321. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  180,  297,  369,  370, 

373-375'  378,  382»  45  *• 
Adams,  James,  407. 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  35,  70,  79,  87,  88,  90, 

91,  no,  126-128,  137,  138,  423. 
Adams,  Stephen,  163. 
Aiken,  William,  281. 
Alfonso  XII.,  King  of  Spain,  562-565. 
Aldrich,  Charles,  479. 
Allen,   Elisha,   55,  57,   58,   61,   65,  67,  73- 

Allen,  James  C.,  272. 

Allen,  Newman  T.,  249. 

Allen,  Philip,  272. 

Allen,  Samuel  H.,  317. 

Allen,  William,  79,  183,  192. 

Allen,  Willis,  272. 

Alley,  John  B.,  411. 

Allison,  William  B.,  546. 

Ames,  Adelbert,  520. 

Andrew,  John  A.,  343,  357,  454,  484,  491, 

494,  497>  499- 
Andrews,  Alfred,  36. 
Andrews,  Charles,  67. 
Andrews,  Leonard,  344. 
Anderson,  Hugh  J.,  148,  150,  151,  176,  322, 

323- 

Anderson,  John,  240,  241,  247. 
Anderson,  Joseph  H.,  no. 
Anderson,  Robert,  379. 
Anthony,  Henry  B.,  520,  550. 
Appleton,  Frederick  H.,  581. 
Appleton,  John,  294,  295,  304. 
Appleton,  John,  Chief  Justice,  294,  510. 
Appleton,  John  F.,  431,  433. 
Arthur,  Chester  A.,  523,  557,  579,  582. 
Ashe,  John  B.,  no. 
Ashmun,  George,  122,  343,  351. 
Atchison,  David  R.,  78,  182,  283. 
Atherton,  Charles  G.,  78,  182. 

Babson,  John  W.,  468,  511,  548. 

Bache,  Alexander  D.,  220. 

Bachelder,  James  R.,  340. 

Badger,  George  E.,  182,  192,  221,  373. 

Bailey,  Gamaliel  D.,  275-277. 

Baker,  Edward  D.,  122,  414. 

Baldwin,  J.  D.,  375. 

Baldwin,  Roger  S.,  182,  186. 

Ball,  Edward,  273. 

Bangs,  I.  S.,  433~434- 

Banks,  Nathaniel  P.,  272,  281,  321,  344,345, 


Barden,  A.  F.,  408. 
Barker,  Noah,  66,  302. 


Barksdale,  William,  321. 

Barnard,  David  D.,  83. 

Barnes,  Henry,  151. 

Barney,  Hiram,  338. 

Barr,  Samuel  F.,  46,  472,  531. 

Barrett,  C.,  408. 

Bartlett,  Joseph,  235,  297. 

Bartlett,  Nehemiah,  245. 

Bartlett,  Sydney,  50. 

Barren,  Joseph,  340. 

Barton,  Asa,  35. 

Barton,  George,  408. 

Batchelder,  Campbell,  172. 

Bates,  D.  Homer,  482. 

Bates,  Edward,  334,  335,  343,  369. 

Bayard,  James  A.,  320,  325. 

Bayard,  R.  H.,  79. 

Bayard,  Thomas  F.,  520,  550. 

Bass,  Joseph  P.,  549. 

Bean,  Andrew  D.,  172. 

Beck,  James  B.,  546. 

Bell,  James,  281. 

Bell,  John,  182,  192,  193,  217,  221,  224,  271, 

320,  352. 

Bellamy,  Charles  G.,  150. 
Belcher,  Hiram,  67. 
Belcher,  Nathan,  273. 
Belcher,  Samuel,  245. 
Benjamin,  Judah  P.,  269,  310,  320,  381. 
Bennett,  Henry,  273. 
Benson,  John,  340. 
Benson,  Samuel  P.,  55,  272. 
Benton,  Charles  S.,  no. 
Benton,  Thomas  H.,  78,  112,  182,  184,  193, 

221,  222,  229,  250-257,  272,  326. 

Berry,  Hiram   G.,  General,  406,   445,  446, 

492. 

Berry,  Joseph,  151. 
Berry,  William,  408. 
Berrien,  John  McP.,  78,  182,  185,  206,  207, 

217,  221. 

Bigler,  William,  320. 
Bingham,  John  A.,  321,  346. 
Bingham,  Kinsley  S.,  411. 
Black,  Alvah,  340. 
Black,  E.  J.,  88,  89. 
Black,  Jeremiah,  380. 
Blaine,  James  G.,  230,  341,  462,  471,  485, 

487,  546,  549,  552-557,  579. 
Blair,  Austin,  474,  579,  580,  583. 
Blair,  Francis  P.,  Jr.,  3?!,  343,  373,  484. 
Blair,  Francis  P.,  Sr.,  373. 
Blair,  Montgomery,  369,  373. 
Blake,  Newell,  549. 
Blake,  Samuel  H.,  69,  566. 
Blanchard,  Ozias,  172,  248. 


620 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Bliss,  Charles  E.,  309. 

Bliss,  Hiram,  516. 

Boden,  Abner,  408. 

Bodfish,  C.  N.,  144,  145. 

Bodwell,  Joseph  R.,  514. 

Booth,  Junius  Brutus,  30,  571. 

Booth,  Newton,  547. 

Borland,  Solon,  221,  232. 

Botts,  John  Minor,  84,  87,  380. 

Boutelle,  Charles,  566. 

Boutelle,  Timothy,  66. 

Boutwell,  George  S.,  343. 

Bowman,  Hollis,  301,  383,  549. 

Boyd,  Linn,  79. 

Brackett,  Hiram  E.,  407. 

Bradley,  Levi,  69. 

Bradbury,  Bion,  149,  235,  238,  239,  240,  241, 

437,  458- 
Bradbury,  James  W.,  152,  192,  234,  243,  244, 

264,  295,  304,  310. 
Brainerd,  Cephas,  338. 
Breckinridge,  John  C.,  320,  352,  353,  391, 

397- 

Bridges,  John,  340. 
Bridges,  Samuel  A.,  272. 
Briggs,  James  A.,  338. 
Bright,  Jesse  D.,  182,  186,  272,  320. 
Brinkerhoff,  Jacob,  80,  81,  90,  no,  122,  155, 

156-158. 

Broderick,  David  C.,  320. 
Brodhead,  Richard,  271. 
Brooks,  Noah,  456,  470,  471,  482,  483,  485, 

487. 

Brooks,  Preston,  284. 
Brown,  Albert  G.,  320. 
Brown,  Aaron  V.,  in. 
Brown,  B.  Gratz.,  343. 
Brown,  Joseph  E.,  550. 
Brown,  Milton,  no. 
Brown,  Moses  W.,  340. 
Brown,  Samuel  P.,  496. 
Brown,  Stephen  P.,  55. 
Brown,  William  H.,  549. 
Bryant,  William  Cullen,  212,  249,  338,  347, 

372,  454- 
Buchanan,    James,  78,   179,    180,    278,   282, 

285,  291,  293-295,  300,  301,  303,  312,  317, 

318,  323,  324,  333,  336,  366,  376-380,  392. 
Buell,  Don  Carlos,  General,  418. 
Buffinton,  James  411. 
Bugg.  Robert  M.,  272. 
Buliers,  Franklin,  408. 
Burleigh,  Gilman  M.,  178. 
Burleigh,  Parker  P.,  317. 
Burlingame,  Anson,  310,  321,  358. 
Burnham,  Hiram,  General,  445. 
Burns,  Frederick,  408. 
Burt,  Amistead,  164. 
Busteed,  Richard  M.,  509. 
Butler,  Andrew  Pickens,  183,  184. 
Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  New  York,  180. 
Butler,   Benjamin    F.,    Massachusetts,   270, 

422,  423,  462,  478,  484,  486,  501. 
Butler,  William  O.,  101,  256,  257,  258. 

Calhoun,  John  C.,  77-79,  99,  100,  103,  104, 
108,  121,  122,  125,  137,  139,  140,  141,  168, 
179,  182,  184,  185,  193,  196,  198,  204,  210, 

212,  22O. 


Cameron,  Simon,  122,  183,  334,  369,  462, 
463,  470,  471,  473,  478,  481,  484. 

Campbell,  James,  261. 

Campbell,  John,  83. 

Canovas,  565. 

Carle,  James,  447,  448. 

Carlisle,  George  M.,  408. 

Carpenter,  Davis,  272. 

Carpenter,  Mltthew  H.,  520. 

Carroll,  Charles  H.,  97. 

Carter,  Henry,  37-40,  538. 

Cartter,  David  K.,  343,  345. 

Gary,  J.  E.,  no. 

Cary,  Shepard,  67,  149,  235,  241,  242. 

Cass,  Lewis,  121,  126,  179,  180,  181,  231, 
242,  250,  251,  257,  271,  379. 

Castellar,  565. 

Chadwick,  John  S.,  72,  236,  247,  301. 

Chamberlain,  Daniel,  245. 

Chamberlain,  Jefferson,  72. 

Chamberlain,  Joshua  L.,  406. 

Chandler,  Albert  B.,  482. 

Chandler,  Charles  P.,  316. 

Chandler,  Joseph  R.,  273. 

Chandler,  Zachariah,  297,  319,  324,  381,  397, 
423,  424,  463,  470,  504,  513,  520,  544,  546. 

Chaplin,  Daniel,  410. 

Chapman,  Calvin  S.,  408. 

Chapman,  Henry,  321. 

Chapman,  Hiram,  176. 

Chapman,  Robert  A.,  245. 

Chapman,  Winthrop,  340. 

Chappell,  A.  H.,  no. 

Chase,  Alexander,  408. 

Chase,  Daniel  D.,  477,  478. 

Chase,  George  M.,  243. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  180,  183,  232,  276,  279, 

334,  343.  349,  368>  369,  454- 
Chase,  Stephen  H.,  152,  153. 
Chesley,  Samuel  H.,  340. 
Choate,  Rufus,  51,  78,  231. 
Cilley,  Jonathan,  55,  58,  113,  114,  117. 
Claflin,  William,  465,  467,  475. 
Clark,  Daniel,  319. 
Clark,  Horace  F.,  321. 
Clark,  Hugh,  13. 
Clark,  James  W.,  340. 
Clark,  John,  13. 
Clark,  Jonas,  13. 
Clark,  Ruel  S.,  408. 
Clark,  Samuel,  272. 
Clarke,  John  H.,  279. 
Clay,  Cassius  M.,  344,  345. 
Clay,   Clement  C.,  Jr.,  209,  21  r,  223,  320, 

325- 
Clay,  Henry,  78,  86,  100,  101,  no,  113,  182, 

184,  198-200,  205,  220,  259,  262. 
Clayton,  John  M.,  121,  182,  186,  198. 
Cleveland,  Chauncy  F.,  465. 
Cleveland,  Grover,  487,  554. 
Clifford,   Nathan,   149,   176,   235,  241,  266, 

294,  295,  310. 
Clingman,  Thomas  L.,  79,  105,  no,  114,  115, 

119,201,  202,  321,  353,381. 
Cobb,  Howell,  79,  97,  no,  123,  137,  217,  310, 

355,  377- 

Coburn,  Abner,  66,  316,  437,  439. 
Cochran,  Wm.  S.,  245. 
Codman,  Randolph,  A.  L.,  62. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


621 


Cole,  Joseph  G.,  36,  37,  40,  41,  44,  67. 
Colfax,  Schuyler,  321,  346,  363,  369,  519,  557 
Collamer,  Jacob,  So,  90,  no,  319,  325,  334 


343,  45°,  45J>  454- 
)lton,  Walter,  215. 


Ca 

Conkling,  Roscoe,  411,  520,  521,  524,  525 

'    53i>  533.  544,  546,  547,  55°,  552,  555. 

Conner,  William,  55,  316. 

Conness,  John,  485. 

Connor,  Selden,  316. 

Conway,  Moncure  D.,  276. 

Conway,  William  A.,  30. 

Cony,  Samuel,  458. 

Cook,  Burton  C.,  470,  471,  473,  474,  477- 

Corwin,  Thomas,  73,  121,  182,  192,  276. 

Costello,  Frederick  H.,  578. 

Cox,  S.  S.,  321. 

Cram,  Rensselaer,  344. 

Crampton,  John,  Sir,  282. 

Crane,  E.  F.,  302. 

Crittenden,  John  J.,  182,  320,  383. 

Crocker,  Samuel  L.,  272. 

Crocker,  Thomas,  36. 

Crosby,  John  L.,  312. 

Crosby,  Josiah,  317. 

Crosby,  William  G.,  264,  266,  267. 

Cross,  William,  384. 

Crowell,  H.  P.,  408. 

Cullom,  William,  272. 

Gumming,  Thomas  W.,  272. 

Curry,  J.  L.  M.,  321. 

Curtin,  Andrew  G.,  343,  399,  400. 

Curtis,  Carlton  B.,  273. 

Curtis,  George  W.,  343,  458. 

Gushing,  Caleb,  261,  270,  282. 

Gushing,  J.  A.,  301. 

Cushman,  Henry  M.,  408. 

Cutting,  Francis  B.,  272. 

Dallas,  George,  100,  183. 

Dana,  Amasa,  no. 

Dana,  John  W.,  69,  177,  234,  237-239. 

Dana,  Richard  H.,  534. 

Dane,  Joseph,  69. 

Danforth,  Charles,  317. 

Davis,  Daniel  F.,  52,  566. 

Davis,  David,  389,  546. 

Davis,  Garrett,  84-86. 

Davis,  Gorham,  301. 

Davis,  H.  G.,  550. 

Davis,  Henry  Winter,  321,  344,  369,  450. 

Davis,  J.  C.  Bancroft,  532. 
Davis,   Jefferson,    122,    182,    184-186,   203, 
217,  221-224,  261,  269,  320,  325,  355,  377, 
378,  381,  397,  422,  529,  530,  586. 
Davis,  John,   121,  158,   182,   186,    192,   221, 

224-226,  232,  279. 
Davis,  John  G.,  272. 
Davis,  John  W.,  in,  123. 
Davis,  Richard  D.,  no. 
Davis,  Thomas,  272. 
Davis,  Woodbury,  315. 
Dawes,  Henry  L.,  320,  322,  323,  480,  484, 

546. 

Dawson,  John  L.,  272. 
Dawson,  Stephen  W.,  408. 
Day,  Warren,  408. 

Dayton,  William  L.,  79,  182,  192,  298,  312, 
343- 


Dean,  Gilbert,  273. 

Deane,  B.  S.,  301. 

Dearborn,  Samuel,  408. 

Deering,  Nathaniel  C.,  317,  479. 

De    Blois,   Thomas  A.,    41-43,   301,    316, 

3J7- 

Delesdernier,  William,  69. 
Dellet,  James,  1 10. 
Dennison,  William,  477. 
De  Witt,  Alexander,  272. 
Dick,  John,  273. 
Dickinson,   Daniel   S.,    122,    183,  186,  462, 

464,  466,  469,  471,  475-432,  485,  486. 
Dickinson,  Edward,  272. 
Dillingham,  Paul,  Jr.,  no,  122,  156. 
Disney,  David  T.,  272. 
Dix,  John  A.,  122,  180,  183,  186,  192,  380. 
Dixon,  Archibald,  262,  263,  268,  269. 
Dixon,  James,  319. 
Dodge,  Augustus  C.,  271. 
Dodge,  Henry,  General,  221,  224,  232. 
Dole,  Charles  E.,  301. 
Dole,  James  A.,  530. 
Dole,  William  B.,  530. 
Donaldson,  Thomas,  584,  585. 
Doolittle,  James  R.,  319. 
Douglas,   Stephen  A.,  80,  84,  85,  109-111, 

163,  182,  193,  231,  245,  250,  253,  261,  262, 

265,  269,  271,  273,  286,  320,  326,  330,  333, 

337-339.  352,  359,  392,  399- 
Douglass,  Frederick,  528. 
Dow,  Neal,  43,  248. 
Downs,  C.  L.,  408. 
Downs,  Solomon,  209. 
Drew,  Ira  T.,  172,  178. 
Dromgoole,  George  C.,  79,  88,  159,  160. 
Drum,  Augustus,  273. 
Drummond,  John  P.,  408. 
Drummond,  Josiah  H.,  311,  316,  334,  340, 

466,  475,  476,  488,  514,  515,  517.  518. 
Duncan,  Alexander,  93. 
Dunham,  Cyrus  L.,  272. 
Dunlap,  Robert  P.,  54,  61,  65, 102,  no,  295, 

304- 

Dunn,  David,  153,  178. 
Dunning,  James,  395,  406,  407. 
Dunning,  Solomon,  317. 
Durkee,  Charles,  319,  328. 

Eastman,  Benjamin  C.,  273. 

iastman,  Benjamin  F.t  316. 

Eastman,  Philip  A.,  69. 

2aton,  Joseph  W.,  69. 

Laton,  Luther  H.,  301. 

iaton,  William  W.,  546. 

ickert,  Thomas  T.,  482,  483. 

Lddy,  Norman,  272. 

Ldgerton,  Alfred  P.,  273. 

idmands,  J.  Wiley,  272. 

Edmunds,  George  F.,  520,  531,  546. 

idsall,  Joseph  E.,  161. 
t,  Thomas  D.,  272,  298. 

Allison,  Andrew,  273. 
~merson,  Aaron  P.,  69. 

Lmerson,  Levi,  407. 
~~mery,  Daniel,  66. 

Lmery,  George  F.,  16,  181,  236. 

Lmery,  Harvey,  408. 

Lmery,  Moses,  55. 


622 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Emery,  Stephen,  Judge,  16,  20,  36,  44,  313. 

Emery,  Stephen  A.,  16. 

Emmet,  Robert,  297. 

Engel,  William,  581. 

English,  Wm.  H.,  272,  321,  330. 

Etheridge,  Emerson,  272,  369,  373. 

Evans,  George,  179,  246,  247,  307. 

Evarts,  Wm.  M.,  343. 

Everett,  Charles  Carroll,  69. 

Everett,  Ebenezer,  69. 

Everett,  Edward,  231,  272. 

Everhart,  William,  273. 

Fan-field,  John,  66-68,  70,  73-75,  176,  177. 
Fairfield,  Lucius,  General,  560,  561,  579. 
Farley,  E.  Wilder,  272. 
Fay,  Frank  B.,  479,  480. 
Felch,  Alpheus,  221,  232. 
Fenton,  Reuben  E.,  273,  321,  520. 
Fessenden,  Francis,  General,  463. 
Fessenden,  Samuel,  41-43,  246-248,  420. 
Fessenden,  Samuel  C.,  363,  364,  389. 
Fessenden,  William  Pitt,  42,  69,  212,  244, 

279,  284,  301,  319,  335,  339,  383.  4i8,  419. 

464,  465,  480,  494,  496,  512. 
Ficklin,  Orlando  B.,  157. 
Field,  David  Dudley,  180,  338,  454,  465. 
Field,  George  W.,  Rev.,  47,  549. 
Fillmore,  Millard,  214,  259,  312. 
Fish,  Hamilton,  80,  98,  no,  232,  532. 
Fish,  Ira  D.,  340. 
Fiske,  John  O.,  148. 
Fitzpatrick,  Benjamin,  320,  324. 
Flagler,  Thomas  T.,  273. 
Flint,  William  R.,  172,  178. 
Florence,  Thomas  B.,  272. 
Floyd,  John  B.,  377. 
Fogg,  George  E.,  375. 
Foot,  Solomon,  80,  90,  no,  319,  346,  391. 
Foote,  Henry  S.,  183,  193. 
Forney,  John  W.,  491. 
Foster,  Henry  D.,  161. 
Foster,  Lafayette  S.,  319,  465. 
Foster,  Newell  A.,  340. 
Foster,  Paulinus  M.,  245. 
Foster,  Stephen  C.,  55,  69,  321. 
Foster,  Thomas,  408. 
Fox,  Charles  James,  124. 
Fox,  Samuel  W.,  176. 
Freeman,  Benjamin,  548. 
Freeman,  George  M.,  178. 
Fremont,  John   C.,  General,  297,  304,  312, 

331,  426,  552. 

French,  Benjamin  B.,  92,  102. 
French,  Eben,  301. 

French,  Ezra  B.,  67,  150,  177,  235,  238. 
French,  Hiram  B.,  407. 
Frye,  William,  Senator,  550. 
Fuller,  T.  J.  D,  234,  372. 
Furbish,  Albert  G.,  408. 

Gambetta,  558. 
Gamble,  James,  273. 
Gardner,  John,  151,  236. 
Garfield,  James  A.,  555-557. 
Garland,  A.  H.,  546. 
Garnsey,  F.  D.,  446,  447. 
Garvin,  William  S.,  161. 
Gerry,  Elbridge,  69. 


Giddings,  Joshua  R.,  79,  85,  98,  no,  114, 
119,  180,  248,  273,  276,  297,  343. 

Gilman,  Charles  J.,  321,  358. 

Gilmer,  John  A.,  369. 

Gladstone,  William  E.,  559,  577. 

Godwin,  Parke,  250. 

Gooch,  Daniel  W.,  411,  502. 

Goodell,  John,  245. 

Goodenow,  Rufus  K.,  36,  61,  358. 

Goodrich,  John  Z.,  272. 

Goodwin,  John  N.,  389. 

Gordon,  John  B.,  529,  530,  547. 

Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  146,  414,  454,  455,  487, 
519,  520,  522,  531,  533,  555. 

Graves,  C.  W.,  408. 

Graves,  William  J.,  113. 

Gray,  A.  K.  P.,  340. 

Greeley,  Horace,  338,  343,  440, 454,  465,  466, 

496,  5J5>  5l6- 
Green,  Byram,  no. 
Green,  Frederick  W.,  272. 
Greenleaf,  Simon,  42. 
Grevy,  President,  558. 
Grider,  Henry,  157. 
Groesbeck,  William  S.,  321. 
Grover,  Martin,  156. 
Grow,  Galusha,  273,  297,  321. 
Guthrie,  James,  261,  369,  371. 
Gwyn,  M.  William,  271,  333. 

Haines,  William  P.,  172,  175,  199,  235,  239, 

240,  247,  254,  264,  267. 
Hale,  Edward  Everett,  81. 
Hale,  Eugene,  514,  550. 
Hale,  Jacob,  178. 
Hale,  John  P.,  79,  90,  96,  98,  no,  156,  183- 

186,  192,  199,  217,  232,  242,  276,  279,  281, 

287,  297,  319,  325,  513. 
Hall,  R.  W,  408. 

Halleck,  Henry  W.,  General,  418,  419,  445. 
Hamblen,  Samuel,  433. 
Hamelin,  Sire  de  Balon,  2,  3,  5- 
Hamelin,  Sir  John,  4. 
Hamelin,  Lewis,  5. 
Hamilton,  Samuel  C.,  340. 
Hamlin,  Africa,  8-11,  29. 
Hamlin,  America,  8-n. 
Hamlin,  Asia,  8-10. 

Hamlin,  Augustus  Choate,  Dr.,  19,  350,  549. 
Hamlin,  Benjamin,  7. 
Hamlin,  Charles,  General,  46,  309,  392,  39?, 

416,  430,  441,  442,  452,  455,  485,  49-6,  497, 

583. 
Hamlin,  Cyrus,  Dr.,  8, 11-13,   16-19,  22-24, 

26,  27,  30,  31,  33. 

Hamlin,  Cyrus  (brother),  18,  19,  33. 
Hamlin,  Cyrus,  Rev.  Dr.,  18,  20,  21,  29. 
Hamlin,  Cyrus,  General,  430-434,  575. 
Hamlin,  Edward  S.,  no,  242. 
Hamlin,  Eleazer,  7-11. 
Hamlin,  Elijah  L.,  18,  19,  22-24,  26,  30,  33, 

172,  179,  236,  301,  302,  349,  358,  383,  533. 
Hamlin,  P^urope,  9. 
Hamlin,  Geoffrey,  4. 
Hamlin,  George,  46. 
Hamlin,  Gershom,  7. 
Hamlin,  Giles,  4,  5. 
Hamlin,  James,  4-^0. 
Hamlin,  Seth,  7. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


623 


Hammatt,  W.  C.,  69,  317,  340. 

Hammond,  James  H.,  320,  326-328. 

Hammond,  Moses,  36. 

Hammons,  David,  69. 

Hancock,  \V infield  S.,  General,  146,  455. 

Harback,  Philip,  408. 

Harlan,  Aaron,  273. 

Harlan,  Andrew  J.,  273. 

Harlan,  James,  319,  479. 

Harmon,  Josiah,  245. 

Harmon,  Wesley,  582. 

Harriman,  Willard  P.,  178. 

Harris,  Ira,  411. 

Harris,  Isham  G.,  546,  550. 

Harris,  Samuel,  Professor,  D.  D.,  551. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  581. 

Harrison,  Scott,  273. 

Harrison,  William  Henry,  72-74. 

Harvey,  John,  68. 

Haskin,  John  B.,  321. 

Hastings,  George,  273. 

Haven,  Solomon  G.,  273. 

Hay,  John,  470,  471,  473,  489. 

Hayes,  Lorin  D.,'245,  248. 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,   535-538,    540,    551, 

554- 

Hayford,  William  B.,  549. 
Hay  ward,  Charles,  549. 
Hayward,  J.  T.  K.,  301. 
Hazlewood,  F.  F.,  549. 
Hendricks,  Thomas  A.,  272,  457. 
Henley,  B.  T.,  548. 
Henley,  Thomas  J.,  161. 
Henn,  Bernhart,  272. 
Henry,  Joseph,  220. 
Herndon,  William  H.,  221,  472. 
Herrick,  Joshua,  no. 
Hersey,  Samuel  F.,  44,  235,  301,  342,  344, 

416,  514. 

Hersey,  William  R.,  245,  316. 
Hichborn,  N.  G.,  317. 
Hickman,  John,  321,  344. 
Hiester,  Isaac  E.,  273. 
Hill,  B.  H.,  550. 
Hilliard,  Henry  W.,  123-127. 
Hinks,  Sylvanus  T.,  151. 
Hoar,  E.  Rock  wood,  534. 
Hoar,  George  F.,  538,  546,  551. 
Hobbs,  Sheldon,  245. 
Hogan,  Michael,  408. 
Holden,  Alpheus  S.,  150. 
Holden,  Charles,  67,  172. 
Holmes,  Ezekiel,  55. 
Holmes,  Isaac  E.,  106. 
Holmes,  Job,  26,  33. 
Holmes,  John,  55-57. 
Holt,  Joseph,  380,  473,  48o>  488- 
Home,  Thomas  H.,  273. 
Hooker,  Joseph,  General,  146,  444,  445. 
Hooper,  Otis  F.,  408. 
Houghton,  Hannibal  Hamlin,  44. 
Houghton,  Samuel  H.,  317. 
Houston,  Samuel,  182,  193,  217,  221,   254, 

271,  286,  320. 
Howard,  Mark,  389. 
Howard,  O.  O.,  General,  406. 
Howe,  Timothy,  411,  531,  533. 
Hubbard,  Hiram,  22,  576. 
Hume,  Harrison,  585. 


Humphrey,  Samuel  F.,  533,  549. 
Humphreys,  A.  A.,  General,  455. 

Ingersoll,  Charles,  104,  105,  in. 
Ingersoll,  Colin  M.,  272. 
Ingersoll,  Robert  G.,  550. 
Iverson,  Alfred,  320. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  34,  35,  70,  121,  175,  368. 

Jackson,  Nathaniel  J.,  408. 

Jameson,  Charles  D.,  General,  409,  410,  437, 

T  439r'  t45' 
Jay,  John,  454. 

Jenkins,  Timothy,  156. 

Jennings,  Stephen  D.,  178. 

Jewett,  A.  G.,  72. 

Jewett,  George  K.,  301,  340. 

Jewett,  Reuel,  408. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  80,  321,  461,  462,465,  467- 

472,  474-479.  481-488,  494,  497~499»  5°4~ 

512,  516.  ' 

Johnson,  Cave,  80,  95,96,  in. 
Johnson,  Harvey  H.,  273. 
Johnson,  Ralph  C.,  62. 
Johnson,  Reverdy,  121,  182. 
Johnson,  William  T.,  235,  317. 
Johnston,  Joseph  E.,  General,  146,  455. 
Jones,  Daniel  T.,  273. 
Jones,  George  W.,  113,  271. 
Jones,  John  B.,  340. 
Jones,  J.  Glancey,  272. 
Jones,  John  W.,  83. 
Jones,  Leonard,  149. 
Jones,  Luther  N.,  340. 
Jordan,  Samuel,  245. 
Joy,  John  G.,  408. 
Joy,  Nathaniel  A.,  316. 
Judd,  N.  B.,  297. 
Julian,  George  W.,  276,  297,  415,  454,  486. 

Kean,  Edmund,  30. 

Kearny,  Philip,  146. 

Keen,  Elden,  408. 

Keitt,  Lawrence  M.,  321,  377. 

Kelley,  William  D.,  411. 

Kelly,  John,  322. 

Kennedy,  Henry,  340. 

Kent,  Edward,  65,  73,  74,  301,  383. 

Kimball,  Isaac  C.,  317. 

King,  Daniel  Putnam,  80,  8r,  90,  no,  145. 

King,  Horatio,  36,  37,  40,  380. 

King,  John  A.,  338. 

King,   Preston,  80,  81,  90,  97,  98,  no,  122, 

156,  159,  161,  165,  180,  276,  280,  319,  325, 

343,  345,  467-469,  476. 
King,  Thomas  Butler,  197,  209. 
King,  William,  54. 
King,  William  R.,  79,  104,  258. 
Kittredge,  George  W.,  272. 
Kittredge,  Sumner  F.,  447. 
Knowlton,  Ebenezer,  61,  151,  178,  245. 
Knox,  James,  273. 
Kurtz,  W.  H.,  272. 

Lamar,  Lucius  Q.  C.,  321,  529. 
Lancaster,  James,  245. 
Lane,  Henry  S.,  297,  343. 
Lane,  James  H.,  272. 
Latham,  Milton  S.,  272. 


624 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Lawrence,  George  W.,  344. 

Lee,  Robert,  General,  146,  439,  454,  455. 

Levensaler,  Atwood,  62,  151. 

Lewis,  Dixon  H.,  80. 

Libby,  Hall  J.,  408. 

Lilly,  Samuel,  272. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  61,  122,  184,  194,  195, 
336-341,  343,  344,  347,  349,  352>  354,  356, 
359-363'  365-399>  401,  402,  404,  406,  411- 
413,415,432,  437-445,  449~458>  461-468, 
470-480,  482-491,  494-499-  5°8>  5IQ- 

Lincoln,  Enoch,  16,  20,  26-28. 

Lincoln,  Levi,  26. 

Lindsay,  William  S.,  227. 

Lindsley,  William  D.,  273. 

Littlefield,  N.  S.,  62,  66. 

Livermore,  Elijah,  12. 

Livermore,  George,  13. 

Livermore,  Joseph  M.,  340. 

Livermore,  Samuel,  12. 

Logan,  John  A.,  411. 

Longfellow,  Henry  W.,  55. 

Longstreet,  James,  General,  146,  530. 

Loring,  Charles,  340. 

Lovejoy,  Elijah  P.,  147. 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  297,  321. 

Lowell,  Joshua,  62. 

Luce,  Alonzo  B.,  408. 

Lyman,  S.  R.,  69. 

Lyon,  Caleb,  273. 

Lyon,  William,  407. 

Macdonald,  Moses,  234,  272,  273,  304. 

Mace,  Daniel,  273. 

Madison,  James,  56. 

McClellan,   George   B.,  General,   146,  414, 

419,  430,  438,  439,  441-444,  452>  491- 
McClellan,  Hugh  D.,  151,  172,  178. 
McClelland,  Robert,  no,  261. 
McClernand,  John  A.,  159. 
McClure,  George  A.,  407. 
McConnell,  Felix  Grundy,  80,  86. 
McCrate,  John  D.,  177. 
McCulloch,  Hugh,  503,  538. 
McCulloch,  John,  273. 
McDougall,  James  A.,  272. 
McDowell,  Irvin,  General,  423. 
McGilvery,  William,  416. 
McLean,  John,  276,  297,  334,  343. 
McNair,  John,  272. 
McNeil,  John,  408. 
Mallory,  Stephen  R.,  226,  320. 
Mangum,  Willie  P.,  78,  182,  217,  221,  732. 
Manley,  Joseph  H.,  514. 
Mann,  Horace,  276. 
Marble,  Sebastian  S.,  574. 
Marcy,  William  L.,  179,  263. 
Marsh,  George  P.,  122. 
Marshall,  Humphrey,  321. 
Marshall,  Thomas  F.,  113,  114. 
Martin,  Washington  L.,  408. 
Mason,  Benjamin  F.,  150. 
Mason,  James  M.,  182,  320,  417. 
Mason,  John  Y.,  282. 
Matteson,  Orasamus,  273. 
Matthews,  Asa,  45. 
Matthews,  Charles,  30. 
Mayall,  Samuel,  172,  178,  272. 
Maynard,  Horace,  474-476. 


Meacham,  James,  272. 

Meade,  George  G.,  General,  445,  455,  456. 

Megquier,  Charles,  243. 

Melendy,  Peter,  478,  479. 

Merriam,  H.  C.,  General,  433,  434. 

Merriam,  William,  176. 

Merrill,  Charles  W.,  408. 

Middleswarth,  Ner,  273. 

Miller,  Smith,  272. 

Milliken,  Dennis  L.,  69,  306. 

Milliken,  Seth  L.,  317. 

Mills,  William  H.,  301. 

Millson,  John  S.,  272. 

Moor,  W.  B.  S.,  67,  149,  177,  235. 

Morgan,  Edwin  D.,  343. 

Morrill,  Anson  P.,  307,  574. 

Morrill,  Justin  S.,  320,  499. 

Morrill,  Lot  M.,  258,  302,  317,  364,  381,  411, 

480,  495,  496,  SH-S1^ 
Morrison,  George  W.,  272. 
Morrow,  Thomas  M.,  245. 
Morse,  Freeman  H.,  98,  no,  306,  321. 
Morse,  Isaac  E.,  117. 
Morse,  Llewellyn  J.,  492,  495. 
Morton,  Oliver  P.,  357,  521. 
Mosby,  John  S.,  530. 
Munroe,  Joseph  S.,  150,  316. 
Murray,  William,  273. 
Muzzey,  Franklin,  513.' 

Nickels,  John  B.,  340. 

Nickerson  J.,  301. 

Nicolay,  John  G.,  470,  471,  473,  489. 

Niles,  John  M.,  182,  186,  192. 

Noble,  David  A.,  273. 

Norcross,  Thomas  H.,  151. 

Norris,  Moses,  268,  271. 

North,  J.  W.,  389. 

Norton,  Jesse  O.,  273. 

Nott,  Charles  C.,  338. 

Noyes,  W.  Curtis,  465. 

Nye,  James  W.,  309,  338. 

Oaks,  Lyndon,  151,  316. 
O'Brien,  Edward,  69. 
Olds,  Edson  B.,  272. 
O'Mara,  John,  2d,  408. 
Orr,  James  L.,  321. 
Otis,  Albert  J.,  408. 

Packer,  Asa,  272. 

Page,  A.  L.,  408. 

Paine,  Henry  W.,  55. 

Palfrey,  John  G.,  276. 

Parker,  Samuel  W.,  273. 

Parks,  Gorham,  65. 

Parris,  Albion  K.,  16. 

Patten,  George  F.,  66. 

Patten,  James,  Jr.,  178. 

Payne,  William  W.,  98,  116. 

Payton,  James  H.,  no. 

Pearson,  William  T.,  515. 

Peck,  Ebenezer,  367. 

Peck,  Jared  V.,  273. 

Peckham,  Rufus  W.,  273. 

Pendleton,  George  H.,  321,  491. 

Pennington,  Alexander  C.  M.,  273. 

Perkins,  Bishop,  273. 

Perkins,  Daniel  M.,  340. 


INDEX  OF   NAMES 


625 


Perry,  John  J.,  69,  150-153,  172,  236,  358. 

Perry,  M.  C.,  Commodore,  230. 

Peters,  John  A.,  52,  514,  518,  523,  527. 

Peters,  Patrick,  408. 

Pettit,  John,  268-271. 

Phelps,  S.  S.,  186. 

Phillips,  George  H.,  408. 

Phillips,  Stephen  H.,  465. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  454,  508. 

Pickard,  Amos,  245,  340,  512. 

Pickering,  George  W.,  383. 

Pierce,  Franklin,  255,  261-265,  269,  271-274, 

279,  281-283,  317. 
Pierce,  Josiah,  55. 
A., 


514. 


Pike,  Frederick 

Pike,  Shepherd,  496. 

Pillsbury,  John  H.,  150. 

Plaisted,  Harris  M.,  508. 

Pleasanton,  A.,  General,  203. 

Polk,  James  K.,  100-104,  in,  121,  126,  140, 

149,  1  60,  175,  179,  184,  242. 
Polk,  Trusten,  320. 
Porter,  Rufus,  151. 
Potter,  John  Fox,  120,  321. 
Pratt,  James  T.,  273. 
Pratt,  O.  W.,  408. 
Prescott,  Reuben  S.,  515. 
Prince,  Job,  66,  67. 
Prince,  Noah,  245. 
Pringle,  Benjamin,  273. 
Pryor,  Roger  A.,  120,  321. 
Pugh,  George  E.,  320,  325. 
Pullen,  Frank  D.,  446. 
Purdy,  S.  M.,  up. 
Purrington,  Tobias,  55. 

Quimby,  Robert,  408. 
Quimby,  H.  C.,  499. 

Ramsey,  Alexander,  80,  98,  161,  520. 

Randall,  Benjamin,  66. 

Randolph,  John,  56. 

Rantoul,  Robert,  276. 

Rathbun,  George,  80,  81,  86,  87,  90,  98,  no, 

144,  156,  159,  161. 
Ravvson,  Lyman,  67. 
Ray,  Joshua,  407. 
Raymond,  Henry  J.,  487. 
Raynor,  Kenneth,  80,  116,  118,  369,  380. 
Read,  John  Meredeth,  335,  336. 
Reding,  John  R.,  no. 
Reddington,  Alfred,  61,  150,  177. 
Reed,  Isaac,  67,  69,  307. 
Reed,  Thomas  B.,  42,  306,  331,  364,  514,  546. 
Reeder,  Andrew  H.,  283,  344,  345. 
Reid,  Whitelaw,  466,  584. 
Revels,  Hiram  R.,  521. 
Rhea,  Benjamin,  245. 
Rhett,  Barnwell  R.,  79,  in,   126,  127,  137, 

164,  354-356,  377,  381- 
Rice,  Alexander  H.,  411. 
Rice,  John  H.,  389. 
Rice,  R.  D.,  235,  244,  254. 
Rich,  Raymond  S.,  340. 
Rich,  Reuben  A.,  340. 
Richardson,  Henry,  176,  301. 
Richardson,  Lyman  E.,  408. 
Richardson,  William  A.,  272. 
Riley,  Philip,  408. 


Ritchey,  Thomas,  273. 

Ritchie,  David,  273. 

Rives,  William  C.,  79. 

Roach,  Henry,  408. 

Roberts,  Charles  W.,  410. 

Robbins,  John  W.,  272. 

Robinson,  A.  M.,  169,  254,   280,  282,  283, 

5!3»  51S- 

Robinson,  C.  R.,  408. 
Robinson,  Thomas,  66. 
Rogers,  Cyrus,  408. 
Rogers,  Daniel,  245. 
Rogers,  Sion  H.,  272. 
Rounds,  William  H.,  340. 
Rowe,  Peter,  272. 
Ruggles,  Hiram,  151,  517. 
Russ,  Albert  S.,  408. 
Russell,  Joseph,  161. 
Russell,  Samuel,  273. 

Sabin,  Alvah,  272. 

Sage,  Russell,  273. 

Sanborn,  A.,  102,  549. 

Sanborn,  Abiathar,  408. 

Sanford,  William,  301. 

Sapp,  William  R.,  273. 

Sargent,  Daniel,  410. 

Sargent,  Wyer  G.,  245,  316. 

Sawtelle,  Cullen,  122. 

Sawyer,  Frank  L.,  408. 

Sawyer,  Frederick  A.,  520. 

Saxton,  Rufus,  General,  434,  435. 

Scammon,  Eliakim,  55. 

Scammon,  J   F.,  122. 

Scammon,  J.  Young,  62. 

Schenck,  Robert  C.,  So,  84-86,  90,  98,  no, 

388. 

Schurz,  Carl,  343,  531,  532. 
Scott,  Winfield,  General,  68,   146,  378,  379, 

414. 

Scovel,  James  M.,  463. 
Seddon,  James  A.,  122. 
Senter,  William  T.,  no. 
Severance,  Luther,  55,  no. 
Sewall,  George  P.,  178,  235,  239,  240,  245. 
Sewall,  William  D.,  55. 
Seward,  William  H.,  199,  232,  284,  309,  319, 

331-332,  339-350,  368-374,  390,  397,  424, 
450-452,  464-466,  469-470,  476,  485,  505. 

Seymour,  David  L.,  no. 

Seymour,  Horatio,  457,  460. 

Shannon,  Wilson,  272. 

Shellabarger,  Samuel,  411. 

Shepherd,  Alexander  R.,  525,  526. 

Shepley,  Ether,  49,  70. 

Shepley,  George  F.,  148,  235,  237,  243,  294, 

295,  3IO»  519; 

Sheridan,  Philip,  General,  491,  494. 
Sherman,  John,  320,  520. 
Sherman,  William  T.,  General,  320. 
Shields,  James,  271. 
Shirley,  George  H.,  236,  306,  523. 
Short,  John,  301. 

Sickles,  Daniel  E.,  General,  321,  472. 
Simmons,  George  A.,  273. 
Simmons,  James  F.,  319. 
Simpson,  Amos  B.,  340. 
Sinclair,  Joseph  P.,  340. 
Skelton,  Charles,  273. 


626 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Skillin,  Randall,  150. 

Slidell,  John,  79,  85,  no,  320,  381. 

Small,  T.  J.,  340. 

Smith,  Asa,  150. 

Smith,  Caleb  B.,  80, 90, 98,  no,  193,  297,  369. 

Smith,  Gerrit,  273. 

Smith,  S.  Wilson,  408. 

Smith,  Truman,  279,  388. 

Snow,  A.  J.,  408. 

Soule,  Pierre,  224,  230,  282. 

Spinney,  Ephraim  C.,  340. 

Spofford,  Charles  A.,  316. 

Stackpole,  Charles,  245. 

Stanley,  George  W.,  235. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  380,  415,  432,  433,  435, 

448,  471,  498. 
Stephens,  Alexander   H.,  79,  80,  no,  122, 

192,  201-203,  380. 
Stetson,  Charles,  44. 
Stetson,  Everett  W.,  340. 
Stetson,  Isaiah,  383,  513. 
Stevens,  Hestor  L.,  273. 
Stevens,  Isaac  L,  321. 
Stevens,  John  L.,  514. 
Stevens,  Thaddeus,  410,  450,  472,  475,  491. 
Stirling,  E.  L.,  408. 
Stockton,  R.  H.,  215. 
Stone,  Charles  P.,  414. 
Stone,  William  M.,  477-479. 
Stranahan,  James  S.,  475,  476. 
Stratton,  Nathan  T.,  273. 
Straub,  Christian  M.,  272. 
Strickland,  Philo  A.,  515. 
Strickland,  S.  P.,  301,  317. 
Stuart,  Charles  E.,  271. 
Stuart,  David,  272. 
Sullivan,  George  S.,  408.  i 

Sumner,  Charles,   216,   231,  232,  250,   276, 

278-280,  284,  285,  319,  349,  368,  423,  424, 

461,464-467,  470,480,  488,  498,  500-502, 

504,  520,  530,  531. 
Swazey,  J.  N.,  302,  341. 

Talbot,  Charles  J.,  235,  249,  306,  466,  514, 

564.     Also,  see  Supplement. 
Talbot,  John  C.,  55,  304. 
Taney,  Roger,  318,  392. 
Tappan,  Benjamin,  79. 
Taylor,  John  J.,  272. 
Taylor,  Nathaniel  G.,  272. 
Taylor,  Thomas  A.,  301. 
Taylor,  Zachary,  65,  78,  146,  180,  196-203, 

209,  214. 

Thayer,  Eli,  321,  510. 
Thayer,  Ziba,  178. 
Thissell,  John,  178,  340. 
Thorn,  George  T.,  336. 
Thomas,  Benjamin  B.,  151,  172,  178,  340. 
Thomas,  Henry  G.,  433,  434,  467. 
Thomasson,  William  P.,  95,  157. 
Thompson,  James,  161. 
Thompson,  John  R.,  271. 
Thompson,  Joseph  W.,  340. 
Thurman,  Allen  G.,  122,  520,  524,  548. 
Thurston,  Benjamin  B.,  272. 
Thurston,  Elisha  M.,  150. 
Thurston,  John  R.,  408. 
Tibbetts,  Daniel,  Jr.,  408. 
Tilton,  Theodore,  466,  476. 


Tinker,  Charles  A.,  482,  483. 

Tobin,  John,  178. 

Tolman,  Jeremiah,  245  317. 

Tolman,  Phineas,  340. 

Tompkins,  Daniel  D.,  331. 

Toombs,  Robert,  122,  123,  127, 128,  201,  203, 

269,  320,  325,  381. 
Toray,  John,  408. 
Toucey,  Isaac,  272. 
Tracy,  Andrew,  272. 
Trafton,  Samuel,  69. 
Treat,  Adams,  178. 
Tripp,  William,  178. 
Trout,  Michael  C.,  273. 
True,  Jabez,  301,  340. 
Trumbull,  Lyman,  319,  325,  371-373.  425, 

45°»  45 T- 

Tuck,  Amos,  374. 
Tuell,  Benjamin  Y.,  340. 
Tweed,  William  M.,  272,  487. 
Twitchellj  Ginery,  480. 
Tyler,  John,  56,  73-75,  99,  103,  108,  in,  112, 

140,  242,  382. 

Ullmann,  Daniel,  433. 
Upham,  Charles  W.,  272. 
Upham,  William,  232,  279. 
Upshur,  Abel  P.,  99. 

Vail,  George,  272. 

Valentine,  Leander,  172,  176,  235,  514. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  65,  72,  73,  100,  121,  180, 

181,  242,  368. 
Vance,  Joseph,  86. 
Varney,  George,  General,  410. 
Varney,  John,  515. 
Veazie,  Samuel,  62. 

Wade,  Benjamin  F.,  231,  232,  279,  287,  297, 

319,  346,  349,  450,  504,  513. 
Wade,  Edward,  273. 
Wadsworth,  James  S.,  General,  456. 
Walbridge,  Hiram,  272,  455. 
Walker,  Robert  J.,  78,  79,  104. 
Walker,  William  A.,  272. 
Wallack,  L.,  30. 
W7 alley,  Roscoe  G.,  408. 
Walsh,  Michael,  272. 
Walton,  Charles  W.,  3? 
Ward,  J.  H.  Hobart,    ' 
Warren,  Henry,  407. 
Washburn,  Cadwallader,  14,  320. 
Washburn,  Charles,  14. 
Washburn,  Horace  B.,  408. 
Washburn,  Israel,   14,    272,   320,  357,   358, 

363,  364,  408,  414,  5 1 4. 
Washburn,  \Villiam  D.,  14. 
Washburne,  Elihu  B.,  14,  273,  320,  339,  357, 

463- 

Wasson,  Samuel,  316. 
Waterman,  A.  J.,  467. 
Webb,  James  Watson,  113,  388,  544. 
Webber,  Frederick,  340. 
Webster,  Daniel,  15,  78,  121,  137,  161,  182- 

184,  193,  196,  199,  213,  214,  220,  231,  250, 

337,  522- 

Webster,  Ebenezer,  66. 
Weed,  Thurlow,  202,  203,  343,  369,  372,466, 

469,  470,  481,  485,  495. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


627 


Welles,  Gideon,  369-371,  373-375>  415-417, 

486,  487- 

Wells,  Daniel,  273. 
Wentworth,  John,  90,  273. 
Wentworth,  Tappan,  272. 
West,  John,  66,  496. 
Westbrook,  Theodoric  R.,  272. 
Wheaton,  Horace,  no. 
Wheeler,  John,  273. 

Wheeler,  William  A.,  411,  464,  465,  535. 
Whitcomb,  H.  V.,  408. 
White,  Daniel,  410. 
White,  John,  83,  86,  87. 
White,  Nathan,  172,  178. 
Whitney,  Asa,  218. 
Whitney,  C.  N.,  408. 
Wigfall,  Lewis,  391,  397. 
Wiggin,  Benjamin,  149,  235. 
Willey,  B.  F.,  408. 
Williams,  Henry,  77,  no. 
Williams,  Jared  W.,  271. 
Williams,  John,  301. 
Williams,  Joseph  H.,  316. 
Williams,  Timothy,  340. 
Willis,  H.  S.,  408. 
Wilmot,  David,  122,  155-162,  276,  281,  336.  j 


Wilson,  Henry,  276,  297,  319,  325,  327,  450 

467,  470,  471,  501,  557. 
Windom,  William,  411,  520,  524,  555. 
Wlngate,  John,  350. 
Winthrop,  Robert  C.,  79,  84. 
Wise,  Henry  A.,  79,  99,  113,  114. 
Wiswell,  Samuel,  340. 
Witte,  William  W.,  272. 
Wood,  Alan,  557. 
Wood,  John  N.,  364. 
WToodbury,  Charles  A.,  408. 
Woodbury,  Charles  Levi,  258,  323. 
Woodbury,  Enoch  W.,  316. 
Woodbury,  Levi,  78,  179,  180,  242,  252-255, 

257- 

Woodford,  Stewart  L.,  General,  358. 
Woodman,  Richard  M.,  340. 
Woodman,  Theodore  C.,  317. 
Woodruff,  Thomas  M.,  161. 
Worcester,  Galen,  408. 

Yancey,  William  L.,  97,  105,  106,  no,  nq, 

127,  137,  381. 
Yates,  Richard,  273. 
York,  George,  408. 
Yulee,  David  L.,  182,  320. 


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